• EXCERPT FROM STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR JESSlTP IN COMMITTEE ONE OF THE GEN-
ERAL ASSEMBLY, ON THE CHINESE SITUATION, DECEMBER 6, 1949
[Source: United States Delegation press release No. 771, December 6, 1949]
* * I hope, Mr. Chairman, it will be crystal clear that the United States
policy is against imperialism everywhere. We flatly reject it for ourselves and
we condemn it when practiced by any other state. We condemn it specifically
as revealed in the Soviet-Russian continuation of Tsarist-Russian imperialism
in the Far East. <^ur concern is that China, India, and all Asia be safeguarded
airainst Soviet Itussia of any other aggression.
We believe that the joint resolution which we have cosponsored, supplemented
by the Pliilippine amendment to the three-power resolution, is the most effec-
tive contribution the United Nations at this stage can make toward accomplish-
ing this purpose. Furthermore. Mr. Chairman, we are certain that the adoption
of such resolutions on the part of this committee would not be misunderstood
by the representatives of the cominform states. It is true that they have re-
mained silent in this committee during the current debate, but they have listened
to all our discussions and they must therefore understand without any mis-
understanding that the occasion of the joint draft resolution which my delega-
ion has had the honor to cosponsor. is Soviet Russian action in the Far East
which raises acute fears for the safety, independent, and integrity of China.
Those of us, Mr. Chairman, who share those fears should unite our voices and
our acts.
Text of Statement by Ambassador Jessup to the Foi'rth General Assembly,
Plenary Session, December 7, 1949
[Source: United Nations, official records, General Assembly (Plenary, December 9, 1949;
A/PV.272) 131-151]
Mr. .Tessit (United States of America). One thing whii'h f;riu)d out clearly in
the deiiates in the First Committee on the item which now engages our attention
was the strong friendship of the overwhelming majority of nations for China and
their concern for its welfare and the welfare of the people of China. Those debates
also revealed the determination of the overwhelming majority of the delegations
represented, as shown in the adoption of the resolution on the promotion of the
stability of international relations in the Far East, to do their [Jart to maintain
China's integrity and independence.
In sliari> contrast to that attitude of the vast majority of the delegations in the
First Committee was the attitude of the delegation of the Soviet Union and of
the .small group' of delegations following its lead. The attitude of those delega-
tions was the direct opposite of that which I have described. That attitude
strengthens the justified suspicions of other nations regarding the Soviet policy
and intentions toward China. That attitude revealed especially two things:
First, a callous disregard for the interests of China and the Chinese people ; and
secondly, a renewed indication of the most regrettable Soviet unwillingness to
co-operate in the work of the United Nations and to carry into effect the prin-
ciples of onr Charter. I think it is appropi'iate to review the actions of the dele-
gation of the Soviet Union on the item which we are now considering.
The first action which it took was to oppose the placing of this item on the
agenda, thus seeking to deprive the General Assembly of an opportunity even to
study the matter. The second action, which it has repeated today, was an attempt
to deny the right of the duly accredited representative of China to speak in the
General Assembly. I think it has been the experience of all of us that the delega-
tion of the Soviet Union is not unaware of the existence of the rules of procedure
of the General Assembly. It has, on frequent occasions, invoked those niles.
If it had chosen, on this occasion, to abide by our rules of procedure, it would
have found in rule 2."> the exact way in which this T)oint might have been raised in
a regular fashion. It would have found in ride 25 that :
"Any representative to whose admission a Member has made objection shall be
seated provisionally with the same rights as other representatives, until the
242 STATE D!EPART]VIE]SrT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Credentials Committee has reported and the General Assembly has given its de-
cision."
The Soviet Union did not choose to follow the procedure laid down in our rules.
In the third place, the Soviet Union has failed to respond to the expressed
willingness of the Chinese delegation to refer certain questions involved in this
case to the International Court of Justice. In the fourth place, the Soviet Union |
refused to participate in the debates in the First Committee and, this afternoon,
has said that it refuses to participate in the debates in this plenary meeting of
the General Assembly.
I claim no special virtue for the policy of my Government, but I cite examples
as the normal attitude of most Members of the United Nations. I refer to the
question of willingness to discuss items on the agenda.
The Soviet Union placed on the agenda an item containing slanderous attacks
upon the United Kingdom and the United States. Those attacks, the charges
made therein, were repudiated, after full discussion, by a vote of fifty-three
Members of this Assembly. But, in the first instance, when we were asked to
consider placing this item on the agenda, our delegation and the delegation of
the United Kingdom made no ob.1ection to the consideration of the item, because
we believe that this is the forum in which charges, no matter how unfounded^
should be discussed.
I would also say that my Government has not been afraid to have the record
of United States policy in China in recent years examined by the world. The
official United States publication telling this story was referred to by Mr. Vyshin-
sky himself, who stated that its frankness must be admired. If the Soviet
Union admires frankness and open discussion of national policies, why does
it not practice frankness? Why does it not publish or produce before the
General Assembly the text of the Barter Agreement which the representative
of China reported that the Soviet Union had concluded with the local authorities
in Manchuria, an Agreement under which the Soviet Union sought an arrange-
ment to take away from the people of China the food and other products
of Manchuria which are essential to Chinese recovery? Why does it not pub-
lish or produce before the General Assembly the text of the reported monopolistic
agreement which it has concluded for the exploitation of the resources of Man-
churia? Why does it not publish or produce before this Assembly the text of
the reported agreement under which it seeks to control, for fifty years, the
monopolistic exploitation of the natural resources of Sinkiang? Why does it not
publish or lay before us a record of any other such agreements for special rights
and privileges which it may now be seeking to obtain or which it has already
obtained in China?
If the Soviet Union had not been afraid to publish the facts concerning its
policies and practices in the Far East, we could have had a basis on which to
decide whether or not we are mistaken in our well-founded conclusions that
the Soviet Russian policy in China today is part of a continuous story, a story
which began in the days of Tsarist Russian imiTerialisra and which still is
characterized by the search for special monopolistic privileges, by encroach-
ments and by attempted dismemberment of China.
Let us look at the votes of the Soviet Union delegation on the resolutions which
came before the First Committee. The vote on the resolution to promote the
stability of international relations in the Far East is most revealing. When
this question was put to the vote, the Polish delegation— which, it is fair to
say, more often than not reflects the view of the Soviet Union delegation —
called for a separate vote on the title. And let me repeat the title : "to promote
the stability of international relations in the Far East". Five negative votes
were cast against the title. One can interpret those five negative votes only to
mean the opposition of five delegations to stability in the Far East. Perhaps we
should not be surprised, for such an attitude is indeed in accordance with their
communistic creed of promoting turmoil and unrest. The five negative votes
on the rest of the resolution to promote the stability of international relations
in the Far East must raise more questions in our minds :
Can it be that the Soviet Uni(m does not intend or wish to respect the political
independence of China? Can if be thU the Soviet Union does not intend or wish
to respect the right of the Cliinese p.'ople freely to choose their own political
institutions or to maintain a government independent of foreign control? Do
they not intend or wish to respect their treaties relating to China? Do they
not intend or wish to refrain from seeking spheres of influence or the creation
of puppet regimes, or from obtaining special monopoly rights in China?
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 243
These are the things which are set forth in this resolution which we call upon
all States to adopt. These are the principles which are opposed by the Soviet
Union delegation, and the four other delegations.
In my oi>enlng statement before the First Committee, I said that the failure
to endorse this resolution might well be interpreted as indicating an intention
to profit by the present situation in Cbina for purposes of imiierialist aggrandise-
ment. What other conclusion can the world draw from the fi . e votes cast against
these fundamental principles
Let us look on the allirmative side at the merits of this resolution. The very
fact of the Soviet opi;osition attests indeed to its importance. That opposition
is conclusive proof that this resolution is not, as one representative feared in
bis statement in the First Committee, a mere "song to the moon." The Soviet
opposition is proof that the Soviet Union understands perfectly that this reso-
lution, far from condoning the past actions of Soviet Russia in China, is oc-
casioned by those very actions and reflects the acute fears of the international
community of this Soviet Russian continuation of Czarist Russian imperialism
in the Far East. This resolution is addressed to the real root of the international
problem, to the real concern that the international community has regarding this
situation.
The representative of Chile pointed out in the First Committee that the General
Assembly is not now dealing with the question of the justice or injustice of the
civil strife now raging in China. This resolution does not seek to deal with that
issue. It does deal in an integral manner with the international aspects of this
problem. This resolution is constructive because it is forward-looking. While
it does not ignore the past, it does not content itself with a mere sifting of past
events. It is a clear statement of the principles to which all nations must adhere
at all times.
The second resolution which has been reported to the General Assembly from
the First Committee is one in regard to which I do not intend to rehearse the
discussions that took place in the Committee. These discussions have already
been referred to. It is clear that, in the course of those discussions, certain mis-
understandings aro.se among various delegations.
1 have listened with interest to the suggestion just advanced by the representa-
tive of Ecuador, proposing, on behalf of the three sponsors of the original resolu-
tion, a new amendment which would incorporate a certain additional thought in
their joint resolution. While it is true that this amendment does not go the
whole way to meet the difficulties to which we called attention in the First Com-
mittee, we do feel that it goes part of the way, and we shall accordinglv vote for
the resolution introduced by Cuba, Ecuador and I'eru if this amendment is
adopted and incorporated in it.
In my statement before the First Committee, I pointed out that the conscience
of the world has expressed itself in the past in multipartite declarations which
have played a real part in the history of China's strug-le for its integrity. The
reality of these declarations has been proved, even though from time to time they
have been flouted by aggressors. The enunciation by the Government of the
United States in 1900 of the policy of promoting the maintenance of the inde-
pendence and integrity of China .served as a restraining influence on the conduct
of all the pnwers in the ensuing years, despite the continuance of unsettled
conditions in China. These principles were written into the Nine Power Treaty
of 1!;)22, which the representative of China himself stated gave to his country
the opportunity for constructive development.
If the nations of the world had not, during the past fifty years, recorded these
self-denying ordinances the devouring waves of Russian and Japanese im-
perialism might well have totally engulfed China. The proper place today for
thereaflirmation of these principles is the General Assembly of the United
Nations. The vote in the First Committee shows that the conscience of the
world will again speak in the interests of China and the people of China.
I wish to point out also that the debate on the item which we are now con-
sidering is in reality a continuation of the debate which resulted in the adoption
of the resolution on essentials of peace by a vote of 53 Members of the United
>ations. The general charges made against the policies and activities of the
Soviet Union in that debate find a further specific application in the matter
we are now considering. Although our attention is now focussed upon one
geographic area, the fundamental problem is unchanged. It is the problem of
maintaining an independent, unified and free country against the aggressive
encroachments of a foreign power. The resolution on essentials of peace applies
to Lluua as weU as to all other parts of the world. That resolution and the
244 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
resolution which is now before us to promote the stability of international
relations in the Far East are closely linked. Together they constitute a code
of conduct regarding the Far East. The United States pledges itself to abide
by that code of conduct, and it expects all other nations to do likewise.
In joining with other delegations in sponsoring the resolution on the stability
of international relations in the Far East the paramount consideration of my
delegation and of my Government has been to promote the interests of the people
of China. This is not a new policy of the United States. The record shows
that this has consistently been our policy. That policy has received only one
challenge, and that challenge was made by Mr. Vyshinsky when he was seeking
to prevent the General Asssembly from discharging its duty to discuss this item
which had been placed on the agenda. Mr. Vyshinsky then charged that the
proposal of this item was instigated by the United States for imperialistic
rea.sons. It was not instigated by the United States. Moreover, the United
States, unlike the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, has no imperialistic
designs on China.
I wonder where are the evidences of United States imperialism in Cliina
which Mr. Vyshinsky may have had in mind. Surely they are not monopolistic
agreements of the type which the Soviet Union lias been concluding in China, for
the United States has neither sought nor obtained such rights. I do not hesitate
to say that the Chinese people will agree that there is nothing imiierialistic in
the continuation of our historic policy of aiding Chinese students and scholars
by the allocation in recent years of 200 million dollars for the programme of
exchanging students and teachers between the United States and China. I do
not think that the Chinese people believe that it was a sign of American im-
perialism to distribute some 400,000 tons of rice and 180,000 tons of wheat and
flour in Shanghai and Canton during the past two years. Nor will they maintain
that it was American imperialism which led to the supplying of cotton to keep
the textile mills of China in operation so that the workers would not be
unemployed and so that they would have wages with which to buy food and
clothing.
Charges of United States imperialism can hardly be levelled against the joint
Ignited States-Chinese rural reconstruction programme, which was launched in
1!)4S and continued as long as possible in Szechuan and Chekiang, to improve
rural living conditions, increase foreign output, and improve the social and
educational position of the Chinese farmer. We neither desire nor claim any
monopoly in extending help to the people of China ; we have not been alone in
extending help. But not only in the last year and a half, but on earlier occasions,
when the people of China were hungry the people of the United States have sent
food. The rice alone which we sent in 1048 and 1048 meant that 10,000,000
Chinese had their rice bowls filled daily during that period. In view of the vast
problems of that great population, what we have been able to do has been little
em. ugh. hut in view of current food shortages in China, I submit that it contrasts
favourably with the barter agreement recently concluded by the Soviet Union
with local authorities in Manchuria, under which food would be taken from the
rice howls of the Chinese people for shipment to the Soviet Union.
We shall not cease our efforts on behalf of the people of China, nor shall we
cease, in the field of international relations and through the United Nations, to
work for the real interests of China itself, for its independence and its integrity.
The draft resolution on the promotion of the establishment of international
relations in the Far Fast will unite the peoples of the free world in the promotion
of this connnon objective.
The PuKsiDEMT. The Chair proposes to close the list of speakers in ten minutes
from now.
Mr. Chaudluny, representative of Pakistan, will address the General Assembly
on the amendment.
Mr. CiiAUDHURY (Pakistan). AYhen the tripartite draft resolution was being
discussed in the First Committee my delegation abstained from voting for the
very simple reason that Ihe words, "that item," appearing in the operative part of
the draft resolution had considerably limited the scope of the problem It was
limited to the extent that the entire draft resolution appeared to be an outcome
of a prejudiced mind. But we greatly welcome the amendment which has now
been submitted, which focuses the attention on the four fundamental principles
that are contained in the five-power draft resolution reading as follows-
"1. To respect the political independence of China and to be guided bv the
principles of the United Nations in their relations with China •
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 245
"2. To respect the right of the people of China now and in the future to choose
freely their political institutions and to maintain a government independent of
foreign control ;
"3. To respect existing treaties relating to China ; and
"4. To refrain from (a) seeking to acquire spheres of influence or to create
foreign controlled regimes within tlie territory of China; (h) seeking to obtain
special rights or privileges witliin tlie territory of China."
Excerpts From Statement to the Press by Ambassador Jessup, Hong Kong,
January 18, 1950
[Source: Press statement attached as enclosure 1 to official communication from Consul
General Kankin to the Department of State, Honj? Kong No. 84, of January 31, 1950]
EXCERPTS FROM STATEMENT TO THE PRESS BY AMBASSADOR JESSUP, HONG KONG,
JANUARY 18, 1950
"I wish to make a statement regarding United States policy in Asia and
the whole Far p]ast. These principles have been stated officially many times,
but it is important that people throughout the world not lose siglit of them.
"First : The United States opposes the Communist theory and practice of
attempting to overthrow governments by violence or subversive action. We
shall continue to oppose that vicious theory and practice by i)eaceful means
throughout Asia and tliroughout tbe world.
"Second: We are opposed to imperialism in any form. We have always
firmly rejected it in our own policy, and we oppose it wherever practiced."
"The interest of the United States in the independence of the countries
of Asia is genuine and abiding. The history of tlie past 150 years proves this
statement. Within our economic capacity, a major factor in determining the
assistance we can render the people of Asia is the degree to which these peoples
are prepared to support governments of their own choosing in opposition to
Communist tyrainiy.
"The United States will continue to take its stand for freedom, because of
our conviction that there lies the true interest not only of the peoples of Asia
but also the United States and of all of the United Nations."
EXCERPTS FROM BROADCAST BY AMBASSADOR JESSUP OVER RADIO MALAYA, SINGAPORE,
FEBRUARY 6, 1950
[Source: United States Department of State Press Release No. FE. 50/36 ; February
6, 1950]
As a result 'Of these fundamental beliefs, we are firmly opposed to all sys-
tems of government which seek to enslave the individual or to subordinate him
to .some supposed overriding interest of the state. That is why we opposed
and will continue to oppose all forms of totalitarian dictatorship whether they
take the form of the Nazi or Fascist regimes of Eurofoe and of .Japan which
we and our allies defeated in the last war or v,-hether they take the form of
the current theories of communism.
Specifically, we are opposed to imperialism. By imperialism I mean the
policy of attempting to subject and exploit other peoples for one's own benefit.
Imperialism is thus the exact opposite of the policy which the United States
followed in training the people of the Philippines for self-government and of
granting them their full independence. It is the exact opposite of the policy
followed by the United Kingdom in granting independence to India, Pakistan,
Burma, and Ceylon and in developing here in Malaya a progressive program
toward nationhood. It is the exact opposite of the policy which the Nether-
lands followed in helping to establish the United States of Indonesia and which
France is following in perfecting the independence of Viet Nam, Cambodia, and
Laos.
On the other hand, the new form of imperialism which we see in the world
today is illustrated by the policy of the Comiuform, the international agency
of the Conuinmist Party, which insists that the peoples who are brougb.t under
its control are not entitled to express their own views but must? conform in
246 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY LNTVESTIGATTON
every respect to the decisions laid down in Moscow. The official public pro-
nouncements of the Communist leaders announce that nationalism in Asia is
to be encouraged only as a step on the road to the subjection of the peoples of
Asia to the alien rule of the Russian dictators who control the policies of the
Cominform.
* * * I have had the privilege of being one of the representatives of my
Government in many meetings of the United Nations. As the record proves
and as the experience of everyone who has attended such meetings testifies,
states which are closely with the Soviet Union must always take identical action
with the Soviet Union. There is no room in that system for the expression
of any separate point of view. The rigid control which exists over the in-
dividual in the Soviet-Russian system, which is the Communist system, ex-
tends also the relations of governments which form part of the Soviet bloc
and which are therefore naturally and properly known as satellites.
It is precisel.v because of this fundamental difference in the theory of the free
nations of the world and in the theory of the Soviet Union that many of the
actions taken liy the General Assembly of the United Nations are seen in
their true significance.
ExcEatPT From Speech by Ambassajdoe Jesstjp Over National Radio Station of
Thailand Delivered February 17, 1950
[Source : Original manuscript in files of Department of State]
excerpt from speech by ambassador JESSUP over national radio station OfF
THAILAND
What I should like to discuss briefly is one of the great problems which both
our countries face and which other free nations of the world face — the danger