Notes and Queries, Number 02, November 10, 1849 online

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to Bale's advice for the formation of "one solemne library in every
shire of England."


[1] The information given of this house by Dugdale is very
scanty. It could surely be added to considerably.

[2] London, 1831. quarto. See also a Paper by Mr. Halliwell in
the _Archæologia_, xxvii. p. 455., and Sir Francis Palgrave's
Introduction to _Documents and Records illustrating the History
of Scotland_, pp. xcvi. - cxvi., for extracts from the
historical chronicles preserved in the monasteries, &c.

[3] The formula of this date, "anno R.R.E. septimo," would at
first sight be considered to refer to the preceding reign; but
the list is merely a memorandum on the dorse of a completely
executed instrument dated A.D. 1300, which it is highly
improbable that it preceded. The style of Edward II. is often
found as above, though not usually so.

* * * * *


The following verses, which would form a very appropriate song for
Autolycus, were arranged as a glee for three voices by Dr. Wilson about
the year 1667. They are published in Playford's _Musical Companion_ in
1673; in Warren's _Collection of Glees and Catches_; and in S. Webbe's
_Conveto Harmonico_. The words were, I believe, first ascribed to
Shakspere by Clark, in 1824, in his _Words of Glees, Madrigals, &c._;
but he has not given his authority for so doing. It has been stated that
they have since been discovered in a common-place book written about
Shakspere's time, with his name attached to them, and with this indirect
evidence in favour of their being written by him, that the other pieces
in the collection are attributed to their proper writers. The late Mr.
Douce, who was inclined to believe the song to have been written by
Shakspere, once saw a copy of it with a fourth verse which was shown to
him by the then organist of Chichester. The poem is not included in Mr.
Collier's edition of Shakspere, nor in the Aldine edition of Shakspere's
Poems, edited by the Rev. A. Dyce. Perhaps if you will be good enough to
insert the song and the present communication in the "NOTES AND
QUERIES," some of your readers may be enabled to fix the authorship and
to furnish the additional stanza to which I have referred.


From the far Lavinian shore,
I your markets come to store;
Muse not, though so far I dwell,
And my wares come here to sell;
Such is the sacred hunger for gold.
Then come to my pack,
While I cry
"What d'ye lack,
What d'ye buy?
For here it is to be sold."

I have beauty, honour, grace,
Fortune, favour, time, and place,
And what else thou would'st request,
E'en the thing thou likest best;
First, let me have but a touch of your gold.
Then, come to me, lad,
Thou shalt have
What thy dad
Never gave;
For here it is to be sold.

Madam, come, see what you lack,
I've complexions in my pack;
White and red you may have in this place,
To hide your old and wrinkled face.
First, let me have but a touch of your gold,
Then you shall seem
Like a girl of fifteen,
Although you be threescore and ten years old.

While on this subject, perhaps I may be permitted to ask whether any
reader of the "NOTES AND QUERIES" can throw light on the following
questionable statement made by a correspondent of the _Morning Herald_,
of the 16th September, 1822.

"Looking over and old volume the other day, printed in 1771,
I find it remarked that it was known as a tradition, that
Shakspeare shut himself up all night in Westminster Abbey when
he wrote the ghost scene in Hamlet."

I do not find in Wilson's _Shakspeariana_ the title of a single "old"
book printed in 1771, on the subject of Shakspere.


* * * * *


Mr. Editor, - I am encouraged by the eminent names which illustrate the
first Number of your new experiment - a most happy thought - to inquire
whether they, or any other correspondent, can inform me who was the
William de Skypwith, the patent of whose appointment as Chief Justice of
the King's Bench in Ireland, dated February 15. 1370, 44 Edward III., is
to be found in the _New Fædera_ vol. iii. p.877.? In the entry on the
Issue Roll of that year, p. 458., of the payment of "his expences and
equipment" in going there, he is called "Sir William Skipwyth, Knight,
and the King's Justice in Ireland." {24}

There was a Sir William Skipwyth, who was appointed a Judge of the
Common Pleas in 33 Edward III., and Chief Baron of the Exchequer in 36
Edward III.; and, were it not that Collins, in his _Baronetage_,
followed by Burke, says that he remained Chief Baron till 40 Edward
III., _in which year he died_, I should have had no doubt that the Irish
Chief Justice was the same with the English Chief Baron.

The same authority adds that Sir William Skipwyth who was made a Justice
of the King's Bench [it should have been of the Common Pleas] in 50
Edward III., and who resigned his office in 11 Richard II., was the
eldest son of the Chief Baron. But that authority does not make the
slightest allusion to the appointment of the Chief Justice of Ireland.

A suspicion that this last Justice of the Common Pleas is not only the
same person as the Chief Justice of Ireland, but also as the Chief Baron
of the Exchequer, has arisen in my mind for the following among other

1. Collins and Burke are wrong in saying that he remained Chief Baron
till 40 Edward III. His successor in that office was appointed on
October 29. 1365, 39 Edward III.

2. They are further wrong, I imagine, in saying that he continued Chief
Baron till his death: for Joshua Barnes, in his _History of Edward
III._, p. 667., says that Skipwyth and Sir Henry Green, the Chief
Justice of the King's Bench, were in 1365 arrested and imprisoned on
account of many enormities which the King understood they had committed
against law and justice; and this relation is corroborated by the fact
that Green's successor as Chief Justice was appointed on the same day as
Skipwyth's successor as Chief Baron.

3. No proof whatever is given of the Chief Baron's death in 40 Edward

I will not trouble you with other grounds of identification which occur
to me: but as an answer to my question might "make these odds all even,"
I sent the "Query" to the "Lost and Found Office" you have established,
in the hope that some stray "Note," as yet unappropriated, may assist in
solving the difficulty.


November 5. 1849.

* * * * *


Mr. Editor, - May I ask if any of your contibutors could inform me in an
early number, when and on what occasion the Thistle was adopted as the
emblem of the Scottish nation? I have looked into many historians, but
as yet found nothing definite enough.

R. L.

Paisley, Oct. 29. 1849.

* * * * *


Mr. Editor, - Having noticed the letter of Mr. John Bruce, in your
Miscellany, I beg leave to inform him that the ash tree under which
Monmouth was taken is still standing on the Woodland estate, now the
property of the Earl of Shaftesbury.

I shall be happy at some future day, if it suits your purpose, to
collect and send you such particulars as may be gained on the spot
respecting it, and the incidents of the capture.

We have still in the Town Hall here the chain in which it is said
Jefferies sat at the Bloody Assize.

A. D. M.

Dorcester, 3d Nov. 1849.

[We shall gladly receive the particulars which our Correspondent
proposed to collect and forward.]

* * * * *


[Mr. Thoms' Query in this case should have been limited to the _straw
necklaces_, as Mr. Nichols has already explained the _serpents' eggs_;
but our Correspondent's letter is so satisfactory on both points that we
insert it entire.]

The passage from Erasmus, "brachium habet ova serpentum," is plainly to
be rendered "and with a string of serpents' eggs on your arm." The
meaning is equally apparent on recalling the manner in which snakes'
eggs are found, viz., hanging together in a row. Erasmus intends
Menedemus to utter a joke at the _rosary of beads_ hanging over the
pilgrim's arm, which he professes to mistake for serpents' eggs.

I am not aware what particular propriety the "collar or chaplet" (for it
may mean either) of _straw_ may have, as worn by a pilgrim from
Compostella; or whether there may not lurk under this description, as
beneath {25} the other, a jocular sense. The readiest way of determining
this point would be to consult some of the accounts of Compostella and
of its relics, which are to be found in a class of books formerly
abundant in the north-western towns of Spain.


* * * * *


"A Student" may consult the _Proceedings of the Royal Society of
Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen_, Mr. Geogehan's _Ireland_,
O'Flaherty's _Ogygia_, Magnusen and Rafn _On the Historical Monuments of
Greenland and America_, and some of the _Sagas_.


Brechin, Nov. 5. 1849.

* * * * *


The earliest account we have of coffee is said to be taken from an
Arabian MS. in the Bibliothèque du Roi in Paris.

Schehabeddin Ben, an Arabian author of the ninth century of the Hegira,
or fifteenth of the Christians, attributes to Gemaleddin, Mufti of Aden,
a city of Arabia Felix, who was nearly his contemporary, the first
introduction into that country, of drinking coffee. He tells us, that
Gemaleddin, having occasion to travel into Persia, during his abode
there saw some of his countrymen drinking coffee, which at that time he
did not much attend to; but, on his return to Aden, finding himself
indisposed, and remembering that he had seen his countrymen drinking
coffee in Persia, in hopes of receiving some benefit from it, he
determined to try it on himself; and, after making the experiment, not
only recovered his health, but perceived other useful qualities in that
liquor; such as relieving the headach, enlivening the spirits, and,
without prejudice to the constitution, preventing drowsiness. This last
quality he resolved to turn to the advantage of his profession; he took
it himself, and recommended it to the Dervises, or religious Mahometans,
to enable them to pass the night in prayer, and other exercises of their
religion, with greater zeal and attention. The example and authority of
the mufti gave reputation to coffee. Soon men of letters, and persons
belonging to the law, adopted the use of it. These were followed by the
tradesmen and artisans that were under the necessity of working in the
night, and such as were obliged to travel late after sunset. At length
the custom became general in Aden; and it was not only drunk in the
night by those who were desirous of being kept awake, but in the day for
the sake of its other agreeable qualities.

Before this time coffee was scarce known in Persia, and very little used
in Arabia, where the tree grew. But, according to Schehabeddin, it had
been drunk in Æthiopia from time immemorial.

Coffee being thus received at Aden, where it has continued in use ever
since without interruption, passed by degrees to many neighbouring
towns; and not long after reached Mecca, where it was introduced as at
Aden, by the Dervises, and for the same purposes of religion.

The inhabitants of Mecca were at last so fond of this liquor, that,
without regarding the intention of the religious, and other studious
persons, they at length drank it publicly in coffee-houses, where they
assembled in crowds to pass the time agreeably, making that the
pretense. From hence the custom extended itself to many other towns of
Arabia, particularly to Medina, and then to Grand Cairo in Egypt, where
the Dervises of Yemen, who lived in a district by themselves, drank
coffee on the nights they intended to spend in devotion.

Coffee continued its progress through Syria, and was received at
Damascus and Aleppo without opposition; and in the year 1554, under the
reign of Solyman, one hundred years after its introduction by the Mufti
of Aden, became known to the inhabitants of Constantinople, when two
private persons of the names of Schems and Hekin, the one coming from
Damascus, and the other from Aleppo, opened coffee-houses.

"It is not easy," says Ellis, "to determine at what time, or upon what
occasion, the use of coffee passed from Constantinople to the western
parts of Europe. It is, however, likely that the Venetians, upon account
of the proximity of their dominions, and their great trade to the
Levant, were the first acquainted with it; which appears from part of a
letter wrote by Peter della Valle, a Venetian, in 1615, from
Constantinople; in which he tells his friend, that, upon his return he
should {26} bring with him some coffee, which he believed was a thing
unknown in his country."

Mr. Garland tells us he was informed by M. de la Croix, the King's
interpreter, that M. Thevenot, who had travelled through the East, at
his return in 1657, brought with him to Paris some coffee for his own
use, and often treated his friends with it.

It was known some years sooner at Marseilles; for, in 1644, some
gentlemen who accompanied M. de la Haye to Constantinople, brought back
with them on their return, not only some coffee, but the proper vessels
and apparatus for making it. However, until 1660, coffee was drunk only
by such as had been accustomed to it in the Levant, and their friends;
but that year some bales were imported from Egypt, which gave a great
number of persons an opportunity of trying it, and contributed very much
to bringing it into general use; and in 1661, a coffee-house was opened
at Marseilles in the neighbourhood of the Exchange.

Before 1669, coffee had not been seen at Paris, except at M. Thevenot's,
and some of his friends'; nor scarce heard of but from the account of
travellers. In that year, Soliman Aga, ambassador from the Sultan
Mahomet the Fourth, arrived, who, with his retinue, brought a
considerable quantity of coffee with them, and made presents of it to
persons both of the court and city, and it is supposed to have
established the custom of drinking it.

Two years afterwards, an Armenian of the name of Pascal, set up a
coffee-house, but meeting with little encouragement, left Paris and came
to London.

From Anderson's _Chronological History of Commerce_, it appears that the
use of coffee was introduced into London some years earlier than into
Paris. For in 1652 one Mr. Edwards, a Turkey merchant, brought home with
him a Greek servant, whose name was Pasqua, who understood the roasting
and making of coffee, till then unknown in England. This servant was the
first who sold coffee, and kept a house for that purpose in George Yard
Lombard Street.

The first mention of coffee in our statute books is anno 1660 (12 Car.
II. c. 24), when a duty of 4d. was laid upon every gallon of coffee made
and sold, to be paid by the maker.

The statute 15 Car. II. c. 11. § 15. an. 1663, directs that all
coffee-houses should be licensed at the general quarter sessions of the
peace for the county within which they are to be kept.

In 1675 King Charles II. issued a proclamation to shut up the
coffee-houses, but in a few days suspended the proclamation by a second.
They were charged with being seminaries of sedition.

The first European author who has made any mention of coffee is
Rauwolfus, who was in the Levant in 1573.

* * * * *


Sir, - Do you or any of your readers know anything of the family of that
celebrated antiquary, and do you think it probable that he was descended
from, or connected with, the author of a work which I met with some time
ago, intituled "Wit Revived, or A new and excellent way of
Divertisement, digested into most ingenious Questions and Answers. By
ASDRYASDUST TOSSOFFACAN. London: Printed for T. E. and are to be sold by
most Booksellers. MDCLXXIV." 12mo. I do not know anything of the
author's character, but he appears to have been a right-minded man, in
so far as he (like yourself) expected to find "wit revived" by its
digestion into "most ingenious questions and answers;" though his notion
that asking and answering questions was a _new_ way of divertisement,
seems to indicate an imperfect knowledge of the nature and history of
mankind; but my query is simply genealogical.

H. F. W.

* * * * *


Sir, - The following passage from the _Anatomy of Melancholy_, published
1651, struck me as a curious corroboration of the passage in Mr.
Macaulay's _History_ which describes the "young Levite's" position in
society during the seventeenth century; and as chance lately threw in my
way the work from which Burton took his illustration, I take the liberty
of submitting Notes of both for your examination.

"If he be a trencher chaplain in a gentleman's house (as it befel
Euphormio), after some seven years' service he may perchance have
a living to {27} the halves, or some small rectory, with the
mother of the maids at length, a poor kinswoman, or a crackt
chambermaid, to have and to hold during the time of his
life." - Burton, _Anat. of Mel._ part i. sect. 2. mem. 3. subsect 15.

Burton is here referrng to the _Euphormionis Lusinini Satyricon_,
published anno 1617. It professes to be a satire, or rather A FURIOUS
INVECTIVE, on the corrupt manners of the times, and is in four parts:
the 1st is dedicated to King James I.; the 2nd to Robert Cecil; the 3rd
to Charles Emmanuel of Savoy; the 4th to Louis XIII., King of France.

The use that Burton makes of the name of Euphormio is any thing but
happy. He was not a "_trencher chaplain_" but the slave of a rich
debauchée, Callion, sent in company with another slave, Percas, to carry
some all-potent nostrum to Fibullius, a friend of Callion, who was
suffering from an attack of stone. Euphormio cures Fibullius, not by the
drug with which he was armed, but by a herb, which he sought for and
found on a mountain. Fibullius, to reward his benefactor, offers him as
a wife a most beautiful girl, whom he introduces to him privately while
in his sick room. Euphormio looks with no little suspicion on the offer;
but, after a few excuses, which are overruled by Fibullius, accepts the
lady as his betrothed, "seals the bargain with a holy kiss," and walks
out of the room (to use his own words) "et sponsus, et quod
nesciebam - Pater," page 100. The next mention of this lady [evidently
the prototype of the "crackt chambermaid,"] is in page 138. Callion had
paid his sick friend Fibullius a visit, and, on the eve of his
departure, had ordered Euphormio to ride post before him, and prepare
the inhabitants of the districts through which he was to pass for his
arrival. While Euphormio is on the horseblock in the act of mounting his
steed, a rustic brings him a letter from Fibullius, and in conversation
gives him such an account of his bride as forces upon him the
reflection, that even the grim Libitina would be preferable, as a bride,
to so confirmed a Thais, so fruitful a partner, as the _protegée_ of
Fibullius would be likely to prove. But, as these _notes_ have, in spite
of all my attempts at condensation, already grown to a most formidable
size, I will not indulge in any moral reflections; but conclude by
_querying_ you, or any of your readers, to inform me whether the
personages mentioned in the _Euphorm. Lus. Satyricon_, such as Callion,
Pereas, Fibullius, &c., are real characters or not? as, in the former
case, I am inclined to think that the work might throw some interesting
lights on the private manners and characters of some of the courtiers of
the day. "No scandal against any of the maids of honour" - of course. The
phrase "_To the halves_" (in the quotation from Burton) means,
inadequate, insufficient; we still talk of "half and half" measures.
Montanus inveighs against such "perturbations, that purge _to the
halves_, tire nature, and molest the body to no purpose." - Burton,
_Anat. of Mel._, part. ii. sect. 2. mem. 4. subsect. 6.


[The work referred to by our correspondent was written by Barclay,
better known as the author of the _Argenis_. The First Part of the
_Satyricon_, dedicated to James the First, was published, London, 12mo.
1603; and with the addition of the 2nd Part, Paris, 1605. The best
edition of the work (which, really in two parts, is made, by the
addition of the _Apologia Euphormionis_, &c. sometimes into five) is
said to be the Elzevir 12mo., 1637. There are two editions of it _cum
notis variorum_, Leyden, 1667 and 1669, 8vo., in two volumes. Of some of
the editions (as that of 1623, 12mo.) it is said, "adjecta Clavi sive
obscurorum et quasi ænigmaticorum nominum, in hoc Opere passim
occurrentium, dilucida explicatione." The _Satyricon_ was twice
translated into French; and its literary history, and that of the
_Censura Euphormionis_, and other tracts, which it called forth, might
furnish a curious and amusing paper.]

* * * * *


Sir, - I have been wanting to get a sight of the following work,
"Sermones Sancti Caroli Borromæi, Archiepisc. Mediol. Edidit. J.A.
Saxius. 5 Tom. Mediol. 1747." Can I learn through your columns whether
the work is any where accessible in London? I sought for it in vain at
the British Museum a twelvemonth ago; nor, though then placed in their
list of _Libri desiderati_, has it yet been procured.


* * * * *


Mr. Editor, - The following lines, written in a hand of the early part of
the seventeenth century, occur on the fly-leaf of a copy of the {28}
_Translation of Luther on the Galatians_, edit. London, 4to. 1577. Can
any of your readers oblige me by informing me who was their author?

"Parum Lutherus ac Erasmus differunt
Serpens uterque est, plenus atro toxico;
Sed ille mordet ut cerastes in via,
Hic fraudulentus mordet in silentio."

Your obedient servant,


* * * * *


Sir, - I should be glad to obtain answers to any or all of the following
Queries: -

1. What is the origin of the name TOWER ROYAL, as applied to a London
locality, and when did our kings (if they ever inhabited it) cease to
inhabit it?

2. When was CONSTITUTION HILL first so called, and why?

3. Is there any contemporary copy of the celebrated letter said to have
been written by Anne Pembroke, Dorset and Montgomery, to Sir Joseph
Williamson? It first appeared in _The World_.

4. Does a copy exist in MS., or in print, of the sermon which Archbishop
Tennison preached at the funeral of Nell Gwynne?


* * * * *


Mr. Editor, - I hope you intend to keep a corner for Etymologies.

Query, the origin of the word "Grog?" - And why do the people in Suffolk
call a ladybird "Bishop Barnaby?"

If you can enlighten me upon either of these points, I shall feel
encouraged to try again.

Yours, &c.


* * * * *



The following bibliographical memoranda, in the well-known hand of Dr.
Farmer, occur in a copy of the edition of Drayton's _Poems_ published in
1619, in small folio, by John Smethwick, which contains "The Barons'
Wars; England's Heroical Epistles; Idea; Odes; The Legends of Robert
Duke of Normandie, Matilda, Pierce Gaveston, and Great Cromwell; The
Owle; and Pastorals, containing Eglogues, with the Man in the Moone."

They may be of use to some future editor of Drayton, an author now
undeservedly neglected, whose _Nymphidia_ alone might tempt the tasteful
publisher of the "Aldine Poets" to include a selection, at least, of his
poems in that beautiful series: -

"The works of Michael Drayton, Esq., were reprinted in folio,
1748. The title-page 'promises all the writings of that
_celebrated author_,' but his Pastorals (p.433. &c., first


Online LibraryVariousNotes and Queries, Number 02, November 10, 1849 → online text (page 2 of 3)