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Department of State bulletin (Volume v. 50, Apr- Jun 1964) online

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support tlie emergence of the kind of world
order we — and most other ordinary peoples —
want. Power requires responsibility. It is too
late in human history to guide its use by primi-
tive reactions. The use of power must bo ad-
justed to tlie character of tlie problem we are
trying to deal with; Pandora's box is not to be
opened every weekend.

Our national interest requires that, as a very
great power, we act in a spirit of rectitude since
our every act, or failure to act, has wide reper-
cussions. Wo must act as the trustees of free-
dom. We must hold the confidence of our asso-
ciates, and the respect of our adversaries, by
scrupulously living up to our commitments.
And wherever possible, we should use our
power with the approval and cooperation of our
friends and allies. A "decent respect to the
opinions of mankind" remains both an obliga-
tion and a source of strength in times of crisis.
Our national interest requires that other na-
tions honor their commitments to us and to
others in behalf of peace and friendly commerce
and cooperation. This does not mean a return
to "gunboat" diplomacy. But it does require
that we find appropriate means to reinforce the
notion : Pacta sunt servanda.

Our national interest requires a strategy of
peace, looking beyond the current nuclear im-
passe and the major divisive issues, searching
incessantly for means of moving away from
danger toward controlled disarmament and a
more stable peace.

As never before, we have a national interest
in the control and limitation of armaments —
with reliable inspection and verification. And,
as never before, our national interest requires
that we not disarm unilaterally, that, indeed,
we not reduce our military strength in any sig-
nificant way without corresponding reductions
by our adversaries.

We have a national interest in strengthening
the peacekeeping facilities of the United Nations
and other international organizations, such as
the Organization of American States. We have
a national interest in devising and promoting
all means for peaceful change where, in simple
justice, change is needed. Because we have a
national interest in the peaceful settlement of

JUNE 22, 1964


disputes and in building a world rule of law, we
must abide by the awards of international tri-
bunals, even when we don't agree with them.

We have a national interest in the economic
and social well-being of other peoples. For, in
the long run, there can be no stability in a world
containing a few who are well off and many
who are poor. We have a national interest in
the promotion of international trade. And we
know that if we expect to sell we must buy.

We have a national interest in the continuing
prosperity of the economically advanced coun-
tries of the free world and in the rise of the less
developed nations to decent standards of living.

Setting a "Gleaming Example"

We have a national interest in correcting the
defects in our own society — in eliminating pock-
ets of poverty, in wiping out our slums, rural
and urban, in achieving in full reality equal
rights for all, regardless of race, religion, color,
or national origin. We must strive untiringly
to build what President Johnson calls the
"great society." We owe it to ourselves, first
of all, to fulfill the American dream. As the
leader of the cause of liberty, we must do our
best to set a gleaming example.

We have a national interest in the spread of
the political institutions of freedom. This is
not because we want to impose the "American
way" on other peoples. On the contrary, we
favor the kind of world in which different
peoples can develop their own institutions and
cultures. We support a world of diversity.
But we are deeply committed to certain basic
propositions about the position of man as a free
individual and government by the consent of the
governed. We believe that these basic proposi-
tions have universal validity, and they are, in
fact, the aspirations of a great majority of men
everywhere, including behind the Iron and
Bamboo Curtains.

We have a national interest in encouraging
trends within the Communist world toward na-
tional independence, more personal freedom,
and more open societies.

Our deepest and, in the long run, most vital
interest lies in the building of a stable world
community. The present anarchic condition of

human affairs on this tiny planet is dangerously
precarious for everybody. We must work un-
tiringly toward a great society for all mankind.
Our most elemental national interest — the secu-
rity of our way of life — demands a world order
that provides peace, a rule of law, fraternal
cooperation, and progress for the entire human

U.S. and Israel Exchange Views
on Matters of Mutual interest

Prime Minister Levi Eshhol of Israel and
Mrs. Eshkol visited the United States May 31
to June 11, 1964-. The Prime Minister met with
President Johnson and other U.S. officials dur-
ing his stay at Washington June 1-3. Follow-
ing is an exchange of greetings between Presi-
dent Johnson and Prime Minister Eshhol on
June 1 and the text of a joint cormnuniqy£
released on June 2.


White House press release dated June 1
President Johnson

Mr. Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen : I
am very happy, Mr. Prime Minister, to welcome
you to our country. Your predecessors have
visited my country informally several times in
the past, but this is the first official visit by a
Prime Minister of Israel. We are pleased that
you have come. My coimtrymen greatly ad-
mire the progress made by your people. You
have met and mastered monumental problems
of economic survival. You have shown all the
world how to use science and teclmology to
improve man's life on the planet.

Today Israel is a vital, prosperous land, a
symbol of the courage and the strength of her
people. The United States is proud to have
assisted in this high enterprise. We are pre-
pared to continue our contributions to technical
advancement in Israel, particularly in the field
of desalinization of water. We are aware, Mr.
Prime Minister, of the problems of political



adjustment that Israel faces with her neigh-
bors. We know that you want to live in peace
witli those neigiibors, and we believe it not only
possible but imperative tliat those problems be
peacefully resolved, bringmg justice to all as
well as security for all.

We welcome this opportunity to exchange
views with you on matters of mutual interest.
We share many common objectives, Mr. Prime
Minister, chief of which is the building of a
better world, a world in which evei-y nation can
develop its resources and develop them in free-
dom and in peace. I am confident this visit will
result in increased imderstanding between us
and a strengthening of our already cordial

Mr. Prime Minister, it gives me great pleas-
ure to say, Shalom.

Prime Minister Eshkol

Mr. President and Mrs. Johnson: Mrs. Esh-
kol and I are deeply grateful for your kind
invitation and warm welcome. It is a privilege
to meet the statesman on whom destiny has laid
so vast and historic a responsibility.

In the short time since you, Mr. President,
assumed your exalted ofEce, your deep dedica-
tion to peace, to freedom, and to the welfare
of ordinary people has aroused hope and con-
fidence throughout the world.

The prophet Malachi, almost 3,000 years ago,
delivered this eternal message, and I will cite
it in Hebrew : Halo av echad lekvlanu? halo el
one echad hareinu? (Have we not all one
Father? hath not one God created us?)

In face of the danger to human survival in
our time, this lasting truth, and with it the sense
of common destiny, is cutting across the bar-
riers of hostility and ideology which divide

From Jerusalem, city of immortal prophecy
and peace, I bear with me the best wishes of the
people of Israel to you, Mr. President, the first
citizen of this great country. You fulfill the
injunction of our sages — to love peace and
pursue peace.

Mr. President, from this great center of gov-
ernment, here in Washington, symbol and re-
pository of democracy, there has constantly

gone forth a message of encouragement to na-
tions in their .struggle for liberty and the
aflirmation of human values. The aid and sym-
pathy tendered to us by successive United
States governments, and by the people of the
United States, are engraved for all time on the
tablets of our renewed nationhood.

Through you, Mr. President, I wish to con-
vey, from the people of Israel to the people of
the United States, a heartfelt message of good
will and of best wishes for their happiness and

Mr. President, this moment will always re-
main with me. For me, it is symbolic of the
providential change which has taken place in
the fortunes of my people, of tlie transition
within so short a time from the tragedy which
only two decades ago engulfed one-third of my
people to the new epoch of independence and
construction which commenced with the rise of

Only lasting faith in the fulfillment of proph-
ecy enabled us to survive tribulation down the
ages. In our time it has been given to us to
reaffirm in independence the ancient unbroken
link between the people of Israel and the land
of Israel. It is our belief that, just as the
prophecy of the restoration of Zion is being
fulfilled, so, too, will the prophecy of universal
peace be vindicated.

Mr. President, I thank you from the heart
for your friendship, which is a source of the
deepest encouragement to my people as it faces
the future with faith and hope.


White House press release dated June 2

Prime Minister Eshkol and President John-
son have completed two days of discussions on
matters of mutual interest and concern. Both
welcomed the opportunity presented by the
Prime Minister's visit at the invitation of the
President for a full exchange of views.

The President presented the views of the
United States on various world problems, in-
cludmg those of the Near East. He empha-
sized the strong desire of the United States for
friendly relations with all nations of the Near

JTTNE 22, 1964


East, and its devotion to peace in the area and
to peaceful economic and social development of
all countries in the area. He congratulated
Prime Minister Eshkol on the progress made
by Israel since 1948 in the economic, teclinical,
social and cultural fields. He noted the exam-
ple provided by Israel in economic growth and
human development in conditions of freedom.

Prime Minister Eshkol expressed deep appre-
ciation for the consistent interest and sympathy
shown by the U.S. and for the generous eco-
nomic assistance rendered by the U.S. Govern-
ment and the American people to Israel over the
years. He was confident that Israel's develop-
ment would continue unabated towards the
rapid achievement of a self-sustaining economy.
It was his deep conviction that peace and the
maintenance of the territorial integrity and na-
tional independence of all countries in the Near
East is of vital interest to the region and to the

The President welcomed assurances of Israel's
deep concern, which the United States shares,
for peace in the area. He reiterated to Prime
Minister Eshkol U.S. support for the terri-
torial integrity and political independence of
all countries in the Near East and emphasized
the firm opposition of the U.S. to aggression
and the use of force or the threat of force against
any country. In this connection, both leaders
expressed their concern at the diversion of vi-
tally important resources from development to

The two leaders declared their firm determi-
nation to make every effort to increase the broad
area of understanding which already exists be-
tween Israel and the United States and agreed
that the Prime Minister's visit advanced this

The agreement reached to undertake joint
studies on problems of desalting provided con-
crete evidence of the desire of the United States

to continue to assist Israel in its efforts to solve
remainmg economic problems. Both countries
view this as part of the world-wide cooperative
effort being undertaken to solve the problem of
scarcity of water and hope for rapid progress
toward large-scale desalting in Israel. The
knowledge and experience obtained from the
joint effort will be available to all countries with
water deficiencies.

In conclusion, the President and Prime Min-
ister expressed their conviction that their peo-
ples shared common values and were dedicated
to the advancement of man, to individual free-
dom, and to human dignity.

Prime Minister Sliastri Assured
of Continued U.S. Cooperation

Following is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Johnson to Lai Bahadur Shastri, Pnme
Minister of India.

White House press release dated June 2

June 2, 1964
I hasten to send my hearty congratulations
on the occasion of your election as Prime Min-
ister of India. The people and Government of
the United States look forward to working with
you and your countrymen in the same spirit of
friendshijD and understanding that marked the
relations between India and our country during
the time of your great predecessor. I send my
warmest personal good wishes for your success
in the great tasks you now undertake, and my
assurance of the reliable friendship and co-
operation of the United States. Our countries
are united in their pui-pose of peace, their effort
for economic progress, and their dedication to
human dignity.



On Working With History

hy W. W. Rostov}

Counselor and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council ^

It is a grand custom that you have here at
Haverforcl -which requirCvS the graduation
speaker to spend some time with the senior class
before he writes his talk. I look back on the
schedule that was mounted here for me as a
kind of imposed filibuster. I cannot recall two
■working days when I did more talking. But I
also listened. iVnd when, back in Washington,
I took stock, I felt those questions centered on
two matters :

First, tliere was a desire to know, in broadest
terms, what the foreign policy of our Govern-
ment aims to achieve on the world scene. Wliat
are our objectives? Do they conform to the
basic principles and commitments which lie at
the base of our society here at home ?

Second, there was concern about certain ur-
gent, immediate, day-to-day problems, notably
in our relations with the developing nations of
Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin

As best I can in 20 minutes or so, I shall try
now to speak to those two questions.

Objectives of U.S. Foreign Policy

The United States is a great power on the
world scene; but the forces with which we must
deal are not putty in our hands. At our best,
we have achieved and we can achieve great
things; but we can achieve them only if we are
simultaneously true to the best that is in us
as a nation and if we work with, rather than
against, the grain of history.

* Address made at commencement exercises at
Haverford College. Haverford, Pa., on June 5 (press
release 269).

History always looks inevitable after the
event. But there are important margins which
depend on what nations do and on what indi-
viduals do. History is tolerant of men and na-
tions if they avoid the larger illusions of gi-an-
deur : The riglit stance is a balance between great
striving and an acceptance of the limits within
which we can affect the course of events.

Tlais means we must begin by imderstanding
and accepting the large forces at work on the
world scene which can be shaped and influenced
at the margins but cannot be suppressed or
eliminated by our wishing or ordering their

Specifically, we live in a world dominated by
four major historical forces, each interacting
with the other, each capable of yielding what,
from the point of view of the United States,
would be a good outcome or a bad outcome.

First, in the northern part of the free world,
from Japan east through Canada to West Ber-
lin, we can observe a thrust by nations and
peoples to reduce the degree of their immediate
postwar dependence on the United States and to
exert a larger control over their own destiny.
The basis for this thrust is one of the great
success stories of modern history. Japan and
Western Europe, beaten down by war, have not
merely recovered from wartime devastation;
they have moved on to what is, quite literally,
the greatest and most sustained interval of de-
velopment in the whole of their economic his-
tory. This has been accompanied by the re-
emergence of a vital social and political life and
a new confidence.

The question posed for us and for them by

JUNE 22, 1964


this phenomenon is whether this new-found
strength and confidence will yield a return to
old-fashioned nationalism or whether we can,
working together, construct an acceptable part-
nership in all the great affairs of the planet, not
merely in defense but also m trade and mone-
tai7 affairs, in assistance to the developing na-
tions, and in working together in the direction

of peace.

Thus the first task of American foreign policy
is to use our limited but real margin of influ-
ence to help shift our relations with these ad-
vanced nations of the north toward partnership
and to avoid that fragmentation which would
render our resources ineffective and which
could, indeed, place all our nations in mortal
danger in a nuclear age.

The second great historic fact we must face
is that the peoples in the whole southern half of
the world— Latin America, Africa, Asia, and
the Middle East— are swept by a compelling
impulse to modernize their societies in such
ways as to give them a role of national dignity
on the world scene and to bring to their peoples
what contemporary science and teclinology can
offer. This process touches every aspect of their
traditional life : economic, social, and political.
It brings about not merely new methods of pro-
duction but a new style of family life, new ties
between the villages and the cities, new func-
tions and methods in national politics, and new
relations to the world outside.

The Communists, sensing the vulnerability of
these societies in an interval of transition, seek
to disrupt them, to damage their relations with
the West, and ultimately to take them over. It
is the interest of the United States that this
process of modernization shall go forward in
such ways that truly independent nations
emerge on the world scene, each of which will be
permitted to fashion out of its own culture and
its own ambitions the kind of society it wants.

The same religious and philosophic beliefs
which demand that we respect the uniqueness
of each individual lead us to respect the unique-
ness of each national society. Moreover, we
are confident that, if the independence of these
societies can be maintained over the comins
years and decades, they will develop their own
version of what we would recognize as demo-
cratic, open societies.

Thus our second fundamental objective is to
mobilize the resources of the more advanced
northern part of the free world to help these
ardent modernizing societies in the south pro-
tect their independence at a vulnerable stage in
their history and to do what we can from the
outside to help them build the economic, social,
and political foundations for their own versions
of modern, democratic societies.

Third, we face the double fact of commu-
nism : a phenomenon committed by its creed to
expand its power to the point where it can orga-
nize the globe on a Communist basis — still im-
pelled by its institutions and habits to thrust
outward — but now confronted by inner frag-
mentation, by inner economic and social prob-
lems, and by external forces sufficient to guar-
antee, if they are well and wisely used, that the
vision of Communist world hegemony will
prove unattain.able.

Here our task is to frustrate those in the
world of communism who still thrust outward
against us while working constructively with
those emerging forces of nationalism and lib-
eralism which may, in time, lead the nations now
under Communist rule to join, like other nation-
states, in building a peaceful and stable world

Simply put, our task is to help bring about,
by peaceful means, if possible, an end to com-
munism as we have known it.

Fourth, we face the historic fact of nuclear
weapons whose use we must contemplate in de-
fense of the free world but whose use could
bring tragic consequences for all humanity ; and
therefore we strive to protect our vital interests
in ways that would minimize the likelihood that
nuclear weapons will have to be invoked and
simultaneously to transform an uncontrolled
arms race into a world of arms control and dis-
armament, in ways which would increase, rather
than diminish, our own security and that of

Taken all together, our task is to help build
an orderly and peaceful world community to
supplant the world system shattered in 1914
and never replaced. We have lived now for
half a century in a world at war, or in near
anarchy, latterly with a nuclear sword of
Damocles over our heads. The construction,
block by block, of a world community is the



grand purpose which suffuses the effort to build
a great partnership in the north, stretching from
Tokyo east to Berlin; to build a new north-
south relationship between the more developed
and developing nations of the free world. This
is our ultiinuto objective in East-West relations,
whei-e we aim not merely to frustrate Commu-
nist aggression but to draw the nations now un-
der Communist rule into an orderly and peace-
ful world comnuinity; for the struggle with
commmiism is ultimately a struggle about how
tliis small planet shall be organized.

The day-to-day foreign policy of your Gov-
ernment is designed to get us from here to there.
The large objectives I have stated are not ab-
stractions written down in policy papers and
forgotten, except when Jime rolls around and
we have to make graduation speeches. They are
the working guidelines which govern the daily
flow of cables, the actions of the missions repre-
senting the United States in every quarter of
the globe.

In looking at our tasks in these terms, we are,
of course, talking about the biggest piece of in-
ternational architecture ever undertaken in a
time of peace. None of the lines of action we
have launched in these directions is as yet com-
plete. But, looking back on almost a generation
of sustained labor since 1945, during which these
broad objectives have governed us, we have
moved some distance down long roads ; and we
have more reason for confidence today that
these objectives are attainable than at any
period in the past.

Policy Toward Guerrilla Warfare

I should now like to turn to a few of the more
specific and immediate questions which were
evidently on your minds in our weekend to-
gether. They tended to center on the north-
south dimension of our foreign policy; that is
to say, our relations with the developing nations
of Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin

Specifically, you raised three questions with

"What about our policy toward guerrilla war-
fare, notably in Southeast Asia?

What is our stance toward political democ-
racy in the developing areas ?

What about our policy toward the economic
development of these regions ?

I should like to say a few words about each.

As President Johnson has often pointed out,
since his state of the Union message in January,
wo are confronted in Southeast Asia and the
Caribbean with a purposeful and thoroughly
professional effort by Communists outside cer-
tain nations to produce Communist insurrection
within them by training, arming, and financing
guerrilla forces; by introducing them illegally
across frontiers; and by guiding their efforts
from day to day from abroad.

This technique for Communist expansion is
difficult to deal with because it is so brutally
economical. Where insurrection has been es-
tablished, even in limited regions within a coun-
try, it takes something like 15 to 20 men on the
government side to control and defeat the ac-
tivities of one guerrilla. This fact arises be-
cause the task of a guerrilla force is to disrupt
and to destroy, while the government must build
and protect what it is building. Guerrilla war-

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 50, Apr- Jun 1964) → online text (page 73 of 84)