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Established by Edward L. Youmans



NOVEMBER, 1898, TO APRIL, 1899





MARCH, 1899.




I. The Evolution of Colonies. VII. Social Evolution. By

II. Politics as a Form of Civil War. By FRANKLIN SMITH. 588

III. My Pet Scorpion. By NORMAN ROBINSON. (Illustrated.) 605

IV. The Peoples of the Balkan Peninsula - The Greek, the Slav,
and the Turk. By Prof. WILLIAM Z. RIPLEY. (Illustrated.) 614

V. Marvelous Increase in Production of Gold. By ALEXANDER E.

VI. The California Penal System. By CHARLES HOWARD SHINN.
(Illus.) 644

VII. The Scientific Expert and the Bering Sea Controversy. By

VIII. A School for the Study of Life under the Sea. By ELEANOR

IX. Science in Education. By Sir ARCHIBALD GEIKIE, F. R. S. 672

X. Shall we Teach our Daughters the Value of Money? By Mrs.

XI. Sketch of Clémence Royer. By M. JACQUES BOYER.
(With Portrait.) 690

XII. Editor's Table: Words of a Master. - Fads and Frauds 699

XIII. Scientific Literature 704

XIV. Fragments of Science 712




Entered at the Post Office at New York, and admitted for
transmission through the mails at second-class rates.

[Illustration: CLÉMENCE ROYER.]


MARCH, 1899.




Perhaps there is no civilized institution to which, man has
accommodated himself with so ill a grace as monogamy. Hardly a
perversion of it has ever existed but may still be found. Polygamy is
widely spread in the most advanced communities; temporary polyandrous
_ménages à trois_ are known to exist elsewhere than among the Nairs
and Tibetans and _ancient_ Britons; the matriarchate in one shape or
another may be detected well outside the sixty peoples among whom Mr.
Tylor has discovered it; and marriage by free choice is far from
having superseded marriage by capture or by purchase. It is the less
surprising that abnormal or ancient forms of the union should have
been revived in colonies. In this relationship, as in most others, the
colonist, like the sperm cell after its junction with the germ cell,
sinks at once to a lower level, and the race has to begin life over
again. The fall is inevitable. The earliest immigrants are all of them
men. Everywhere finding indigenes in the newly settled country, they
can usually count on the complaisance or the submissiveness of the
tribesmen. Native women have a strange fascination for civilized men,
even for those who have been intimate with the European aristocracies
and have belonged to them. Adventurous Castins might find their
account in a relationship that was in perfect keeping with the wild
life they led. It is more strange that, enslaved by an appetite which
sometimes rose to a collective if seldom to a personal passion,
educated men, with a scientific or a public career flung open to them
at their option, able men who have written the best books about the
races they knew only too well, men of great position whose heroic
deeds and winning manners made them adored by women of their own race,
should have spoiled their prime, or inextricably entangled themselves,
or wrecked their own roof-tree and incurred lifelong desertion by the
wife of their youth. The bluest blood of Spain was not contaminated by
an alliance with the Incas, but just ten years ago the direct line of
an ancient English earldom was extinguished among the Kaffirs. The
truth seems to be that while a woman will not as a rule accept a man
who is her inferior in rank or refinement, a man easily contents
himself for the time with almost any female. The Bantu woman and the
Australian _zubra_ are not alluring, but they have never lacked
suitors. Colonial women shrink (or profess to shrink) from the
Chinaman; all colors - black, brown, red, and yellow - seem to be alike
to the undiscriminating male appetite. Yet it has its preferences. The
high official who stands unmoved before the cloudy attractions of the
Zulu, surrenders at discretion to the soft-voiced, dark-eyed,
plump-limbed daughters of Maoriland. In the last case a perverse
theory (of the future amalgamation of the races) may have been "the
light that led astray"; it certainly was used to justify their acts to
the consciences of the doers. Romance had its share: Browning's Waring
(who was premier as well as poet) threw a poetic glamour over the
miscegenation, as another minister found in the race the Ossianesque
attributes of his own Highlanders. It sometimes, even now, rises into
passion: the colonial schoolmaster who marries a native girl will
declare that his is a love match. But the chief reason at all times
was "the custom of the country." "It was the regular thing," remarked
an old legislator, looking ruefully back on his past. Nor is it to be
harshly censured. Corresponding to the Roman slave-concubinage which
Cato Major did not disdain to practice, it repeated a stage in the
history of the mother country when the invading Angles allied
themselves (as anthropology abundantly proves) with the native
Britons. While making a kind of atonement to the indigenes, it was a
solatium to the pioneer colonists for a life of hardship and

A higher grade was the concubinage of convictism, which was with women
of the same race and was capable of rising into normal marriage. In
the early days of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land it seems to
have been almost universal, and it lasted for many years. Not one in
ten of the officials lived with his legally married wife. In the
latter colony it was suppressed by the governor, who ordered them to
marry the women by whom they had families. In the former, if Dr.
Lang's account of his exertions is accepted, it was put down by the
exposure of guilty parties. It was accompanied by other features of a
low social state. The public and private sale of wives was not
infrequent. The colonial equivalent for a wife, in the currency of
those days, was sometimes four gallons of rum, or five pounds sterling
and a gallon, or twenty sheep and a gallon; one woman was sold for
fifty sheep.

Around gold and silver mining encampments nondescript relationships of
a slightly higher order arise. They are with free women, though the
women are apt to be of the same class as Bret Harte's Duchess of Poker
Flat, answering to the Doll Tearsheets of hardly more civilized
communities. They often issue in marriage. In mining townships, and
even in colonial towns, professional men are to be found married to
unpresentable women.

In colonies of regular foundation normal marriages are contracted
under difficulties. Few women at first go out, the emigrants intending
to return when they have made their fortune. Women have accordingly to
be sent. In the seventeenth century a number of girls of good repute
were persuaded to emigrate to Virginia, a subscription being raised to
defray the cost. In the following century wives were sent to settlers
in French Louisiana on the same plan. To French Canada women were
dispatched by shiploads. They were selected (according to Parkman) as
butchers choose cattle: the plumpest were preferred, because they
could stand the winter best and would stay at home. In Virginia women
were offered for sale to eager colonists, who willingly paid one
hundred pounds of tobacco for one, or as much as one hundred and fifty
pounds for a very pretty girl; a debt incurred for the purchase of a
wife being considered a debt of honor. In the early days of
Canterbury, New Zealand, when a consignment of servant girls arrived,
young farmers would ride over the Port hills and carry them off,
though in the style rather of young Lochinvar than of the Sabine rape.
Settlers have often requested the agent general for the colony or the
mayor of their native town to send them out a wife. Wives so easily
acquired are apt to be lightly parted with, and within the last few
years, in colonial villages, amicable exchanges have been
effected - one woman going with her children to the house of another
man, whose wife and children made a reciprocal migration. Facts such
as these (which might readily be multiplied) show how easily so-called
civilized man sloughs off the conventions of ages and sinks to a
primitive level. They soon disappear, however, and social colonial
conditions rapidly assimilate themselves to those of the mother
country. In most young colonies marriage is universal and it is early.
After a few days' acquaintance couples rashly engage themselves, in
utter ignorance of one another's character or of their own, and a
precipitate marriage follows, with such results as might be expected.
Statistics show that the age of marriage on the part of women is
steadily rising. In the early days of each colony a girl was deemed
_passée_ if she did not get married before she was twenty-one. In the
decade that ended the first century of New South Wales the proportion
of married women under that age fell from 28.17 to 23.55 per cent; in
less prosperous Victoria, after only half a century, it fell from 21
to 17.4; in New Zealand there was a big drop from 29.4 to 19.7. The
proportion of married women under twenty-five has also seriously
declined. The decrease is noticeably correspondent with the increased
number of young women who are gaining their own livelihood - largely as
teachers and typewriters. On these lines the colonies are following
the lead of the mother country. Long engagements, followed by late
marriages with fewer children, take the place of short engagements
with hasty marriages and larger families. Female celibacy is no longer
dishonorable, and women are beginning to understand that they may be
far happier single and self-supporting. The quality of marriage
improves with its rarity. When an Australian M. A. marries an M. A.,
or the most brilliant of New Zealand professors marries one of his
most distinguished students, we feel, as when a Dilke marries a
Pattison, that the ideal of the union has been realized.

The growth of the colonial house follows the development of the family
and repeats the history of the race. The immigrant procures his abode,
as he afterward buys his clothes, ready made. The ancient troglodyte
lives to-day in the Derbyshire cave dweller; the original Romanist
settlers of Maryland were driven to take refuge in cave houses in
Virginia; and the New Zealand hermit, like "great Pæan's son" at
Lemnos, "weeps o'er his wound" of the heart in a cave by the
resounding sea. Where they can not be found ready dug they can be
excavated, as they were by some early Pennsylvania colonists. Others
in Virginia, New York, and New England found it easier to dig holes in
the ground, thus imitating the Germans of Tacitus, whose winter
residences are also repeated in those basements which form the
wholesome abode of the London domestic servant. The wattle-and-daub
house of the Anglo-Saxon villager has been everywhere reproduced in
the colonies, and may still be abundantly found.

If the occupation of caves and the burrowing of holes suggests man's
distant affinity to the carnivora and lower quadrupeds, his simian
origin is confirmed by the use he makes of the tree. In the infant
city of Philadelphia there were "few mansions but hollow trees." A
rude form of tent is the next stage, the canvas consisting (as may
still be seen among the poorer campers-out) of clothes or rags. Then,
as in the early days of Sydney, the tents were covered in with bushes
and thatched over. Next (as may to-day be observed in the neighborhood
of Coolgardie) a framework of branches is employed to support the
canvas, and the tent is converted into a cabin. A stride toward the
house is taken when the branches are replaced by a regular woodwork,
with doors and windows; the envelope being still sometimes canvas,
which is soon replaced by corrugated iron. The Brazilian country house
where Darwin lodged sixty years ago was built of upright posts with
interwoven boughs. Another line of development starts from the trunk
of the tree. The early American colonists made bark wigwams. The
Australian pastoralist "erected a temporary house, generally of large
sheets of bark, in the first instance." In countries where the winter
is more severe or the bark less substantial, the backwoodsman builds,
as the early colonist built, a rude cabin of round logs. Then the logs
are hewn, or they are split or sawn into planks, and built into the
weatherboard houses still common in the rural parts of Australia, and
general even in New Zealand towns. In their earliest stages they are
still without a floor and are roofed with thatch or shingle. Towns
often thus remain like early Sydney, "a mere assemblage of paltry
erections intermediate between the hut and the house." The
architecture is of the simplest. A "butt" and a "ben," with a
"lean-to," form the prevailing type. As the family grows or its wealth
increases, new portions are added, till many colonial houses look for
all the world as if they had "come out in penny numbers." Even with a
few stately structures - luxurious mansions, extensive government
offices, Gothic parliamentary buildings - a wooden city has an
indefinable meanness of appearance. It is improved out of existence by
the dread agency of fire. Like Charles's London, New Orleans and many
another colonial town have thus had an Augustan renewal. Houses are
now built of brick, stone, or concrete; tile, slate, and iron replaced
thatch and shingle; two stories were ventured on; chimneys were
smaller but safer. They became susceptible of architecture: Spanish
features were introduced into those of New Orleans; the more northern
colonies copied the English country house, with modifications to suit
the hotter or colder climate; and in New South Wales a taste for
mansion-building came into vogue along with splendid equipages,
liveried servants, and pedigrees. Such houses were at first arranged
in all degrees of irregularity and confusion. The street is a modern
invention. The cows returning from pasture laid out Boston, and the
bullock teams climbing up from the harbor charted Sydney. Towns in
manufactured colonies, as Savannah, Augusta, most South American
cities, Christchurch and Invercargill in New Zealand, were planned
before settlement and have their streets at right angles.

A hundred years ago Talleyrand, exiled in the United States, described
the journey from one of these cities to the interior as successively
exhibiting all past stages of the human habitation from the mansion
to the tent, and just a century later one of Talleyrand's countrymen,
M. Pierre Leroy-Beaulieu, traveling in the reverse direction, from
"the bush" to Coolgardie, witnessed the gradual transformation of the
tent into the two-storied hotel. A great part of the history of the
race in the matter of habitations is thus museumed in the space of a
few miles.

If the temple rises out of the tomb, is modeled on that, and remains
to the last pre-eminently a place of sacrifice, the church is an
enlarged dwelling house. It is the house of the god, as the fetichist
called it - the house of God, as we still reverently call it; and in
Romanist countries to this day it is in a manner the abode of two
divine personages, who figure as dizened and painted dolls that are
named respectively God and the Mother of God! Both lines of
development are rapidly recapitulated in colonies. The temple appears
as the cathedral, which has modest beginnings, but gradually assumes
the architecture and proportions of Gothic cathedrals, losing
relation to the primary wants of the worshipers - comfort and
audibility - ministering mainly to their higher needs, and if used for
preaching at all, reserved for such occasional and sensational pulpit
oratory as that of Dominican monks like Lacordaire at Notre Dame in
Paris, or of a Protestant Dominican like the late Canon Liddon at St.
Paul's in London. The church, chapel, or meeting house may be found in
colonial villages in its most rudimentary form, scarcely
distinguishable in style from a dwelling house. According to the sect
it belongs to, it develops in one of two opposite directions. The age
of cathedrals is past, even in Roman Catholic countries, but the
tendency of Anglican and allied churches is to simulate the old
cathedral; high ritualistic sections mimic the gorgeous Madeleine. The
more liberal denominations, on the other hand, develop downward; the
colonial Baptist tabernacle is on the lines of Spurgeon's great
building at Newington, but the ancient pulpit is widened into a
platform and the seats slope upward as in a concert hall; it is a mere
auditorium, in which the preacher is all. The development in this
direction finds its extreme in the secularist hall, which is a mere
concert room, with a piano in place of an organ. The ceremonial
development is on the same lines - toward the gradual adoption of
ancient rites by the older churches, toward more freedom in the
younger sects. Many a colonial clergyman has wrecked himself or his
congregation through too much ritualism; a few have injured themselves
through an excess of liberalism.

A parallel evolution takes place in church government. Where an
organized settlement is made on political principles, congregations
carry their minister with them, or rather the ministers carry their
congregations. Where the colony is normally founded and grows up as
the mother country grew, the first ministers, like the first preachers
of Christianity itself, are often laymen. In an interior county of
Virginia Morris read every Lord's day to his neighbors from the
writings of Luther and Bunyan, and a meeting house was at length built
for him; it is a typical instance of the beginnings of most churches.
The part of laymen remains long prominent in colonies. The Anglican
lay reader is everywhere a feature of colonial church life. In the
more flexible churches a storekeeper or retired sea captain will read
Spurgeon's sermons or preach excellent sermons of his own in an Otago
village or the Australian bush. Where missionaries have been sent out
to convert the heathen in a country afterward colonized, many of them
remain as ministers, as did Augustin and his monks in England. The
Presbyterian catechist likewise becomes a settled minister. Others
arrive. Men of independent character, like Dr. Lang, of Sydney,
resolve not to wait for any dead man's shoes in the kirk, but sail
beyond the seas to colonies where there is no minister of their own
denomination. Heretics, incompatibles, men who have failed, men whose
health has given way, emigrate in increasing numbers. Still, the
supply is long deficient. Clergymen were scarce in New York. A bounty
was offered to immigrants in Virginia. Six years after the
establishment of the Church of England in North Carolina there was
only one clergyman in the country. The few there are repeat the
history of the first Christian bishops and the early English monks in
serving a circuit of two, three, or more churches. The state comes to
the rescue by providing for their support. In England contributions
were at first voluntary; by the eighth century tithes were levied,
folk-land was granted, and private endowments were made. Just so was
the Church of England established and endowed in New York, Virginia,
and North Carolina; in Maryland a poll tax of forty pounds of tobacco
was levied for its support. In Connecticut and Massachusetts a church
was set up in each parish on Congregationalist principles by a vote of
the people, who elected the minister and voted his salary. So
uncertain was the tenure that in several States even the Anglican
minister was hired from year to year; and quite lately an Anglican
church in a British colony engaged its incumbent, as it might have
engaged its organist, for a term. In 1791 the Church of England in
Canada was partially established, and its clergy endowed with grants
of land. The Australasian colonies have pursued a very various policy.
By the Constitution Act of 1791 one seventh of the ungranted lands in
New South Wales was set apart for the support of a Protestant clergy.
An attempt to endow the Anglican Church in South Australia in the
early forties was defeated by a radical governor. A recrudescence of
the ecclesiastical principle permitted the church settlements of
Otago and Canterbury in New Zealand to appropriate a portion of the
funds derived from the sale of lands for the endowment of the
Presbyterian and Anglican churches respectively. So far the colonies
followed, latterly with halting steps, the history of the mother
country. As in political, so in ecclesiastical government, they have
anticipated that history. The American state churches did not survive
the Revolution. In Canada the Presbyterians and other sects
successfully asserted their claims to a share in the church
endowments, which between 1840 and 1853 were distributed among the
municipalities, all semblance of a connection between church and state
being thus destroyed. New South Wales passed through a period of
religious equality with concurrent endowment of the four most numerous
denominations, and a long struggle against the principle of
establishment was ended in 1879, when the reserves were devoted to the
purposes of education. The practice of confiscating for the church a
portion of the proceeds of the land sales was gradually dropped in
Otago and Canterbury, probably more for commercial reasons than in
consequence of the opposition of the democratic governor aforesaid,
who spoked the wheel of the South Australians. Yielding to
Nonconformist pressure, the liberal Government in 1869 enforced the
principle of religious equality throughout the crown colonies, which
were thus, willingly or not, made to follow the lead of the movement
in Ireland. The internal organization of the colonial church is also
anticipative. Fifty-two years ago Sir George Grey bestowed on the
Anglican Church in New Zealand, then governed by him, a constitution
modeled on that of the corresponding church in the United States, as
the political constitution he drafted for the colony was modeled on
the Constitution of the United States; and it has been imitated in
other Australasian colonies, which have thus declared themselves
independent of the mother church, while the colony is still
politically dependent on the mother country. In yet another point the
daughters have outstripped the parent. Three Presbyterian
denominations still fissure the old home of Presbyterianism; only two
have ever existed in the colonies, and for thirty years these two have
been one. The four chief Methodist sects in Australia are also said to
be on the point of amalgamating.

The development of doctrine runs a fourth parallel to those of
buildings, cult, and organization, and in a brief space it
recapitulates a long history. In early colonial communities religious
dogma is found in a state of "albuminous simplicity." "A healthy man,"
says Thoreau, "with steady employment, as wood-chopping at fifty cents
a cord, and a camp in the woods, will not be a good subject for

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