sort — Mr. Lattimore had said that some of his research students,
students Avorking under him at Johns Hopkins, were working on his-
torical material concerning the Chinese Communist Party, ancl he won-
dered if I had any recent-source materials, Chinese publications.

I had brought back with he from China a pei-sonal copy of a volume
of speeches and papers of Mao Tse-tung, and on this occasion I took
this book with me to the Lattimore's and left it with Mr. Lattimore.

We had some discussion of the book. I pointed out the speeches
which I thought of interest. I had read a good many of them in
Chinese.

Mr. Morgan. That was not a Government document?

Mr. Seraice. No, sir; that was simply a personal copy of a volume,
in Cliinese, of speeches and papers of Mao Tse-tung.

Mr. Morgan-. Am I to understand from your testimony, then, Mr.
Service, that there were no other documents considered, apart from the
galley proof of Lieutenant Roth's book?

Mr. Service. I have no recollection of any other papers, myself,
at all.

Mr. Morgan. AYould you have known whether Lieutenant Roth or
Mr. Lattimore possibly did or did not have such papers and
documents?

Mr. Service. I think I would have, because I do not remember them
going off by themselves for any length of time. The discussion was
around the living room there after supper.

Mr. Morgan. Leaving that for the moment, that was on June 2 ; on
June 6. at the time of your arrest, I believe you were handcuffed, so
it has been stated, to INIr. Larsen ; isn't that right?

Mr. Service. My recollection is that we were taken in separate cars
with, I supjiose, the Ignited States marshal on each side of us; I do
not recall — I couldn't be positive.

Mr. ]MoRGAN. Well, at any point did you have a conversation with
Mr. Larsen, either immediately following your arrest or at the time
you appeared before the United States Commissioner (

Mr. SERV^CE. When I was taken to the office of the United States
Commissioner, Mr. Larsen was already there and I was told to sit in
a cluiir along one wall, right next to Mr. Larsen.

Mr. Morgan. AVas tliere any conversation?

Mr. Ser\t[ce. Mr. Larsen made several attempts to talk to me, under
his breath, in Chinese, asking me what it was all about, expressing
his own anger, mystification: and after this went on for some time, I
didn't reply, I finally said to him — there w^ere people standing all
around us, photographers, newspapermen, and so forth ; and I finally
said to him, "Please speak English." because I did not think there
was any point in our carrying on a conversation there in Chinese. My
recollection is, tlie only thing that I said to him was, "Speak English."

Mr. ^foRGAN. Do you know Avhether you told him to "shut up"?

Mr. Service. I did not tell him to shut up. As far as I remember,
it was simply to please s])eak English.

]Mr. ^Morgan. Mr. Chairman, I don't want to monopolize the ques-
tioning this afternoon. I may have some other questions of Mr. Serv-
ice. We haxe obtained for Mr. ]\Iorris, from the Justice Department,



1324 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION

a number of documents that appear to have some pertinence here,
and you may like to have him go into those now.

Senator Ttuings. Senator Lodge has a question or two. Then we
will turn the questioning over to Mr. Morris.

Senator Lodge. Do you remember, Mr. Service, when it was that
you first heard of the Amerasia magazine ?

Mr. Service. Well, I must have heard of it very soon after it was
established, which I think was in 1937.

As an officer whose business was the Far East, particularly report-
ing on the Far East, I was, naturally, interested in reading, keeping-
in touch with what other people were saying and writing, and I sub-
scribed for either 1 or 2 years, I think, to Amerasia, in that very
early period. It may have been the year 1938-39, I am not sure.

Senator Lodge. You were really, then, quite considerably interested
in it; is that right?

Mr. Service. I was interested enough in it at that time to subscribe
to it. The character of it in those days, of course, was very different
from what it eventually became.

Senator Lodge. You regarded it as a reputable publication; did
you ?

Mr. Service. Yes. You are speaking of the early period; aren't
you, sir?

Senator Lodge. Well, speaking of 1945, you regarded it as a repu-
table publication ?

Mr. Service. I was not in close touch with it in 1945. I did not
know in detail, for instance, that all of the other editorial board had
had left it and it had become just Mr. Jaffe and Miss Mitchell. In
the early days, the editorial board contained quite a large number of
people.

Senator Lodge. What did you think its circulation was in 1945 ?

Mr. Service. I don't believe that I knew. I certainly didn't expect
that the magazine had any large circulation. I doubt if it ever had a
large circulation.

Senator Lodge. Did you consider that it was an important maga-
zine ?

Mr. Service. Well, it is hard to know just what you mean by "im-
portant," sir. It is a magazine that was read by, I imagine, practically
everybody who was particularly interested in the Far East.

Senator Lodge. Did you think it was important, using your own
definition of the word "important"?

Mr. Service. No, sir; I wouldn't say it was important.

Senator Lodge. You didn't think it was important ?

Mr. Service. No.

Senator Lodtje. Although you didn't think it was important, you
went to this rather considerable trouble to give these documents and
this information to the editor of it, didn't you?

Mr. Service. I wouldn't say that I went to a great deal of trouble.

Senator Lodge. You went to more trouble than Mr. Jaffe did, didn't
you ?

Mr. Service. I suppose so.

Senator Lodge. You went to him all the time ?

Mr. Service. Generally, it was in connection with a meal, which is
quite a normal way of seeing someone. I was living here in Washing-
ton alone, without my family. If I had not accepted his invitation,



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1325

shall we sa}-, to lunch I would have eaten by myself, in some cafeteria
or some lunch place downtown. It was not, as I mentioned before,
goinn; out of my way a great deal. I spent considerable time in talking
to writers, other writers, people who were interested in the Far East.

Senator Lodge. Well, I am familiar with the practice which exists
in the State Department, and in Washington generally of, what you
might say, leaking information to the members of the press, it is a
legitimate thing to do; but 1 am still a little bit puzzled why, having
made up your mind that you wanted to get this background informa-
tion to the press and having made up your mind that you were willing
to put this time and trouble into it, you didn't go to a newspaperman
who was more influential and who could do more for the viewpoint
that you were interested — that is what I can't get through my head.

Mr. Service. May I differ. Senator Lodge, on one implication which,
you made there, that I had made up my mind to get this material to
the press. If writers, specialists, people who had a real interest,
sought me out, I was willing to help give them background, so far as
appropriate.

Now, I have talked to, again without seeking them out, to repre-
sentatives of Xewsweek, Time magazine, I think, the United States
News Report — is tliat it ?

Senator Lodge. United States News Report.

Mr. Service. I have forgotten the exact title.

Senator Lodge. Did you call on them ?

Mr. SER\acE. No, sir ; sometimes they came to me in my office ; some-
times we met at their apartment by their invitation, for a meal. I
talked to a great many people. I can't recall all of them now.

Senator Lodge. I would like to get a little information, for the
record, on your biography, Mr. Service. It is not in the record, so
far as I know. Would you give me a little biographical sketch of
Yourself — where you were born, where you went to school, and so
forth?

Mr. Service. I assume you want it very briefly.

I was born on August 3, 1909, in Chengtu, in the extreme far west
of China. My father was a YMCA secretary and had been there in
that city since 1905, organizing and setting up the work of the YMCA
in west China.

My parents brought me to the United States for the first time in
1915, when I was about six. That was their first furlough after my
birth. My father was assigned to spend a year with the YMCA in
Cleveland, Ohio, and I attended first grade in a public school in one
of the Cleveland suburljs.

We returned to China in 191G and went back to Chengtu. My par-
ents were very anxious that I have an American education and up-
bringing, so far as possible, and my mother taught me at home, by a
home-study course which is very well known to people who have to
live abroad, the Calvert School which, I believe, is located in Balti-
more.

I completed tlie Calvert course and was ready for high school when
I was 11, and my mother could not have feasibly carried me any fur-
ther. Furthermore, Chengtu was a very isolated, small, remote for-
eign community, where I had little opportunity to grow up with other
American children, or to learn the things that most American children
learn outside of school.



1326 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION

So I was sent, at 11, to a boarding school in Sliangliai, to the Shang-
hai-American School. This was an institution of considerable size,
about 400 pupils, supported by the American Mission Boards in China,
and by American business hrms, for xVmerican children, almost exclu-
sively for American children. I spent the next 4 years there as a
boarding pupil.

My parents returned to the United States, on furlough, in 1924, and
during tlie ensuing year I had my senior year of high school, at Berk-
eley, in Berkeley, Calif. I graduated from high school at the age of
15 and was determined, myself, that I did not wish to proceed at once
to college. I was so much younger than the rest of my class, and so
much smaller, that I think you can appreciate my feelings.

So I returned with my family to Shanghai, where they were, by
that time, stationed, and worked for about a year and a half as a drafts-
man in an archit'ect's office.

In November 1926, 1 started for the United States by way of south-
east Asia, India, and Europe, traveling alone. My father, in effect,
bought my steamship ticket and gave me a book of traveler's cheques,
and as a boy of 17 I was on my own. I think I got the most out of my
funds. I bicycled thi-ough England, hiked through the Italian lake
section, and generally had a wonderful time; which brought me up to
the time for entry into college, in the fall of 1027.

I attended Oberlin College, at Oberlin, Ohio, took a very general
course. I was not sure, myself, what I wanted to do; took a good deal
of history, political science, English, but ended up with a major in
economics.

However, during my senior year I took a course in the history of
art, thought it might interest me as a career, that I would be in-
terested in teaching it. I, therefore, spent a year in graduate study
in the history of art. However, it was not successful. I became
interested in Foreign Service.

In September 1932 I took the Foreign Service examinations, with
almost no preparation, no formal ]ireparation. I passed those written
examinations; came to Washington and passed the oral examinations.
In January 1933, that was. But I learned that, because of the de-
pression and the retrenchment, there was very little opportunity for
early appointment to the Foreign Service.

So I went out to China, worked for awhile in the American Bank,
and in the meantime applied for a clerkship in an American consulate
in China that might become vacant. One did become vacant shortly
thereafter, in Kunming, which at that time was a very small post in
southwest China — later on became famous as the China end of the
hump.

I served there as a clerk for a little over 2 years. Finally, in Oc-
tober 1935, the first appointments were made to the classified Foreign
Service, and I was made a Foreign Service officer of the lowest
grade.

Senator LonoE. Have you got any brothers or sistei-s ?

Mr. Service. Yes, sir; I have two brothers. I am the oldest. I
have one younger brother, who is a forester in California. I have a
still younger brother wdio is a Foreign Service officer now stationed in
Moscow.

Senator Lodge. You have tw^o brothers ?

Mr. Service. Yes.



STATE DEPARTAIEXT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1327

Senator LonoE. Are your father and mother still living;?

Mr. Service. Only my mother is livino-. She is living in southern
California.

Senator Lodge. Thank yon.

Senator Tydings. (to ahead, Mv. ^lorris.

]Mr. MoRius. Mv. Service, I liave here some of the documents that
were seized, at least copies of documents seized at the time of the
Amerasia arrests. This particular j^roup purports to be a collection
of some of your writings. I have tried to take a sample cross section.
I will read a few of them at the outset. If you think I have made a
proper selection, you will advise me so.

^Ir. Service. What is it that you wish me to identify?

Mr. Morris. First, I want to read them. Then I will pass them over
to you and you will affirm that they are your writings; and I want
to ask you some questions about the thoughts that you express therein.

I have here rejiort Xo. M. You wrote this from the United States
Army Observer Section. It is dated September 28, 1944. You write
[reading] :

Politically, any orientation wliich the Chinese Communists may once have
had toward tlie Soviet Union seems to be thing of the past. The Commnnists
have worked to nialve their tliinking and program realistically Chinese, and
they are carrying out democratic policies wliich they expect the United States
to approve and sympathetically support.

Economically, the Chinese Communists seek the rapid development and indus-
trialization of China for the primary objective of raising the economic level of
the people. They recognize that under present conditions in China, this must be
accomplished through capitalism with lai'ge-scale foreign assistance. They
believe that the United States, rather than the Soviet Union, will be the only
country able to give this economic assistance and realize that for reasons of
efficiency, as well as to attract American investment, it will be wise to give
this American participation great freedom.

Mr. Service. I believe I wrote that, sir.

Mr. Morris. I will read a few more, Mr. Service [reading] :

This apparent strong orientation of the Chinese Communists toward the United
States may be somewhat contrary to general expectation — which may be too
ready to empliasize the Communist name of the party. Apart from what may
be called the jtractical considerations that the United States will be the strongest
power in the Pacific area and America the country best able to give economic
assistance to China, it is also based on the strong Communist conviction that
C'hina cannot remain divided. * * *

I think that is a sample of that report, I will pass it over to you,
that you may see it to determine if that is correct.

Senator Tydixgs. Do you want to ask him questions about each
one, Mr. Morris ?

Mr. Morris. I think it would be quicker if I brought in a few of
them together.

Senator Tydixgs. All right.

Mr. ]MoRRis. Again. I am reading from Report Xo. 20 — — •

Senator Tydixgs. Give the date of it.

]Mr. Morris. The date of this one, Mr. Service, is September 3, 1944
[reading] :

The giving of any American military support to the Communists, whether
directly or by some indirect means as mentioned above, would be certain to have
an important effect on the political situation in China. The Communist army
is as much a political as a military force. These dual characteristics cannot be
separated. And this political nature cannot be taken away — even by incorpora-



1328 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION

tion of the Communist forces into the National Army. Our support would be
generally interpreted as an indication of American approval. And by improving
the military effectiveness of the Communist forces, it would increase their claim-
able share in winning the war. Both of tliese faetoi-s would raise the prestige
of the Communist Party and ultimately its influence in Cliina.

Again [reading] :

The military accomplishments of the Chinese Communist Party during the
present war, and the fact that these depend on a political base of popular support
which the Communists have created, are now fairly well known.

Then yon go on to speak about the democratic phase and the extent
of democracy in all the Connnunist areas.

I pass that document to you, for you to see if I have given a fair
interpretation to it.

This next document is, apparently, your opinion of the Japanese
Communist Party.

Senator Tydings. Give the date.

Mr. Morris. This is undated, Senator. It is, apparently, the last
page of a report, and it doesn't contain the opening date. I am start-
ing with paragraph 6, because the preceding paragraphs are not here.
It is signed by John S. Service [reading] :

The Japanese Communist Party is still small (Mr. Ckano himself does not
claim more than "a few thousand members"), but it has the advantages of strong
organization and loyal, politically experienced membership. If its policies, as
claimed, seek to achieve our own hopes of a democratic, nonmilitaristic Japan,
we may wish to consider the adoption toward it of an attitude of sympathetic
support.

I pass that to you, that you may look at it, because, apparently, it if
only part of a report.

Senator Tydings. Can you fix the approximate date of that from
anything in it ?

Mr. Service. All I can say is that the original memorandum was
probably written in, possibly, September or October.

Senator Tydings. Of what year ?

Mr. Service. Of 1944.

Senator Tydings. All right.

Mr. Morris. I have report No. 26, dated September 10, 1944, also by
Mr. Service. The summary reads :

Communist influence predominates in the guerrilla bases because the Com-
munists took the lead in establishing the governments, because there has been
no important organized political opposition within the areas, and because the
Communists liave been supported by the peasants and liberals. The Commu-
nists have used their influence in a democratic way and to further democratic
ends.

As I say, this is dated September 10, 1944.

Again, in the same vein, September 4, 1944, report No. 22 [reading] :

The growth of the Chinese Communist armies during the present war has
proved them to be an extremely powerful political instrument because this
spectacular development would not have been possible without the support of
the people of the areas in which they have operated. This widespread popular
support must, under the circumstances in which it has occurred, be considered
a practical indication that the policies and methods of the Chinese Communists
have a democratic character.

I have some more documents to the same effect.

May I just take a few excerpts and read them to you as I go through
them ?



STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1329

Mr. Service. I am not quite sure what you wish me to do, sir.

Mr. Morris. All right, Mr. Service. Let's stop at this point.

Will you tell me whether or not the ideas expressed in these reports
represented your convictions at the time?

Mr. SER^^CE. Well, 3'ou have read brief excerpts

Mr. Morris. Yes. ^

Mr. Service. And it is not, I submit, fair to consider something
taken out of context.

Mr. ]Morris. That is what I asked you, if I had given an unfair
impression of your writings.

Mr. Service. I am afraid I would have to say that, sir, and that is
tlie reason why Ave requested the State Department to assemble my
(•om})lete work products and to have all of it carefully read and care-
fully analyzed.

Mr. Morris. Mr. Service, may I ask particular questions then about
your views as expressed in these particular articles:

Do you believe that the Chinese Communists were looking to the
United States for their orientation?

Mr. Service. I believe that at that time, in 1944, the Chinese Com-
munists hoped, the Chinese Communist leaders, or the influential ones,
who were in command of the party at that time, hoped to be able to
maintain a somewhat independent position where they could have
friendly relations and assistance from the United States.

Mr. ]\IoRRis. And do you believe that their strength was the strength
of the people, and that the strength proceeded from the fact that it
was a popular movement ?

Mr. Service. I don't think that any other interpretation could be
put on their spectacular success during the war in fighting guerrilla
warfare under the most difficult conditions. The Chinese peasant has
very little political consciousness — all governments are bad. Further-
more, he has. basically, little developed feeling of i)atriotism, the way
we think of it. He has a strong sense of cultural unity, perhaps; but
they could not have organized the peasants and won their support,
gotten them to engage in and to provide the background for years of
the most harrowing kind of guerrilla warfare, unless they had given
those peoi^le something.

Now, my use of "democracy" requires a great deal of explanation,
and that is why I do not think it fair to take brief excerpts. I would
much jn'efer to have anyone study the whole body of reports.

Mr. Morris. When you use the word "democracy," when reporting
to the American State Department, there is a particular meaning to
^'democracy" in that sense, isn't there?

Mr. Service. I am reporting to people who have a very long and
developed background concerning China, and they know that that
word "democracy" is used in a comparative sense, as compared to con-
ditions, perhaps, in Kuomintang areas, and not as compared to the
United States.

And I believe that if you read all of my reports, or if any person
reads all of my reports, they would have a clear understanding that
I was not thinking of American democracy at all.

Mr. Morris. Well, I read quite a few of them, Mr. Service, and I am
quite sure that a reasonable man, reading these documents, would
become impressed that you were certainly trying to convince the State



1330 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY IXAESTIGATION

Department that these people were "democratic" people in the sense
that we use the w^ord "democracy."

Mr. Service. I am sorry that that is your conclusion. They were
more democratic in some ways. But, if you remember my report No.
2G, which is one of those that you read from, I say [reading] :

'J'he "democratic" nature of these first governments was "confirmed"' by the
followings of the Communist armies and these liberal groups, and by numerous
mass meetings organized by them — which often went through the gesture of
voting (by acclamation) for the government which had been set up.

And I describe how they proceeded, after thorough organization,
to elect local governments of the lowest unit, smaller than our counties.

Mr. Morris. By "democratic" procedures, in the sense that we use
the word "democratic"?

Mr. Service. By, first, complete, very thorough political indoctrina-
tion, by, in one sense, selecting the candidates, but mainly by giving the
farmer, who had never had a chance to vote before, a chance to vote,
usually by picking a bean out of a bowl and putting it into a box, for
this candidate or that candidate.

I go on to describe how the Communists controlled all of the
propaganda and were very successful ; how they controlled the army,
which was thoroughly politically indoctrinated by a political com-
misar system.

I talk of how there was no opposition, political opposition, in the
areas, since the wealthy landlords had left, and these were backward
rural areas, anyway. And I said, it is natural that the peasants,
who were the great bulk, would tend to gravitate toward the Com-
munist Party.

I mention how the Communists, in effect, in a very real way, had
control of each of these separate guerrilla areas, and through the party
they control the basic policies of all of them.

I think that you get, from a complete reading of this paper, a very
limited idea of "democracy."

I may say that that paper was given a rating of excellent by the
State Department, as an analytical study of how they succeeded in
developing their support and in gaining complete control of their
widespread guerrilla areas.

Mr. Morris. Now, I also want to read from a series of documents