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remote as long as the Soviet Union refused to accept
effective measures of control and inspection.

In present circumstances, the members of the Al-
liance are in duty bound to improve their overall defen-
sive capability. They will strengthen their unity by
extending and deepening their political consultation.
They will intensify their economic effort in order to
raise living standards, whether of their own peoples or
in developing countries.

The Ministers, referring to the previous resolution
concerning the study of the military and economic prob-
lems of the defense of the Southeastern region of
NATO," expressed the wish that the conclusions of
this study be submitted at the next Ministerial Meeting.

The Ministers expressed their concern at the situa-
tion in this region arising from the continuing dis-
orders in Cyprus. They reaffirmed the full support of
their governments for the action decided on by the
United Nations Organization with a view to restoring
law and order, and for the efforts of the mediator
appointed by the United Nations to seek an agreed
solution of the problem.

The Ministers expressed their deep regret at the
impending departure of Mr. Dirk U. Stikker, who had
announced his intention of retiring from the Secretary-
Generalship of the Organization. In their tributes to
Mr. Stikker, who was one of those who signed the
North Atlantic Treaty in 1949, the Ministers expressed
their profound appreciation of his outstanding services
to the Alliance.

The Council invited Signer Maulio Brosio, former
Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister in the
Italian Government and at present Italian Ambassador
in Paris, to become Secretary-General of the Organi-
zation in succession to Mr. Stikker as from 1 August,
1964. Signor Brosio has informed the Council of his
acceptance of this invitation.

The next Ministerial Meeting will be held in Paris
in December 1964.

' In a telegram to Ambassador Thomas K. Finletter
dated Apr. 2.

' For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 5, 19.'i9, p. 4.
" For text of a communique dated Dec. 18, 1963, see
ma.. Jan. 6, 1964, p. 30.




The Department of State announced on May
4 (press release 205) that the following wouUl
be members of the U.S. delegation to the annual
spring meeting of foreign ministei-s of the North
Atlantic Council at The Hague May 12-14 :

United States Representative

Dean Rusk, chairman. Secretary of State

United States Representative on the Xorth Atlantic

Tbomas K. Flnletter


John W. Auchincloss, Deputy Director, Otfice of Politi-
cal Affairs, U.S. Mis.sion to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization and European Regional Organizations,

Elbridge Durbrow. Deputy U.S. Representative on the
Xorth Atlantic Council

I'hilip .T, Farley, Director, Office of Political Affairs,
U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion and European Regional Organizations, Paris

Brig. Gen. J. T. Folda, .Jr., USA. Office of the Assistant
Secretary of Defense for International Security

Ernest K. Lindley, Special Assistant to the Secretary
of State

Edward S. Little. Special Assistant to the Secretary
of State

Robert J. Manning, Assistant Secretary of State for
Public Affairs

David H. Popper, deputy coordinator. Director, Office
of Atlantic Political and Military Affairs, Depart-
ment of State

.Tohn S. Rice, U.S. Ambassador to the Netherlands

Henry S. Rowen, Deputy Assistant Secretary of De-
fense for International Security Affairs

J. Robert Schaetzel, coordinator. Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for European .\ffairs

J. Harold Shullaw, Director, Office of British Common-
wealth and Northern European Affairs, Department
of State

Ronald I. Spiers. Deputy Director, Office of Atlantic
Political and Military Affairs, Department of State

Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the United

Llewellyn E. Thompson. Ambassador at Large, Depart-
ment of State

William R. Tyler, Assistant Secretary of State for
European Affairs

Christopher Van Hollen, Office of Atlantic Political
and Military Affairs, Department of State.

U.S. Welcomes Japanese
Membership in OECD

Message From Secretary liwik ^

I would like on this significant occasion to ex-
press the great pleasure of the people and Gov-
ernment of the United States that Japan has
become a full member of the OECD.^ Even
before this organization was established,
Japan's role as a contributor of economic assist-
ance to the developing countries merited her
membership in the Development Assistance
Group. The United States has always believed
that the effectiveness of the OECD as one of the
major instruments of free-world economic co-
operation required the participation of Japan
in all OECD activities. The reasons for this
are clear: The size of Japan's economy, its dra-
matic postwar economic growth under condi-
tions of freedom, the significant place of Japan
in international trade and economic relations —
all underline the importance of broad-scale
economic cooperation between this key area of
the Far East and the other members of the
OECD. With Japan as a full and willing
partner in the OECD this vital institution will
be better able to meet the economic challenges
of today.

Letters of Credence


The newly appointed Ambassador of Ireland,
William P. Fay, presented his credentials to
President Johnson on May 15. For texts of
the Ambassador's remarks and the President's
reply, see Department of Stat© press release 235
dat«d May 15.

' Read to the Council of the Organization for Eco-
nomic Cooperation and Development at Paris on May
5 by John M. Leddy, U.S. Representative to the OECD
(press release 209).

'Japan deposited its instrument of ratification on
Apr. 28.

JUNE 1, 1964


President Johnson Pledges Redoubled Efforts
to Alliance for Progress

On May 11 the ambassadors of the Latin
American nations met with President Johnson
at the White House for an informal review of
the Alliance for Progress and the signing of

12 Alliance for Progress agreements involving

13 countries. Following are remarks mnde hy
the President at the signing ceremony.

White House press release ; aa-dellvered text

Ladies and gentlemen: I want to welcome
you to the Wliite House this evening. I am
slightly tardy because we have just completed
an informal review of the Alliance for Progress
problems with all of the ambassadors and the
distinguished head of CIAP [Inter-American
Committee on the Alliance for Progress] . This
kind of exchange, we think, strengthens our
common aim and our combined ability to ad-
vance the alliance.

So this afternoon I asked all of the ambassa-
dors to meet with me in the Cabinet Koom. I
am not sure I didn't have a better Cabinet to-
day than I normally have. We talked about
our mutual problems, and then I asked them
to give me their frank, candid criticisms, sug-
gestions on the problems that face us both, and
they were quit© helpful.

I learned much that will be very helpful in
the days ahead — some of the weaker points that
they pointed out, some of the bureaucracy that
exists in all government, not just in our govern-
ment but in their governments as well.

I look forward to further meetings of this
kind in the days ahead, and I have asked the
Secretary of State to make plans to have the
ambassadors in from time to time to have a very
frank and open exchange with them. Senator
[Wayne] Morse taught me back in the Senate
that you could always deal with a fellow across

the table easier than you could if you tried to
deal with him by correspondence.

On November 18th President Kennedy spoke
once again to the hemisphere,^ and he quoted
Eobert Frost, saying that "Nothing is true ex-
cept a man or men adhere to it — to live for it, to
spend themselves on it, to die for it." Within
a week after that statement was made, his life,
consecrated to this cause, had been tragically
ended. It is for us, the living, to insure that
the hopes that he raised are rewarded.

To that purpose, I said last November, let
us make the Alliance for Progress President
Kennedy's living memorial.^

Today's agreements are part of our pledge.
The United States will provide almost $40 mil-
lion — the countries of Latin America will pro-
vide $60 million — for projects that we are
beginning in 13 countries. These projects will
help eliminate malaria in Brazil. They will
help train farmers in Bolivia. They will estab-
lish for the first time three mral electric co-
operatives serving 10,000 homes and farms in
the countryside of Colombia. They will bring
credit and assistance to 21,000 small farms in
the land reform and colonization areas of Peru.
They will touch the lives and ease the struggles
of 23 million people across our hemisphere.

These are only the latest steps in 6 months of
very extraordinary effort since I became Presi-
dent. Since last December the United States
has extended more than $130 million in assist-
ance. In that 6-month period, we have, by
working together, completed more than 52,000
homes, 7,000 new classrooms. We have pro-
duced more than a million and a half school-

' For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 9, 1963, p. 900.
" Ihia., Dec. 16, 1963, p. 912.



books. "We Imve made more than 25,000 loans
to farmere. Wo have put into operation liealth
programs to care for 4 million people and Food
for Peace programs to feed more than 10 million
of our fellow Americans. We have built more
than 500 miles of roads. We have trained more
than 10,000 teachers. We have trained more
than 1,000 public administrators. Wo have es-
tablished already more than 200 credit miions.
If any of you want the address after the meet-
ing, I will be glad to supply it to you. AVe have
300 water systems that will benefit 10 million

In the months to come, we intend to more than
double the pace of this action. For this is the
time and this is the day and this is an adminis-
tration of action.

Development, Diversity, and Democracy

Our help is only a small proportion of the
resources for growth and the reforms for justice
contributed by all of you — you, the countries of
Latin America. These are the tangible tokens
of the constancy of our cause since the signing
of the Charter of Punta del Este. Wliat -we
believed in then — I should not have to repeat —
we stand for now. What we agreed to then, we
support now. What we sought and looked for-
ward to then, we seek now.

Tliis is as it must be. Our programs and our
policies are not founded on the shifting sands
of momentary concern or the passing opinions
of any one official or any present official. They
are the inescapable issue of the events of our
past and the hazards of our present.

When President Kennedy made his first
statement to the ambassadors in the dining room
of this house on the Alliance for Progress, he
said we are going to wage a war on the ancient
enemies of mankind — poverty, illiteracy, and
disease. We say now, if a peaceful revolution is
impossible, a violent revolution is inevitable.

These things are rooted in our devotion to our
democratic birthright and dedication to our
spiritual values. They are, I want you to know,
in short, the only objectives possible to men that
seek to retain freedom and protect moral values
while pursuing progress in a world that is on
the march.

Keal problems require realistic solutions.
Helping to reshape an entire hemisphere re-
quires practical priorities and concrete deeds.
But no action, no judgment, no statement will
advance our alliance unless it is guided by firm
and resolute regard to principles. Those prin-
ciples must not yield either to immediate ex-
pedient or to any present danger.

So we come here today to renew, as we do in
the acts of every day, our dedication to the
principles of development, of diversity, and of

Franklin Roosevelt, a man whom I served
and a man whom I loved, a man whose precepts
I follow, said, and I quote, "Through demo-
cratic processes we can strive to achieve for the
Americas the highest possible living standards
for all of our people." So I pledge to you to-
day that we will continue to pursue that goal
imtil every campesino, every worker, is freed
from the crushing weight of poverty, disease,
and illiteracy and ignorance.

I have asked the Congress for the funds
necessary to meet our obligation under the Al-
liance for Progress.' I will fight for those
funds with every resource of my Government.
Furthermore, I intend to ask for $250 million
this year to replenish the Bank's Fund for
Special Operations in accordance with the
unanimous vote of the Panama meeting of the
Inter- American Bank.* That Bank, supported
first by President Eisenhower, has become a
beacon of hope to the oppressed of our lands.

The principle of diversity stems from Presi-
dent Roosevelt's policy of the Good Neighbor.
Within the loose and ample frame of the inter-
American system there is room for each nation
to order its institutions and to organize its
economy so long as it respects the rights of its
neighbors. In the councils of the alliance we
must guide each other toward the most reward-
ing course of progress. We do not confuse
that duty and that responsibility with any de-
sire or any right to impose those views on un-
willing neighbors.

* For text of I'resident Johnson's foreiKn aid mes-
sage of Mar. 19, see ibid., Apr. 6, 1964, p. 578.

' For a statement made by Secretary of the Treasury
Douglas Dillon before the Governors of the Inter-
American Development Bank at Panamfl, on Apr. 14,
see ibid.. May 4, 1964, p. 717.

JUNE 1, 1964


In devotion to democracy, we are guided by
the command of Bolivar that we must fear-
lessly lay the foundations of South American
liberty : To hesitate is destruction.

Our charter charges each American country
to seek and to strengthen representative democ-
racy. Without that democracy and without
the freedom that it nourishes, material progress
is an aimless enterprise, destroying the dignity
of the spirit that it is really meant to liberate.
So we will continue to join with you to encour-
age democracy until we build a hemisphere of
free nations from the Tierra del Fuego to the
Arctic Circle.

A New Hemisphere

But the charter of the alliance is not confmed
to political democracy. It commands a peace-
ful, democratic, social revolution across the
hemisphere. It calls upon us to throw open
the gates of opportunity to the landless and the
despised, to throw open the gates of oppor-
tunity to the poor and to the oppressed. It
asks that unjust privilege be ended and that un-
fair power be curbed.

The United States signed that charter. We
are fulfilling that commitment. We have al-
ready begim an all-out war on poverty in this
country, for a just country cannot permit a class
of forsaken in the midst of the affluent and the
fortunate. We are also marching forward in
our struggle to eliminate racial injustice, to
permit every man of every race, of every color,
of every belief, to share fully in America's
national life.

In the same way we will join with those
forces across the hemisphere who seek to ad-
vance their own democratic revolution. We
are finding in the United States that it is not
easy to change the customs of centuries. Some
seek to halt reform and change. Others seek to
impose terror and tyranny. But Bolivar's wis-
dom is our warning: To hesitate is destruction.

I know my country's policies and my coun-
try's help are very important to the Alliance
for Progress. But in 1961 a new hemisphere
began to be bom. In that hemisphere, success
or failure does not hinge on testing each sliift-
ing wind or each new word which comes from

our neighbors. Rather, it depends on the cour-
age and the leadership that we can bring to our
own people in our own land. I am doing my
dead-level best to provide that leadership in my
country now.

The Alliance for Progress, true, is a most
complex task. It has many dimensions and
many directions. But it does rest on the hopes
of people much like those that I have seen in
my recent trips through the poverty areas of
the United States.

In the last 13 days I have personally met the
people in 13 States.

Across this hemisphere there are millions of
despairing men and women that I hope to meet
when I can get away from Washington. They
come to birth, they toil, and they die, never
knowing a day without hunger. They never
feel the joy of rewarded achievement. They
never feel the pride that comes from providing
for those they love. They struggle for their
self-respect, for their dignity as one of the chil-
dren of God, against those who exploit them in
a world wliich is closed to their hopes. Faces
bent and backs bowed, they see ahead of them
only that darkness in which they walk.

Well, we work for these men and women not
because we have to. We work because morality
commands it, and I said in Atlanta the other
morning justice requires it and our own dignity
as men depends on it. We work not because we
fear the unjust wrath of an enemy — because we
do fear the just wrath of God.

The path ahead, I can tell you, is long and
the way is hard. There will be many editorials
written about us, and there will be many com-
plaints spoken of us. But we must, in the words
of the prophet, "Moimt up on the wings of
eagles, rmi and not grow weary."

We have reached a turning point.

The foimdations have been laid. The time
calls for more action and not just more words.
In the next year there will be twice as much
action, twice as much accomplished as in any
previous year in this program. I can say that
today with confidence, and I can say that our
Alliance for Progress will succeed. The suc-
cess of our effort — the efforts of your coimtries
and my country — will indicate to those who



come after us the vision of tliose who set us on
this path.

Toda}', in tliis room, you have not only tlie
great amhixssjidors and spokesmen of the great
Republics which are part of this worthy en-
deavor, but you have the leaders in tlie Congress
of both parties whose first concern is humanity,
wherever it exists, and who dedicate their lives
and their talents and their energies to seeing
that their country does her part, and more, in

driving the ancient enemies of mankind from
this hemisphere."

'At the conclusion of the signing ceremony, Presi-
dent Johnson announced that the United States was
proposing W. W. Rostow to be the U.S. Represent-
ative on the Inter-American Committee on tie Alliance
for Progress, succeeding Teodoro Moscoso. Mr. Ros-
tow, he said, would hold this office in addition to his
present appointment as Counselor of the Department
of State.

The Alliance for Progress

by Thomas C. Mann

Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs ^

The ultimate purpose of the Alliance for
Progress is to help the people — all of the peo-
ple — of the hemisphere to achieve a better life
in freedom. Both the Bogota and Pimta del
Este charters speak not only about economic
growth but about social ju.stice and the dignity
and freedom of the individual.

All of this is consistent with our tradition.
As a nation and as individuals we have always
been deeply concerned with the well-being of
people in other lands as well as for those in our
own. This is the concern of the good neighbor.

Being a good neighbor not only reflects our
national character but also serves our national
interests. Our Latin American policy has as
its principal objective the achievement of an
American family of democratic, dynamic, pros-
perous, free nations, each capable of playing its
role in a healthy and ixjaceful world com-
munity. This objective cannot be achieved in a

hemisphere of frustration, stagnation, and

The Issue of Change

There are those who oppose any and all
change — who seek to preserve archaic practices
and attitudes which are the legacy of an age
already past.

This group is few in number. Their influence
on government policies throughout the hemi-
sphere is diminishing with each passing day.
As President Johnson said the other day : ^

To struggle to stand still in Latin America is just to
"throw the sand against the wind."

I should like to state in the very beginning —
and to say it very clearly — that the Government
and people of the United States do not forget
that their own nation was born in revolution.
Nor can we forget that the process of social.

' Address made before the Washington Institute of
Foreign Affairs at Washington, D.C., on May 13 (press
release 227).

• For text of an address made by President Johnson
before the Associated Press at New York on Apr. 20,
see Bulletin of May 11, 1964, p. 726.

JUNE 1, 1964


economic, and political change in our country
has been continuous since 1776. It still goes on.
We still seek that kind of change wliicli will
bring about the greatest good for the greatest
number of our people.

We therefore have a natural sympathy and
affinity for those governments who seek change
and progress. Those governments which insti-
tute bold, soundly conceived programs of reform
designed to acliieve

national and individual freedom,
a high and sustained level of economic growth,
a greater degree of social justice, and
equal opportunity for all to rise as high in
society as their talents and efforts will take them,

will find warmhearted sympathy in Washing-
ton. Those who seek to portray the United
States as the defender of the status quo are de-
luding themselves. For as President Johnson
has said, we, as a nation, are dedicated to "the
principles of development, of diversity, and of
democracy." This dedication commands change.
We are seeking, as the President also said, "to
retain freedom and protect moral values while
pursuing progress in a world that is on the
march." ^

There is another group, equally small in num-
ber, who seem to favor any and all change with-
out adequate thought as to whether it brings in
its train

the destruction of freedom, national and in-
dividual, political as well as economic ;

the destruction, root and branch, of estab-
lished orders — of the good as well as the bad in
existing political, economic, and social systems;

the creation of a new, privileged class and in-
equality of opportunity instead of social justice ;

economic retrogression instead of progress.

At the same time our Government began, the
French Revolution was temporarily diverted
from its noble design into a reign of terror and
chaos. In his analysis of how this came about,
De Tocqueville reminds us :

When we closely study the French Revolution we
find that it was conducted in precisely the same spirit
as that which gave rise to so many hooks expounding
theories of government in tlie abstract. Our rcvolu-

* See p. 854.

tionaries had the same fondness for broad generaliza-
tions, cut-and-dried legislative systems, and a pedantic
symmetry ; the same contempt for hard facts ; — the
same desire to reconstruct the entire constitution ac-
cording to the rules of logic and a preconceived system
instead of trying to rectify its faulty parts. The result
was nothing short of disastrous. . . .

We need to ask ourselves whether it is really
true that the basic tenets of independence, equal-
ity, and freedom in which the peoples of our
New World placed their trust are too "slow" and
too "evolutionary"' for our time. And as we
do this, we need to ask for clearer definitions of
terms, for greater specificity, for more detail
and concreteness, about the other paths that are
said to lead more quickly to progress.

I do not share the despair about change that
I hear expressed in some quarters.

More and more responsible leaders of or-
ganized labor are emerging better able to par-
ticipate in progress;

An ever-increasing niunber of hard-working
men of conscience from industry, from com-
merce, from the professional groups, and from
agriculture are striving for reform and im-
provement in the established order ;

The church, in many areas, is providing
leadership in the fight for progress in freedom ;

The military establishments are demonstrat-
ing an ever greater degree of social conscious-
ness and political responsibility ;

The number of qualified and experienced civil
servants capable of coping with the complex

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 50, Apr- Jun 1964) → online text (page 56 of 84)