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BOOKS IN NEW MEXICO, 1598-1680 247

a vessel for Panama. From there he travelled to Nicaragua
and spent some time with the bishop, who was his uncle.
From Nicaragua he went to Mexico, where he held office as
an alcalde mayor, and in 1660 he was appointed to the gov-
ernorship of New Mexico.

His chief aim as head of the provincial government was
personal profit and gain, and in pursuing this end he did not
hesitate to employ fraud or misuse the authority of his office.
He took advantage of his position as judge of residencia to
acquire a large amount of property belonging to L6pez, and
when he learned that the latter was about to be arrested on
orders from the Holy Office, he seized more of his belongings.
Father Posada, as agent of the Holy Office, demanded return
of Lopez' property, but Penalosa refused to comply and
hurriedly sent off a large part of it for sale in Parral. The
prelate acted with dispatch and had the goods embargoed at
Parral before they could be sold. This action aroused Pena-
losa to bitter anger and hostility against the prelate, which
resulted in strained relations during the spring and summer
of 1663. In the autumn the situation was aggravated by the
fact that Penalosa gave orders for the seizure of a colonist
who had taken refuge in ecclesiastical sanctuary. Posada
made repeated demands for the return of the prisoner, and
was ready to impose excommunication if the governor
failed to comply. Penalosa now resorted to violent measures,
arrested the prelate, and prepared to expel him from the
province. But he finally backed down and negotiated a
peaceful settlement of the issue.

During these hectic months he had also aroused consid-
erable resentment in other ways. He made extravagant
statements concerning the nature and extent of his authority
as governor, and allegedly made scurrilous remarks about
the prelate and the tribunal of the Holy Office. Friar and
colonist alike were scandalized by a certain levity which
characterized his conversation on religious topics, by his
coarseness of speech, and the brazen manner in which he
flaunted certain phases of his personal conduct. Realizing


that his position had become untenable and desirous of dis-
posing of such property of L6pez as still remained in his
hands, he left for New Spain early in 1664, before his succes-
sor arrived.

Reports of Pefialosa's activities had already reached the
Holy Office, and these were supplemented by a mass of testi-
mony later submitted by Father Posada. An order for Pena-
losa's arrest was issued by the Inquisition on June 16, 1665,
and the next day he entered the jail of the tribunal. His
property was placed under embargo and detailed inventories
were made of the furniture, clothing, arms, and other per-
sonal effects found in his residence in Mexico City. The lists
include many books on a wide range of subjects. (See appen-
dix, nos. 108-151.) Although some of these may have been
purchased after his return to Mexico City, it may be assumed
that he had many of them with him in New Mexico. Some of
the volumes (117, 122, 129, 150) had formerly belonged to
Lopez de Mendizabal, and the list probably contained others
that he had taken on various occasions when he seized Lopez'
property. In any case he had a larger library than Lopez.
In addition to the property listed in the inventories, he made
a statement concerning things which he had given as security
to various persons in Mexico City. One item says that a cer-
tain Diego de Rojas held "many books and other things."

Like Lopez and his wife, Penalosa had in his possession
a fairly large number of strictly devotional works, some of
which he undoubtedly had taken from them, but the re-
mainder of his library was more varied and extensive. The
collection includes moral and political philosophy and satire,
a miscellaneous collection of historical works, some books on
theology and law, a treatise on horsemanship, Nebrija's
grammar and vocabulary, an Estilo de Cartas, an Arte
poetica and Gracian's treatise on rhetoric, plus one pastoral
and one picaresque novel and a volume of Comedias.

The lists indicate an especially strong interest in politi-
co-moral philosophy. We have already mentioned the possi-
bility that his copy of Saavedra Fajardo's Empresas politicas

BOOKS IN NEW MEXICO, 1598-1680 249

(129), which was dedicated to Prince Baltasar Carlos and
dealt with the education and obligations of a prince, had
originally belonged to Lopez de Mendizabal. Whether it was
acquired in this way or in more legitimate fashion, it fits in
with one of the largest single sections of Penalosa's library.
He owned almost all of the works of the Aragonese Jesuit,
Father Baltasar Gracian, including the Heroe (111), the
Discrete (112), the Ordcido Manual (113), the Politico
(127), and his masterpiece, the Criticon (110), all of which
exalt the virtues of the outstanding individual at the expense
of the common herd. The cruel satire of Quevedo, two of
whose books are listed (143, 147), is also impregnated with
scorn of the vulgar. Less important works belonging to the
same general category are Nunez de Castro's Seneca impug-
nado de Seneca (135) and Lopez de Vega's Herqclito y
Democrito (136), which is in the form of dialogues between
a courtier and a philosopher. One of the two books by Zaba-
leta, El dia de fiesta (124), consists of satirical sketches of
life in Madrid, and his Err ores celebrados (141) contains
maxims, witty sayings, etc. There is also a translation from
the Italian called Letras humanas (145) .

The historical works he owned fall into two groups. His
career as a public official in the Indies explains his owner-
ship of such items as Torquemada's Monarquia Indiana
(119), Vargas Machuca's Milicia Indiana (116), and less
general works such as a chronicle of Mechoacan (115) and
Villagra's History of New Mexico (125) . In addition to these,
he had a volume called Viaje del Infante Cardenal by Aedo y
Gallart (137), and a translation of Count Mayolino Bi-
saccioni's Civil Wars of England (134). Apparently he was
much interested in the latter, for it was among the books
he asked for while he was a prisoner in the jail of the Holy
Office, describing it as "the imprisonment and death of the
King of England at the hands of the Parliament." Perhaps
he was vain enough to draw some comparison with his own

Both Penalosa and Lopez dabbled in literary composi-


tion. Most of it, according to the documentary sources, was
in the form of poetical satire against the clergy. Unfortun-
ately, none of these efforts are preserved in the records of
their trials, and there is no way of judging how talented they
were in this direction, but we may assume that Penalosa
made use of his treatises on poetry and rhetoric and similar

Apparently Penalosa had done enough reading on eccle-
siastical subjects and canon law to feel that he was quali-
fied to argue with the local clergy on points of doctrine and
ceremonial, as well as to insist upon having his own way in
matters involving civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. He
aroused great resentment on both counts. In a petition to
Penalosa's successor, Governor Miranda, Father Posada said
that the former governor's procedure could not be excused
on the ground of ignorance since he had aquired sufficient
knowledge and experience in judicial posts of responsibility
to know better. Another indignant friar, Bernardo Lopez
de Cobarrubias, testifying against Penalosa at the convent
of Santo Domingo in January, 1664, spoke his mind in no
uncertain fashion :

Item, the declarant asks this Holy Tribunal to
take from the said Don Diego de Penalosa all the
books he has, both moral and expositive, because
he is too much inclined to censure the priest's man-
ner of saying the mass, whether it is good or bad,
and whether he performs the ceremonies well or
badly. . . And let him be asked how he understands
matters of morality having to do with cases of con-
science, because he sets himself up as a synodalist
desirous of examining the priests, his purpose
being to mock and scoff at their persons and at
what they know or do not know.

In another connection, with regard to some rather dubious
documents found among Penalosa's papers, the Inquisitors
took pains to set him straight on the subject of forbidden
reading :

BOOKS IN NEW MEXICO, 1598-1680 251

They also told him that he was not to read
papers or books that did not carry the approval of
the Holy Mother Church, the place where they were
written or printed, the name of the printer or
scribe, the author's name, and authorization.

From time to time during his imprisonment Penalosa
requested permission to have certain books. These petitions
were usually unsuccessful, and it is possible that part of the
reason lies in the foregoing. Shortly after he was admitted
to the jail he asked for the Horas del oficio de Nuestra Senora
(108) and Saavedra's Empresas politicas. This request was
denied, and a little over a week later he tried again, asking
for the Sermons of Najera (123), with no greater success.
About a year later, in July, 1666, a second request for the
Empresas was ignored. In September, 1667, no action was
taken on a note to the tribunal in which he asked to be
allowed to have the Herdclito y Democrito and the "Im-
prisonment and death of the King of England" already re-
ferred to, but about three months later the rather pathetic
appeal for "a book to read" was finally granted and the tri-
bunal said that he might have a "spiritual book."

The sentence of the court was pronounced on Febru-
ary 3, 1668. He was subjected to a heavy fine, perpetual
ineligibility for military and political office, and banishment
from New Spain and the West Indies. On the following day
he took part in an auto de fe and made formal abjuration of
his errors. Toward the end of the year he set sail from
Veracruz, apparently for Spain, but several months later he
turned up in England where he tried to obtain support for an
attack on the Spanish Indies. Failing in his efforts, he
moved on to Paris where he continued his intrigues against
the Spanish Crown. He died in France in 1687.

In addition to books privately owned, the provincial
governors had the use of volumes kept in the library or
archive of the Casa Real in Santa Fe. By virtue of their
office the governors served as superior judges in civil and
criminal cases affecting the secular jurisdiction, and it was


necessary to have on hand legal and administrative treatises
for reference in the conduct of judicial business. As already
noted, some of the works cited by Vidania in his defense of
Rosas may have been in the archive of the Casa Real. In
1663, during the dispute over violation of ecclesiastical
sanctuary, Penalosa wrote a letter to Father Posada in which
he cited various authorities (155-159) . One was the Summa
of Silvestro Mazzolini, also cited by Vidania in 1640. In his
testimony before the Holy Office, Penalosa also mentioned the
Curia philipica (152), Solorzano's Politico, Indiana (153),
and a treatise on procedure by Monterroso (154), all of
which had apparently been at his disposal in Santa Fe. 24

The documentary sources at present available record
few references to books owned by soldiers and colonists. The
lists of personal effects of members of the Oiiate expedition
reveal that Capt. Alonso de Quesada had "seven books on
secular and religious subjects," and that Juan del Caso
Baraona, an enlisted soldier, owned "five medical books by
recognized authorities." 25 A document of 1636, giving an
inventory of the property of a certain Francisco Gomez de
Torres, deceased, lists a "volume of devotional papers." 26
Francisco de Anaya Almazan, who served as secretary of
government and war for several governors, was the owner
of a copy of the Curia philipica. 27 Such, in brief, is the rec-
ord for the period prior to 1660.

In 1662 four New Mexico soldiers Cristobal de Anaya
Almazan (son of Francisco), Diego Romero, Nicolas de
Aguilar, and Francisco Gomez Robledo were arrested by
the commissary of the Holy Office and sent to Mexico City
for trial. 28 The lists of personal effects in their possession

24. A. G. M., Inquisicion, tomo 507.

25. A. G. I., Mexico, leg. 25. Apparently Juan del Caso had more than an or-
dinary layman's interest in medicine, for he also had various kinds of medications and
a few surgical instruments. He may have been a barber-surgeon.

26. Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico, leg. 1, doc. 8.

27. Trial proceedings in the case of Cristobal de Anaya Almazan, A. G. M., In-
quisicion, tomo 586.

28. See Scholes, Troublous Times, Ch. VIII.

BOOKS IN NEW MEXICO, 1598-1680 253

at the time of their entry into the jail of the Inquisition show
that the first three had one or more books. As might be
expected, they were all of religious character, such as cate-
chisms and books of prayers and devotions. (See appendix,
nos. 164-170). It is interesting to note that Nicolas de
Aguilar, who had three books, including a copy of the
Gospels, later told the Inquisitors "that he could not read or
write, that only now was he learning his letters." 29

The trial proceedings indicate that in some circles in
New Mexico there had been considerable debate on doctrinal
matters, especially with regard to the spiritual relationship
contracted by the priest, the baptized, and the sponsors as a
result of the sacrament of baptism. The principal charge
against Anaya was that he had denied the teachings of the
Church on this point, and both Romero and Gomez were
accused of similar views, although the major charges against
them were of another character. In testimony before the
tribunal both Anaya and Romero admitted that they had
expressed erroneous views concerning spiritual relation-
ships, but alleged that their ideas had been derived from
certain books (authors and titles not given). Romero, for
example, told the court that he had had no deliberate
intention of opposing the teachings of the Church, but
had "misunderstood" what he had read on the subject.
His excuse probably had some validity, for according to his
own testimony "he could read and write but very little and
badly." 30 But the Inquisitors had little patience with these
excuses, as is evidenced in their denunciation of Anaya for
"going about on his own authority, introducing himself as
a learned doctor, and engaging in disputes on matters that
were not for him to decide." 31 The sentence of the court in
Anaya's case called for public abjuration of his errors before
his fellow citizens in New Mexico. Romero, who was found
guilty on other charges as well as the one discussed above,
was banished from the province.

29. A. G. M., Inquisicion, tomo 512.

30. A. G. M., Inquisicion, tomo 586.

31. Scholes, Troublous Times, 190.


Despite the punishment meted out to these offenders,
the colonists continued to engage in dispute on doctrinal
matters and to read theological books which they were ill
prepared to interpret or understand. In 1669 Fray Juan
Bernal, commissary of the Holy Office, wrote to the Inquisi-
tors as follows :

I consider it an extremely undesirable thing
that certain laymen of this kingdom should have
in their houses Summas de Theologia, Moral, be-
cause they do not understand what they read in the
Summas or grasp the meaning as they should
because of the manner in which the summarists
express it by question and interrogatory, which
these readers take for affirmation. . . . Fray Diego
Parraga has told me that it was a shame that cer-
tain secular persons of this province had Summas,
because, being ignorant people, they wanted to be
taken for men of knowledge, learned and well read,
saying in their ignorance things offensive to pious
ears, which they justify by the Summas, and the
reason is that they do not understand them. 32

The interest in theological questions, illustrated by
these remarks and by the proceedings against Anaya and
Romero, is not surprising. New Mexico was a mission prov-
ince, in which the conversion and indoctrination of the In-
dians was supposed to be the most important objective of
governmental policy and administration, and it was inevit-
able that religious matters should have formed an important
topic of discussion in all circles. The friars, inspired by zeal
to teach the Indians and give them an understanding of basic
religious truths and dogmas, naturally kept a watchful eye
on the colonists, and challenged ideas and practices that
might undermine the loyalty of the Indians to the new ways.
Conscious of the supreme importance of their mission, they
were also quick to defend the privileges and immunities of
ecclesiastical status and the jurisdictional authority of the
Church. On the other hand, the missionary program fre-

32. A. G. M., Inquisicidn, tomo 683, exp. 3.

BOOKS IN NEW MEXICO, 1598-1680 255

quently ran counter to the interests of the governors and
colonists, giving rise to the unseemly disputes and controver-
sies which characterized the history of the province during
this period. Thus it was unavoidable that the colonists should
display considerable interest in all manner of religious ques-
tions. Not content to accept the pronouncements of the friars
on such subjects, they tried to form their own judgments on
the basis of such books and tracts as were available. Unfor-
tunately, they lacked the specialized training and education
necessary for the proper interpretation of the books they

Bernal's remarks, quoted above, constitute an interest-
ing commentary on the general situation in New Mexico,
but they have even wider significance as an indication of the
kind of books regarded as especially dangerous by the tri-
bunal of the Holy Office. The Inquisitors, charged with the
duty of keeping watch over books that circulated in the col-
onies, were chiefly concerned about works of a doctrinal
character which might be misconstrued by the unlearned
and inspire unorthodox views. In denouncing the misuse of
the Summas de theologia in New Mexico, Bernal gave ex-
pression to this basic attitude toward books and their read-
ers, a point which is also illustrated by the nature of the
books Dona Teresa de Aguilera gave up when the edict
against prohibited reading was published in Santa Fe in




A. Entries in the Treasury Accounts Recording Purchase of Liturgical
Books for the New Mexico Friars. 1609-1 628. 1

(1) Por nuebe brebiarios a diez pesos cada uno XC pesos. (Pur-
chased in 1609.)

(2) A Diego Riuero, librero, quatro cientos y ochenta pessos y
quatro tomines, los trecientos y treinta pesos dellos por seis
libros grandes sanctorales de canto a cinquenta y cinco pessos
cada vno, y los ciento y cinquenta pessos y quatro tomines
restantes por siete misales grandes del nueuo remade a veintiun
pesos y quatro tomines CCCCLXXX pesos IIII tomines. (Pur-
chased in 1611.)

(3) Por onze breuiarios de los reformados con oficios de S. 1 fran. co
en nueue pesos cada uno XCIX pesos. (Purchased in 1625.)

(4) Por onze misales de los nueuamente reformados enquadernados
a quince pesos cada vno CLXV. (Id.)

(5) Por cinco libros manuales a doze reales cada uno VII pesos
IIII tomines. (Id.)

(6) Por cinco libros antifonarios conpuestos por Fray Geronimo
Qiruelo de la Orden de San Francisco en un cuerpo XL pesos.

(7) Por cinco libros santorales de misas y visperas a quarenta
pesos cada uno CC pesos. (Id.)

(8) Por onge libros de canto santorales a quarenta pesos cada uno
CCCCXL pesos. (Purchased in 1628.)

(9) Por diez y ocho misales grandes a XVIII pesos cada uno
CCCXXIIII pesos. (Id.)

(10) Por diez y ocho breuiarios de los buenos a once pesos cada
uno CXCVIII pesos. (Id.)

1. Compiled from the treasury accounts in A. G. I., Contaduria, legs. 711-728.
Detailed accounts of purchases of supplies for the New Mexico missions are not re-
corded subsequent to 1628. After that date lump sum payments were made in accord-
ance with an agreement negotiated in 1631 by the treasury officials and the Order.
Although this defined in detail the kind and amount of supplies to be provided each
triennium, actual purchase of the supplies was left to the procurator of the Order.
The agreement provided, however, that each friar going to New Mexico for the first
time should receive "one missal with the office of the Order" and a breviary, and that
three books of chants should be provided for every five friars sent to the province.
Cf. F. V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seven-
teenth Century." New Mex. Hist. Rev., V (1930), 96-113.

BOOKS IN NEW MEXICO, 1598-1680 257

B. Fray Alonso de San Juan. 1626. 2

(11) Un libro de astrologia y secretes naturales y cosas curiosas.
[Not identified.]

C. Citations to Books and Authors in the Opinions and Letters
of Fray Juan de Vidania, c. 16 40-1 641 . 3

(12) Frat. Joseph Angles, in Flores Theol. [Fray Jose Angles,
Flores theolofficarum quaestionmn, Salamanca, 1575-76, and
later editions. Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lom-

(13) Aristo. de locis topicis; Aristoles. la regla topica. [Probably
Aristotle's Topics.]

(14) Armila, ver. apelatio n. 67. [Not identified.]

(15) Avila, de censuris ecles. [Padre Esteban de Avila, De censuris
ecclesiasticis tractatus, Lyons, 1608, and later editions.]

(16) Baldo. [Reference to the Italian jurist P. Baldo.]

(17) Bartolus. [Reference to the celebrated Italian jurist.]

(18) p. fr. Ju. 2. p. f. 383; fr. Ju. Ba. a 2. p. f. 261. [Fray Juan
Bautista, Advertencias para confesores de naturales. Primer a
parte, Segunda parte, Mexico, 1600, 1601.]

(19) Velarmino, de doctrina xp. na [Refers to one of the Spanish
versions of Cardinal Robert Bellarmine's Dichiarazione piu
copiosa delta dottrina cristiana, 1598.]

(20) Jul. Ces. de bello gal. L. 4. [J. Caesar, De bello gallico.]

(21) Cayetano. [Reference to Cardinal Tomaso de Vio, known as
Cajetan because of the place of his birth.]

(22) Cobaru. 8 [Probably refers to the Spanish canonist Diego Co-
varrubias de Leiva.]

(23) Concilio Tri. SS. 22. 25. [Decrees of the Council of Trent.]

(24) Pat. Focher, in itinerario. [Fray Juan Focher, Itinerarium
catholicum proficiscentium ad infideles convertendos, Sevilla,

(25) D. Ant. de Guebara, in epistolas. [Fray Antonio de Guevara,
Epistolas familiares, Valladolid, 1539.]

(26) Ju. Euia Bolanos, in philipica curia. [Juan Hevia Bolanos,
Curia philipica, Lima, 1603, Valladolid, 1605, and later edi-

(27) Ley 27 de Justiniano. [Reference to the Corpus juris civilis.']

(28) fr. Pedro de Ledesma, tomo 3 de la caridad; Ledesma, sumario
de penitentie sacramento, pag. 794. 1 casu; Ledesma, de
escandalo. [Probably references to a work or works of the

2. A. G. M., Inquieici6n, tomo 356.

3. Compiled from text references and marginalia in the MS., A. G. M., Inquisi-
cion, tomo 595. In certain cases we have given more than one citation to the same
author or work.


Spanish Dominican Fray Pedro de Ledesma, for many years
professor at Salamanca.]

(29) fr. Yldefonso de Norefia, q. 6. de privilegis incommunic. 6 ; p. fr.
Alfonsus de Lorena, in compendio ind.; p. fr. Yldefonsus de
Lorena, in explicatione bula Pio 5. [Not identified.]

(30) fr. Ju. Marques, en el gouer Christ. [Fray Juan Marquez,
El gobemador christiano, Salamanca, 1612, and later editions.]

(31) Miranda, en la esplicacion. [Fray Luis de Miranda, Explica-
tion de la regla de los Terceros, Salamanca, 1617.]

(32) Dr. Nauarro; Nauarro, q. 2. pag. 42; Nauarro, c. 27. de cen-
suris; Nauarro, q. 29. ar. 2. f. 297. [These citations probably
refer to one or more works of the famous Spanish canonist
Martin de Azpilcueta, known as Dr. Navarro.]

(33) Juanetin nino, en la regla; Pat. fr. Juanetin Nino, en explicatio
Regulae. [These citations may possibly refer to Las tres paries
de las Chronicas antiguas de la Orden de los frayles de . . . S.
Francisco, del R. S. D. Fr. Marcos, obispo del Puerto, Sala-
manca, 1626, translated by Fray Juanetin Nino. Nino was
also author of Aphorism i superiorum etiam. et inferiorum, pro
concordia, pace et tranqmlitate reipublicae conservanda, Barce-
lona, 1625.]

(34) Ley 5. tit. 1. lib. 7. Recop. [Nueva recopilacion, Alcala, 1567.]

(35) fr. Fran. Ortis lucio, Regula cap. 10. [Probably Fray Fran-

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