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by Johnny Gringo for his own use and for the folks at home. 81
The picturesque, gaudily-embroidered costumes that found
their way into pictures were, as a matter of fact, very rarely
seen in New Mexico. 82 All in all, Johnny Gringo tended to look
with much greater appreciation and favor on the women of
New Mexico than on the men, particularly with regard to
their demeanor, hospitality and, as it seemed, intelligence. 83

Johnny Gringo's problem of communication with the
senoritas was a difficult one, but far from being insuperable.
Some men had a natural facility for speaking Spanish, and
apparently Sergeant W. C. Kennerly was one of these. He
recalled later that he had often served as an interpreter for
his comrades, and he had taken roguish pleasure in bestowing
unauthorized compliments on the senoritas. The published
documents bearing on this period are usually dressed-up with
regard to the spelling of New Mexico place-names, but in
manuscripts one finds highly original orthography. Thus the
"b'hoys" wrote such things are "purbelow" for pueblo, "Ber-
lin" for Belen, "oadent" for aguardiente, "Erslettak" for
Isleta and, perhaps the prize, one man wrote "Souckeneorus"
instead of Socorro. It would certainly be highly interesting
to see the "vocabulary of Spanish words" that some volun-
teers at Abiquiu got up for their own amusement in Novem-
ber 1846. 84

The Spanish language was important also as the chief
medium of communication between the Americans and the
Indians of New Mexico, and Johnny Gringo was very inter-
ested in these people. It was curious that, while he de-
nounced the mixing of Spanish and Indian blood, and the New
Mexicans thereby produced, Johnny had much praise for the

81. Edwards, Campaign, pp. 50-51.

82. Gregg, Commerce, pp. 149-151.

83. Cf. Richardson, Journal, p. 101.

84. Kennerly, Recollections, p. 8 ; James Pace, Diary, typescript, Brigham Young
University Library, pp. 24, 25, 48, 68 ; Wiley, Journal, Nov. 9-16, 1847 ; and Richardson,
Journal, p. 46.



VIEWED BY AMERICANS 195

pueblo Indians of New Mexico : "the most industrious part of
the population," said one invader; "a better race than the
Mexicans," another; "the most inteligent [sic] . . . and the
most noble in appearance," a third. 85

One of the most-described incidents of this period involv-
ing Indians came soon after the arrival of the Army of the
West in Santa Fe, when General Kearny made a quick trip
down the Rio Grande, taking a large part of his force with
him in a show of strength. As they approached Santo Do-
mingo the invaders were, in their turn, given an Indian show
of strength, when a dashing group of horsemen made a sham
charge "one of the most thrilling exhibitions we witnessed,"
stated one man. Sergeant F. S. Edwards was interested in
the Santo Domingans' "showy costumes," and described one
in particular :

It was a coat, or rather shirt of bright blue and red cloth, half
of each color ; the division running down the chest and back
the coat, as well as the buckskin leggins, being trimmed with
blue and white beads very handsomely. Although they evi-
dently liked to be noticed, yet they did not move a muscle of
their painted faces, as we handled their dresses. 86

Some invaders were also tremendously impressed by two
scalp or war dances which they witnessed in the fall of 1846,
the one at Laguna pueblo and the other by Utes near Abiquiu.
The former lasted all night and was punctuated by "firing at
the [four Navajo] scalps that [were] fastened to the top of a
long pole held up by an old squaw." It was, in short, "worth all
the sights at the Theatres and shows in St. Louis." 87

The multistoried Pueblo de Taos was of course an object
of much attention by the Americans who visited that
part of New Mexico relatively few of the soldiers. Here and

85. Edwards, Campaign, p. 63 ; Bieber, ed., Marching, p. 323 ; Bliss, "Journal," 75.
Gregg says : "They are, in short, a remarkably sober and industrious race, conspicuous
for morality and honesty, and very little given to quarrelling or dissipation, except when
they have had much familiar intercourse with the Hispano-Mexican population." Com-
merce, p. 187. See also Kendall, Narrative, I, pp. 375, 378-79.

86. Turner, Diary, p. 22. Edwards, Campaign, p. 61. See also his description of good-
humored, picturesque pueblo women whom he observed several days later. Ibid., p. 63.

87. M. B. Edwards to brother, Joseph, Oct. 7, 1846, Mexican War Envelope. See also
Robinson, Journal, pp. 28-29 ; and Bieber, ed., Marching, pp. 183-84. On the Ute dance :
Richardson, Journal, p. 39.



196 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

elsewhere they observed the unorthodox Indian mode of entry
into their dwellings, via a ladder through the roof. They found
that instead of making tortillas the pueblo women baked
bread in thin, wafer-like sheets that were folded up and looked
"like brown wrapping-paper/' 88 This breadstuff was quite
acceptable to Johnny Gringo, and some preferred it over the
tortilla.

Bread, beef and beans; beef, beans and bread; beans,
bread and beef this was their "bill of fare" for three days of
a typical week, wrote Private Richardson of his detachment
at Abiquiu, "and so on to the end of the week." Even if quan-
tities had been ample, which they were not, it is evident that
in cases such as this Johnny Gringo suffered severely for lack
of variety in his diet, and the fact is that such monotony was
more the rule than the exception. Scurvy flourished among the
soldiers in New Mexico, especially in the first year of the war,
and no less in the capital than elsewhere. "Santa Fe is com-
pletely eaten out," complained Lieutenant Gibson in October
1846 "scarcely a red pepper is to be found in [the]
market." 89

In addition to the often severe shortages of foods of all
types, Johnny Gringo was confronted with other difficulties.
He went unpaid for long periods of time, and then when the
paymaster did arrive perhaps there wasn't money enough left
for the privates, after paying the officers. 90 Thus the soldiers
fell back on barter to supply their needs, a system in which
brass buttons were a prime commodity, also pins, needles and
bits of wire. Buttons and pins were replaced on the invaders'
clothing by twigs and thorns.

When such conditions as these are taken into account,
along with the extremely slack state of discipline or utter lack
of it in some volunteer units, and also the oft-demonstrated

88. Bieber, ed., Marching, pp. 205-06.

89. Richardson, Journal, p. 41. Bieber, ed., Gibson Journal, p. 252.

90. As in October 1846: Bieber, ed., Gibson Journal, p. 245. Even the officers had
special problems, for they found New Mexicans very reluctant to accept gold coins, much
preferring silver. Abert, Report, p. 476. The economy of New Mexico was still so primitive
that many of the people were probably not thoroughly accustomed to the use of money
in everyday transactions. ". . . It was not until 1798 that money was seen first by the
majority of the settlers. In compliance with government orders, it was necessary to
introduce it in small amounts." Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles,
p. 97n.



VIEWED BY AMERICANS 197

thieving tendency of campaigning soldiers even in their own
homelands and from each other, it will produce no surprise
to remark that New Mexicans suffered grievously from
Johnny Gringo's foraging or "pressing." 91 Very often, the
army bought supplies in a normal manner; often, the men
having invaded a cornfield or slaughtered a sheep without
authority, the army would pay a fair market price to the New
Mexican owner; often, if the owner refused to sell, the
needed articles were taken at a price determined by the mili-
tary. In such instances of "pressing," the owner's reason for
refusing to sell was usually considered to be opposition to
United States authority, and the price-fixing officer could not
often be accused of magnanimity toward such persons. 92 Like-
wise, so-called requisitions were given to New Mexicans un-
der circumstances which rendered it very unlikely that they
would be presented for redemption, or honored if presented.
Finally, of course, were such activities as those described
in a letter from Albuquerque, headed "1st Sunday in Deer
[1847] maybe you know the date I dont" :

Cochinos [hogs] are no where, the men issue on them every
night. Gallinas [hens] are in bad luck. In fact the march from
Santa Fe thus far, has been a perfect marauding expedition
at P San Dias [Sandia Pueblo], they caved in a man's face,
ravished his wife & family appropriated some 5 blankets to
themselves, Hogs & Chickens Tambien 93

Thieves, rapists and their ilk were frequently brought under
military justice, and received fines, imprisonment and other
forms of punishment, including drumming-out of the service.
But the civil authorities were entirely ineffective in any affair
involving a soldier, and were liable to be entirely disregarded
by the military in any matter whatsoever. 94

91. Statements to the contrary notwithstanding, e. g., Connelley, Doniphari a Expe-
dition, pp. 206, 254 ; Elliott, Notes, p. 233. Even so puritanical a man as Richardson,
engaged in a "pressing" operation, wrote, "We were not disturbed in conscience in the
least, being fully covered by the axiom, 'necessity knows no law.' " Richardson, Journal,
p. 55.

92. The refusal to sell was often based on the New Mexican's concern over the
feeding of his own family.

93. James V. A. Shields to Sgt. John V. Masten, [Dec. 5, 1847], Mexican War
Envelope, Missouri Historical Society.

94. E. g., "Grand Jury Report" in Santa Fe Republican, Oct. 30, 1847.



198 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

New Mexicans dealt with their persecutors in the ages-old
style of guerrilla warfare. Numerous graves near Fort Marcy
were filled by Americans "found dead beaten to death with
rocks no one knows by whom." Petty measures of retaliation
were most common, however, as a Mormon may have reflected
when someone stole his pair of new shoes before he could even
put them on. 95

Such things, of course, only increased the distrust and con-
tempt for New Mexicans with which Johnny Gringo was al-
ready only too well-equipped when he came to New Mexico.
Perhaps the greatest satisfaction one can obtain, upon looking
back at this period of tribulation in New Mexico's history,
is the reflection that we have come a long, long distance since
that time, in every way.



95. Kribben to unnamed person, Oct. 20, 1846, Mexican War Envelope, Missouri
Historical Society (ibid., copy in J. H. Smith Papers, VoL 18) ; Henry W. Bigler, Diary,
p. 40, typescript copy in Brigham Young University Library.

(See Notes and Documents for figures on population compiled by Professor Bloom.
Ed.)



Notes and Documents



William Gordon was born in Ohio in 1801. As a boy of twenty he
left for the Rockies where he was employed by the Hudson Bay Com-
pany. Afterward he trapped independently, following the furs and hides
buffalo, beaver, etc. on down the Continental Divide until he reached
Taos (then Old Mexico) in 1825. He married a Spanish girl by the name
of Lucerro, who my father said was Castilian.

My grandmother Coombs, daughter of the Gordon whom Lucerro
married, was a very handsome woman. I remember her very well soft
spoken, with great big brown eyes. She never had a white hair and was
vain as a peacock; always looked as if she just came out of a bandbox.

All the Gordon children, including my grandmother Coombs, were
born in Taos. Gordon trapped out of Taos along with many other prom-
inent Rocky Mountain trappers Kit Carson and others. In 1838 he,
with two or three Indian boys, left Taos and came west with the idea of
locating the various Spanish and American families then residing in
Taos who wished to move west. I learned a great deal of the trip West
from my uncle Joe Gordon, my grandmother's brother, with whom I
used to spend a great deal of time. There were no covered wagons in
those days on the Santa Fe Trail.

Gordon came to California to San Diego. He looked it over and did
not like it. He back-tracked to the Colorado River where he met the rest
of the caravan from Taos consisting of Vacca, Pina, Alexander, and
others. Alexander married one of the Lucerro girls so that both the
Gordon and Alexander families on one side at least were Spanish or
Mexican, and citizens of Mexico, I assume. I state this fact for the
reason that under Mexican law a foreigner could not take up real prop-
erty in any of the Mexican provinces, or states, such as California, un-
less one of the spouses was a citizen of Mexico. The caravan of
Alexander-Gordon-Pina- Vacca, et al., arrived in Napa in the Fall of
1840. 1 think the Indians called it Nappa, meaning fish river.

Yountville was a large stockade of Indians. Sometime during 1840,
Sutter learned that Gordon was in Napa and that he was a good all-
around mechanic. How he knew this fact the family never learned so far
as I can find out. Anyway, at Sutter's request Gordon went to the Fort
and made some grist wheels and some other machinery by which Sutter
ground out his cornmeal, etc. In payment for the work Gordon received
25 cows, a bull, and a boy who was half Indian. Sutter located Gordon
on Cache Creek in Yolo County which then was fertile trapping ground.
You will notice in the two accounts, which are enclosed dated 1844 and
1845 respectively, were while Gordon was on Cache Creek. Through the
Spanish part of the family Gordon was smart enough to secure a large
grant which I think was the first one in what now is Yolo County.

199



200 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

My grandfather Coombs came from a Yankee family on Cape Cod,
I believe the town was called Barnstable. He came west as far as Iowa
with his parents, brothers and sisters, and then in 1844 he enlisted with
an immigrant outfit as the game boy, meaning one who hunted ahead
of the caravan for food. They came west over the Oregon Trail as far
as Fort Laramie, Wyoming, and then took the northern route to Port-
land, Oregon. Coombs left the caravan at Portland, and with others came
south down through southern Oregon into the Sacramento Valley to the
Gordon Ranch. He then was either eighteen or nineteen years old.

Coombs immediately fell in love with Isabel Gordon, and the two
youngsters rode horseback to Sutter's Fort, a distance I would judge
of at least thirty miles, and were married by Sutter in 1844. They then
back tracked to the Gordon Ranch arriving there about midnight where
they had a wedding supper.

In 1846 Coombs and Gordon left Cache Creek and came to Napa
County. They purchased all of what is now the southwest portion of
Napa County, a portion of Capell, Wooden and all of Gordon Valleys.
Senator Frank Gordon was born and reared on this grant, and passed
away a couple of years ago at the age of eighty-six.

My grandfather Coombs was a member of the Legislature in 1944-
1945, and he was followed by my father, and he by myself. So far as I
know, I am the only member of the Legislature representing three
generations in the same family.

10/17/58 NATHAN F. COOMBS



NOTE ON THE POPULATION OF NEW MEXICO, 1846-1849

The total population of New Mexico in this period, including Indians,
was probably sixty to seventy thousand. Earlier estimates are : 28,558
in 1800; 40,000 (1803); 28,778 (1805); 34,205 (1810); 40,000-50,000
(1811); 35,840 (1819); 38,359 (1820); 40,000 (1822); 42,000 (1822);
43,433 (1827); 43,439 (1829); 50,000 (1831); 41,458 (1832); 57,176
(1833) ; 52,360 (1833) ; 57,026 (1839) ; 55,403 (1840) ; not more than
70,000 (1843) ; 99,204 (1844) ; and 70,000 (1846). The Seventh United
States Census, in 1850, showed 61,547 plus [perhaps 10,000] Indians. 1

Santa Fe had a population of five thousand or less, apparently. Some
estimates: 5000 (1804); 5759 (1827); 5275 (1832); 3000-6000 (1843);
and 6000, 3000, 2000-4000, and 4000-5000 (1846-47) .2

"Taos" commonly referred to the community also known as Don
Fernando (de Taos) or Fernandez (San Fernandez de Taos). Nearby

1. Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles, pp. 84, 87-89 ; Gregg, Com-
merce, p. 106 ; Bloom, "New Mexico," I, 28-30 ; and Hubert H. Bancroft, Works, Vol.
XVII, Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888 (San Francisco, 1889), pp. 300, 342, and
citations on pp. 300n-301n, 342n-343n.

2. Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles, pp. 27, 88, 84 ; Gregg, Com-
merce, p. 103 ; Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition, p. 214 ; Ruxton, Adventures, p. 189 ;
Emory, Notes, p. 60 ; and Bliss, "Journal," p. 75. See also Note 8, above.



NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 201

were (are) Ranches de Taos and the Pueblo of Taos, as well as scat-
tered habitations in the Valley of Taos. Estimates available for this
period vary widely: 3606 (Taos plus Picuris pueblo, 1827) ; 10,000 (en-
tire valley, 1842) ; 6000-7000 (Taos plus Pueblo of Taos, 1846) ; 1500
(Taos and Ranches de Taos, 1846); and 9000 (Taos and Pueblo of
Taos, 1851). 3

Estimates of the population of Albuquerque are: 2547 (1827) ; 800
(1846); "perhaps 2000" (1847); and "nearly as large as Santa Fe"
(1851). *

Northern New Mexico towns: Embudo and Canada, 300-400 each;
Los Luceros, "of little importance." 5

East of Santa Fe were: Las Vegas, estimated at 300 in 1846 and
again in 1847 ; 6 San Miguel, "larger" 7 and 500 ; 8 Anton Chico, earlier
estimated at 200-300; and much earlier, in 1827, Vado and Pecos
together had 2893. 9

Below Santa Fe were Placeres with 200 (?), and Tuerto with 250
but reportedly much larger "in season" winter, when mining was most
actively carried on. 10 Galisteo had 600 in 1851; farther south, east of
the Manzano Mountains, Torreon had twenty houses but Manzano was
larger in 1846. 11

Estimates were more numerous for communities down the Rio
Grande: Algodones, 1000, was "one of the handsomest towns in New
Mexico"; Bernalillo, 500, had the "best-arranged vineyards in the whole
department, and . . . houses [that] show a greater degree of wealth
and comfort" ; Sandia, 300 ; Peralta, 300 ; Valencia, "a large and hand-
some town"; Tome, 800; and Socorro, 2000, "one of the largest towns
we have yet seen, except Santa Fe." 12 At the close of this period a

3. Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles, p. 88 ; Sage, Scenes, p. 173 ;
Conard, Wootton, pp. 155-56; Abert, Report (by Lts. Peck and Warner), pp. 456-57;
and Bennett, Forts and Forays, p. 22.

4. Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles, p. 88 ; Connelley, Donipham's
Expedition, p. 231 ; Wiley, Journal, Nov. 6, 1847 ; and Bennett, Forts and Forays, p. 27.
Kendall praised the high degree of cultivation in the Albuquerque area and stated it was
"the largest place in the province of New Mexico," but he did not visit Santa F6 or
Taos. Narrative, I, pp. 380, 382.

5. Abert, Report (by Peck and Warner), pp. 458-460. In 1827 Abiquiu had an esti-
mated 3557 and San Juan 2915. Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles,
p. 88. In 1852 a soldier reported : Abiquiu, 1500, and Ojo Caliente, 1000. Bennett, Forts
and Forays, p. 42.

6. Bieber, ed., Marching, p. 153 ; Wiley, Journal, Sep. 7, 1847.

7. Drumm, ed., Magoffln Diary, p. 98 ; Bieber, ed., Marching, p. 156.

8. "A member of the Little Rock company," in Arkansas State Democrat, Aug. 31,
1849, cited in Bieber, ed., Southern Trails, p. 309. Kendall estimated San Miguel to have
200-300 able-bodied men in 1841. Narrative, I, p. 315.

9. Kendall, Narrative, I, p. 273 ; Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles,
p. 88.

10. Abert, Report, pp. 449, 451-52.

11. Bennett, Forts and Forays, p. 32 ; Abert, Report, pp. 484-85.

12. Connelley, Doniphan'a Expedition, p. 229; ibid., p. 230; ibid.; ibid., p. 233;
Edwards, Campaign, p. 62 ; Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition, p. 234 ; and Abert, Report,
p. 497.



202 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

forty-niner estimated Socorro at 500 and called it "a dirty, filthy place,"
while another found Joya to have "about a dozen Houses and a Church"
and Joy eta was "much larger." 13

To the west, two reports (or one repeated) assessed Laguna at 2000,
but a more experienced observer's estimate was 700, with Moquino at
350.14



13. Letter of Feb. 6, 1850, in Arkansas State Gazette and Democrat, Apr. 26, 1850,
cited in Bieber, ed., Southern Trails, p. 316 ; Hannum, ed., Pancoast, p. 223. A soldier in
1852 estimated Joya at 500. Bennett, Forts and Forays, p. 37. 1827 estimates gave Sandia
plus San Felipe, 1328 ; Alameda, 1310 ; Cochiti plus Santo Domingo, 2062 ; Jemez plus
Zia plus Santa Ana, 1357; Isleta, 1407; Tome, 2043; Belen plus Sabinal, 1768; and
Socorro, 1383. Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles, p. 88.

14. Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition, p. 285 ; Robinson, Journal, p. 29 ; Abert,
Report, p. 469 ; ibid., p. 468. In 1851 Laguna was estimated at 850 and Cubero at 500.
Bennett, Forts and Forays, pp. 28, 29. In 1827 Laguna plus Acoma had 1824 residents ;
and Zuni, 1172. Carroll and Haggard, trans., New Mexico Chronicles, p. 88.



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Online LibraryUniversity of New MexicoNew Mexico historical review (Volume 34) → online text (page 18 of 27)