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of Texas, associate justice; Russel Howard, of Arizona,
attorney ; and Samuel J. Jones of Arizona, marshall. 15

The first delegate in congress to represent the Terri-
tory was Granville H. Oury, who was recognized as such
January 18, 1862, the day on which the act admitting the
territory was passed ; and on March 11, 1862, he was suc-
ceeded by Marcus H. Me Willie, the attorney general of the
Territory under the military government of Colonel Baylor.
He served until the end of the Confederate government in
1865. 16

The organization of the Territory of Arizona was only
a part of a much larger plan of the Confederates which
contemplated adding the Mexican states of Chihuahua and
Sonora to the Confederacy, thus obtaining control, not only
of a rich mineral country, but of a seaport on the Gulf of
California. In February 1862, General Sibley sent a force
of 100 cavalry commanded by Captain Hunter to capture
Tucson, which he did on February 28th. With these troops
he sent Colonel James Reily on a mission to Governor
Pesqueira of Sonora to try and arrange with him for the
free entry of troops and supplies at Guaymas. In this,
however, he was not successful, as Governor Pesqueira was
in sympathy with the North, and refused to enter into
any deal with the Confederates. Had he done so there
might have been an entirely different outcome to the control
of the southwest and California.

Tucson did not long remain in Confederate hands, for
on May 20th, 1862, when the first of the California Vol-
unteers under command of Colonel J. R. West reached
there, they found that Captain Hunter and his troops had
abandoned the town and were in full retreat to the Rio
Grande. 17

15. Official Records, Vol. 50, Part 1, p. 925.

16. Official Records, Ser. IV, Vol. 3, pp. 1187, 1189, 1191.

17. Official Records, Vol. 50, Part 1, pp. 944, 1031, 1088.


This victory was followed up by the famous march
of the California Volunteers, 1,400 strong under General
James H. Carleton (later appointed to command the Depart-
ment of New Mexico, with headquarters at Santa Fe) to
drive the Confederates out of New Mexico.

The advanced column under Colonel Frye reached the
Rio Grande at Fort Thorn (north of the present town of
Hatch) on July 4th, 1862, and for the first time since the
surrender of Fort Fillmore by Major Lynde the Stars and
Stripes floated again on the lower Rio Grande.

As soon as the arrival of these troops was known, the
Confederates made a hasty flight, abandoning Mesilla, Las
Cruces, Franklin and all points in New Mexico, and the
dream of a new Southern state and an outlet to the Pacific
for the Confederacy was shattered.

A very clear idea of the general conditions in the
new Territory of Arizona is given in a letter from Colonel
William Steele, commanding the Confederate forces at El
Paso, to General S. Cooper, adjutant general at Richmond,
written July 12, 1862, in which he said: 18

General: Having recently abandoned the Territory of
Arizona, and being on the point of starting with my whole
command for San Antonio, I deem it advisable to give you
a brief statement of the various causes that have compelled
me to this step. Of the strength of the force with which I
was expected to hold the Territory about 400 men you
will be able to form a just estimate from the within field
report. After General Sibley had withdrawn from the
country the greater portion of his command, the Mexican
population, justly thinking our tenure very frail and un-
certain, showed great unwillingness to sell property of any
sort for Confederate paper, which would of course be value-
less to them should I be compelled to retire, which was at
any time probable ; and as I was without specie with which
to make purchases, I was obliged to seize upon such supplies
as were required for the subsistence of the troops and such
means of transportation as would enable me to move my
command whenever the necessity might arise for so doing.

18. Official Records, Vol. 50, Part 2, p. 21.


This occasioned so much ill feeling on the part of the Mexi-
cans that in many instances armed resistence was offered
to foraging parties acting under my orders, and in the
various skirmishes which took place one captain and several
men of my regiment were killed by them. Besides this, the
troops with me were so disgusted with the campaign and
so anxious to return to Texas that in one or two instances
they were on the point of open mutiny, and threatened to
take the matter in their own hands unless they were speedily
marched back to San Antonio.

In the meantime the forces from California, about
1,500 strong, were steadily approaching, and on the 6th
day of July their advance was at Fort Thorn, on the Rio
Grande. Troops from Fort Craig had been seen the day
previous moving toward the same point. Knowing this,
and that the enemy, after leaving competent garrisons
behind, would be able to bring 3,000 troops against me,
independent of a recent re-enforcement which they received
of 500 men from Pike's Peak, and 250 more with six
rifle cannon, who escorted the paymaster from Kansas, the
necessity of moving my force became imperative. I was
then at Fort Fillmore, with but little ammunition, and not-
withstanding the efforts I had made, with very inadequate
means of transportation. I, however, abandoned the Ter-
ritory on the 8th of July and marched for Fort Bliss, at
which point I now am. As soon as this move had been
determined on, the sale was ordered of all public property
at Fort Bliss which was too bulky for or not worth trans-
portation. This sale was held for specie and breadstuffs.
The specie was turned over to the general hospital which I
was compelled to leave at Franklin. There was besides a
considerable quantity of stores that could not be sold and
which were too weighty for transportation, such as horse
and mule shoes, cannon, ammunition, tents &c.

To conclude, I am now about to start for San Antonio
with very limited means of transportation, and insufficient
supply of breadstuff and beef, depending on the contingency
of meeting provisions forwarded from San Antonio,
and with troops in many instances almost naked. The Gen-
eral hospital at Franklin under the charge of Doctor South-
worth, has been provided with $830.00 in specie and credit
to a larger amount with parties in Mexico. This I submit to


you as a true representation of the condition of affairs in

this country.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Wm. Steele
Colonel, Commanding

On August 14, 1862, General Carleton, who by that
time had reached the Rio Grande and taken command,
issued General Orders No. 15 in which he stated: 19

The people may now rest assured that the era of an-
archy and misrule when there was no protection to life or
property, when the wealthy were robbed and oppressed,
when all were insulted and maltreated, and when there
was no respect for age or sex, has passed away ; that now
under the sacred banner of our country all may claim and
shall receive their just rights. Therefore let the burden of
anxiety be lifted from their hearts, and once more pursue
their avocations with cheerfulness, and with the full con-
fidence that the protection which now shelters them from
injustice will always be stronger in proportion as they shall
be powerless to protect themselves.

19. Official Records, Vol. 50, Part 1, p. 44.


Three New Mexico Chronicles: The Exposition of Don
Pedro Bautista Pino, 1812; the Ojeada of Lie. Antonio Bar-
reiro, 1832; and the additions of Don Jose Agustin de Escu-
dero, 1849. Translation and notes, by H. Bailey Carroll and J.
Villasana Haggard. (The Quivira Society, Vol. XI, Univer-
sity of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1942. Pp. xxxi-|-342,
illustrations, glossary. Facsimile of the original edition of
Don Pedro Baptista Pino's Exposition; facsimile of the orig-
inal edition of Lie. Antonio Barreiro's Ojeada sobre Nuevo-
Mexico. Index. $10.00).

Another notable volume marks the high standards of
the Quivira Society under the editorship of George P. Ham-
mond. This, the eleventh volume, (volume ten is yet to ap-
pear) , is a translation of three 19th century chronicles of
New Mexico. The original book was discovered first by the
translators, H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard,
in a private collection. Upon investigation they found addi-
tional copies in the Latin-American library of the Univer-
sity of Texas and in the Bancroft Library of the Univer-
sity of California. The Pino report and the Barreiro Ojeada
have long been recognized by historians as, perhaps, the
most valuable sources upon the history of New Mexico in
this period. So, it is most gratifying to have this material
made easily available.

Don Pedro Bautista Pino presented the first of the
three chronicles as a report to the Cortes in Spain when he
represented New Mexico there in 1810. It was published in
Cadiz in 1812. The Ojeada by Barreiro was published in
Puebla, Mexico, in 1832. The latter was republished with the
final notes by Escudero, bringing the material up to the date
of publication in Mexico, 1849.

In the Editor's Introduction, Mr. Hammond gives
brief sketches of the three co-authors and calls attention
to the clever acrostic in Pino's report (vide facsimile, Ap-



pendix, 252-253) by which Juan Lopez Cancelada identified
himself and pretty well established the responsibility for
the literary form of the Pino report.

Aside from the introductory chapter on discovery,
settlement, and early history of the colony (in which there
are some curious and interesting 19th century errors fully
explained in the notes) , the chronicles deal with conditions
in 19th century New Mexico. The geographical situation,
land ownership and economic problems, political affairs,
church, administration of justice, questions of public taxes,
the military, census, education, natural resources, trade,
and Indians show the completeness of the review.

Something of the skill of the translation may be judged
by consulting the facsimiles of the original report and the
Ojeada which are reproduced in half-tones in the Appen-
dix, although the 1849 edition is the one from which the
translators worked. One of the most valuable parts of the
book is the editor's notes. There are some fifty pages which
identify and explain items in careful and painstaking de-
tail, adding a wealth of documentation. The glossary com-
pletes the identification and a full index closes the volume.

With such careful editing one finds continued accuracy ;
only minor queries occur such as the extensive note on
varas being placed after the second appearance of the word
(p. 26) when it first occurred on p. 23.

This volume is distinguished not only by its excellent
scholarship but also by its beautiful title page, fine illus-
trations and binding. It is a book which brings delight to
the bibliophile and collector, as well as joy to the historian.

Dorothy Woodward.
University of New Mexico

Diary and Letters of Josiah Gregg. Edited by Maurice G.
Fulton, with an introduction by Paul Horgan. (Norman:
Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1941. xvii 413 pp., maps and
illustrations, two appendices, index. $3.50.)

It being easier to point out mistakes than it is to avoid


making them, this review will refrain from mentioning
obvious typographical errors, occasional lapses in syntax
and inconsistencies in historical references, due no doubt,
to hasty proof reading, but which in no way detract from
the value or interest of the contribution to historical and
biographical knowledge. The dedication of this well printed
volume indicates the source of the material: "To Claude
Hardwicke, grand-nephew of Josiah Gregg, who safeguarded
his ancestor's papers in the hope of their adequate publica-
tion, and to his widow, Antoinette Hardwicke, who with
loyal persistency has helped to achieve that aim."

The book is the first of two volumes. It covers the
portions of the diaries and letters of Josiah Gregg between
his final retirement from the Santa Fe trade in 1840, and
the severance in 1847 of his connection with General Wool's
campaign in the Mexican War. The second volume is to
present Gregg "as an observer of the Battle of Buena Vista,
a practicing physician in Saltillo, a visitor to the city of
Mexico, the leader of a scientific expedition westward to
Mazatlan." From this port Gregg migrated to California
and the Northwest for further adventure and exploration.

Fulton believes that the publication of this material
will give a new perspective of Gregg and a truer realization
"of how gifted he was in observing, wherever he went, the
country and its people and how naturally and unartificially
he expressed his impressions."

As an introduction, Paul Horgan contributes a bi-
ographical sketch. Horgan, who has made himself a name
as a novelist and student of New Mexico history, takes the
sparse biographical data and spins them into a vivid pres-
entation of a living figure against a colorful background of
pioneer days and adventure. It is a masterpiece of writing,
worth-while American literature. Unfortunately, it is not
to be completed until the second volume is published. In
other words, it is left hanging in mid-air at a most interest-
ing turning point in Gregg's career. As to Horgan's method,
it is best explained in his own words : "It is a small enough


bone by which to reconstruct a social skeleton; but by its
reference to idle habit and family propriety, it somehow
makes a ghost of a life."

It is not until page 43, that Part I of the Book is
reached. It is Gregg's diary of his "Last Return from Santa
Fe" and covers details of the trip to Van Buren, Ark., over
a partly new route. With a caravan of forty-seven men,
twenty-eight wagons, 200 mules, and two to three hundred
sheep, the journey began at Santa Fe on February 25,
1840. Arrival at Van Buren was on April 22, almost two
months later. A fight with Pawnees on Trujillo creek was
one of the thrilling incidents recorded, but most of the
diary is given to geographical description which would
identify the route and landmarks to the present day.

Part II describes a "Trip into Texas," June 1841 to
June 1842, to find new business opportunities. It is cotton
country between the Arkansas and Red rivers which he
describes with close attention to flora, fauna and physical
features. Incidentally he dwells on social conditions. Writ-
ing of the country around Clarksville : "As to society, it is
rather bad yet. There are a few planters of some wealth,
but the proportion is very small, and although most of these,
being of backwoods raising, they live in the plainest and
coarsest style. And unfortunately for the country too, there
are a great many persons scattered in different parts of
ill fame, and correspondent conduct. The people of this
vicinity have been endeavoring lately to strike terror to
the miscreants of the country, by the exercise of Lynch's
law whipping some, and hanging some three or four
others." Gregg went as far as Nacogdoches and Shreveport
in Louisiana, abandoning, however, a proposed trip to New
Orleans and returning home to accept a contract to re-
survey the town of Van Buren for which he "was to receive
$900 Arkansas money, and assistants and all things furn-
ished." He formed a commercial partnership with his
brother John and George C. Pickett, but directed his main


effort to writing a book about his experiences of a nine
years' residence in New Mexico.

This adventuring in authorship resulted in the pub-
lication of the classic Commerce of the Prairies through
which Gregg became best known. Part III and the diary
from January 1843 to December 1844 are devoted to the
incidents and transactions with publishers. Outstanding
was his friendship with John Bigelow who was of great
assistance in bringing out the first edition of 2000 copies ; in
fact so much so that authorship was erroneously ascribed
to him by some contemporaries.

From authorship, Gregg turned to medical studies, a
period covered by his diary from February 1845 to May
1846. It was, no doubt, because of protracted illness that
Gregg decided to go to Louisville to attend medical lectures.
Included in this Part IV are a number of letters to Bigelow
and other correspondence with fac-simile reproduction of a
page from the diary and a broadside prepared by Gregg to
advertise Commerce of the Prairies.

Parts V and VI are somewhat startling accounts of the
Arkansas Volunteers in their invasion of Mexico during the
War with Mexico. It was a bizarre military expedition in
which Gregg was extremely critical of commanding officers
and the conduct of the war. Of San Antonio he writes : "I
did not expect to see so poor and wretched looking a place.
* * * The streets are dirty, crooked, and narrow no
sort of pavement nor even sidewalks; I believe none of
the streets have even names." Gregg, in describing "grama"
grass of northern Mexico in which New Mexico was in-
cluded at that time, points out "that animals winter upon
it without other feed," and predicts that therefore the
country will be fine for pasturing. He tells of cattle being
so abundant "that they are said to have been sold as low
as 50 cents to a dollar per head."

"Visits to Monterrey and Saltillo" during the winter
of 1846-1847 form a colorful last chapter of the volume.
Appendices include "Memorabilia in Letters" in which there


are found biographical data, and the text of an oration
delivered by Gregg at Jonesborough, Missouri, on the 4th
of July, 1829, when he was only twenty years old. The
Index, while not comprehensive, is useful to the student.
All in all, the book is not only a necessity for every historical
library but is so entertaining that it should be also of inter-
est to the general reader, young or old. P.A.F.W.

Guddal P'a: The Journal of Lieut. J. W. Abert, from Bent's
Fort to St. Louis in 1845. Edited by H. Bailey Carroll.
(Canyon, Texas; The PanHandle-Plains Historical Society,
1941. 121 pp., portrait, map, index. $3.50.)

In his opening pages (3-7) the editor introduces the
reader to the biographical record of Lieutenant Abert and
to the little known record of his exploration of the Canadian
River, the Kiowa name for which he makes use of for
his title.

In the late summer of 1845, when Capt. J. C. Fremont
was at Bent's Fort on his third western exploration. Lieu-
tenant Abert was detached from the main expedition and
given orders to cross by Raton Pass and get on the head-
waters of the Canadian which stream he was to explore
eastward to its junction with the Arkansas River between
Fort Gibson and Fort Smith. Mr. Carroll tells us that the
original manuscript is now in the National Archive, but
he seems to have worked from the text as first published in
the Senate Documents.

Not all will agree with the editor that this journal is
more important than Abert's later Report of his examina-
tion of New Mexico 1846-7; or that there is any significance
in his use of mules. He had four wagons, and naturally he
would use mules but he had saddle horses along also. Abert
does give interesting notes and comments regarding the
Kiowa Indians ; and very interesting also is the "back-stage"
view we are afforded of the existing feud relations between
Comanches and Texans.


In the printing of this book throughout, there was an
unfortunate carelessness at the Press in the spreading of
the ink. The editing and proof reading have been especially
good. L. B. B.

To Form a More Perfect Union. The Lives of Charles and
Mary Clarke from their letters 1847-71. By Herbert 0.
Brayer. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1941. 233 pp., Illustrated.)

Dedicated to Dr. George P. Hammond of the University
of New Mexico, this recently published volume presents, in
letters of Charles Francis Clarke and his widow, an intimate
picture of life on the western frontier from 1847-1871.
Divided into period chapters by the author, each is prefaced
by a vivid summary of the events and other high lights of
the years covered. The result is a most entertaining as
well as informative American history, lucidly written and
of literary merit.

Charles Francis Clarke, when twenty years old, ran
away from his home at Henstead in Suffolk county, Eng-
land. It it through his English eyes that the American
scene is first presented. In his letters home, the transforma-
tion into a patriotic American can be discerned. These
letters were made available to the author by Miss Florence
Clarke of Toadlena, N. M. The first one was sent from
Milwaukee, Wis., October 3, 1847. "I am very sorry at
having left England" writes Clarke. "Why I left I know
not." He was soon to get over the spell of homesickness.
"The railroads here are very slow and very rough never
going above 15 miles an hour," he remarks in this first
missive. As to prices he says "You may buy a good cow
here for 10 dollars, a pair of oxen for 40, a pair of ex-
cellent horses for 100, a wagon for 50 wheat now is worth
75 cents a bushel; and a laborer will earn 1 dollar a day
or his board and lodging and 10 dollars a month." Whiskey
was quoted at 30 cents a gallon. "My board and lodging at
an Hotel cost me 2 dollars a week. A single man can live


very comfortably for 2 to 300 dollars a year. The legal
interest allowed in this Territory is 12 per cent, but I have
let several sums out on good landed security at 20 per cent
and you can frequently obtain 50, money being very scarce."

Clarke enlisted in the United States Army in 1848 and
was ordered to proceed to Mexico City as a paymaster. He
sailed down the Mississippi to New Orleans and thence
to Vera Cruz. Near Puebla the American troops were
attacked several times by guerrilla bands which were easily

Clarke apparently had become a lawyer and on his re-
turn to Milwaukee after being discharged from the Army,
negotiated a law partnership. However, "Law here is a
very poor business. It seems to be the principal aim of
the legislature in framing the laws of the State to injure
the lawyer as much as possible. It requires a good business
to be worth 400 to 500 dollars a year while a laborer gets
from one to two dollars a day." Clarke therefore accepted
a clerkship with the American Fur Company at $25 a
month and board. In 1849 he re-enlisted in the U. S. Army.
His pay was $8 a month with rations and clothing, which
he wrote to his father "is quite sufficient." September 29th,
1852, finds him at Fort Massachusetts in New Mexico, a
picture of which is one of the illustrations of the book. Three
weeks were spent at Fort Union from where the route was
via Taos. In "several places the mountains were so rugged
and steep that we had to take out the mules and let the
carriage down with ropes," he reports and then remarks:
"The appearance of the inhabitants of New Mexico is not at
all prepossessing to a stranger. They are a mixture between
the Spaniards and Indians and possess all the vices and but
few of the virtues of both races. The houses are built of
sun-dried brick and are anything but neat looking. Agricul-
ture is at a very low ebb and the climate is so dry that in
order to secure a certain crop the land has to be irrigated.
The only thing in favour of the country is its remarkably
healthy climate." On April 25, 1853, he writes his father


from Fort Massachusetts: "It is seriously recommended by
the military governor and several other distinguished in-
dividuals to abandon New Mexico altogether to the In-
dians, withdrawing both the Civil and Military authorities,
it being retained only at an immense cost to the govern-
ment and actually bringing in nothing at all in return.
In fact they do not export a single article to the United
States or anywhere else. Wagons coming to this country
with manufactured goods going back empty for want of
freight." At Cantonment Burgwin, 80 miles further south,
conditions were more agreeable, according to Clarke : "The
land is very rich and climate fine. . . . Labour, such as it
is, is very cheap. You can hire a Mexican for 25 cents per
diem, and buy an able-bodied peon for about thirty dol-
lars." Here Clarke came in contact with Ceran St. Vrain
who is now very wealthy, owning and carrying on three

Online LibraryUniversity of New MexicoNew Mexico historical review (Volume 17) → online text (page 16 of 33)