Notes and Queries, Number 74, March 29, 1851 online

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series? Through "NOTES AND QUERIES" we got much curious information on this
point with reference to the _Rolliad_.

W. M. S.

"_O wearisome Condition of Humanity!_" - Can any of your readers inform me
in what "noble poet of our own" the following verses are to be found. They
are quoted by Tillotson in vol. ii. p. 255. of his Works, in 3 vols. fo.

"O wearisome condition of humanity!
Born under one law, to another bound;
Vainly begot, and yet forbidden vanity;
Created sick, commanded to be sound.
If Nature did not take delight in blood,
She would have found more easy ways to good."



_Places called "Purgatory."_ - The Rev. Wm. Thornber, in his _History of
Blackpool in the Fylde District of Lancashire_, gives the following
explanation of the name as applied to particular fields, houses, &c.: -

"The last evening in October (or vigil of All Souls) {242} was called
the Teanlay night; at the close of that day, till within late years,
the hills which encircle the Fylde shone brightly with many a bonfire,
the mosses rivalling them with their fires kindled for the object of
succouring their friends in purgatory. A field near Poulton, in which
this ceremony of the Teanlays was celebrated (a circle of men standing
with bundles of straw raised high on pitchforks), is named Purgatory;
and will hand down to posterity the farce of lighting souls to endless
happiness from the confines of their prison-house: the custom was not
confined to one village or town, but was generally practised by the

It is certain that places may be found here and there in the county still
going by the name of Purgatory. Can any of your correspondents throw
further light on the matter, or tell us if the custom extended to other

P. P.

_Epitaph in Hall's "Discovery."_ - The following epitaph occurs in _Bishop
Hall's Discovery of a New World, by an English Mercury_, an extremely rare
little volume, unknown to Ames or Herbert; and is, I should imagine, a
satire on some statesman of the time. Query, on whom?


"Stay, reade, walke, Here lieth Andrew Turnecoate, who was neither
Slave, nor Soldier, nor Phisitian, nor Fencer, nor Cobler, nor
Filtcher, nor Lawier, nor Usurer, but all; who lived neither in citty,
nor countrie, nor at home, nor abroade, nor at sea, nor at land, nor
here, nor elsewhere, but everywhere. Who died neither of hunger, nor
poyson, nor hatchet, nor halter, nor dogge, nor disease, but
altogether. I., I. H., being neither his debtour, nor heire, nor
kinsman, nor friend, nor neighbour, but all: in his memory have erected
this, neither monument, nor tombe, nor sepulcher, but all; wishing
neither evill nor well, neither to thee, nor mee, nor him, but all unto
all." - P. 140.


* * * * *

Minor Queries Answered.

_Canon and Prebendary._ - What is the difference between a _canon_ and a
_prebend_ or _prebendary_ in a cathedral, or a collegiate church

W. J.

[The distinction seems to be this, that a prebendary is one who
possesses a prebend, which formerly a canon might or might not hold.
Subsequently, when canons received prebends for their support, the two
classes became confounded; the one, however, is a name of office
(_canon_), the other of emolument (_prebendary_).

"Une partie du clergé était toujours auprès de l'évêque, pour assister
aux prières et à toutes les fonctions publiques. L'évêque consultait
les prêtres sur toutes les affaires de l'église: et pour l'exécution il
se servait des diacres et des ministres inférieurs. Le reste du clergé
était distribué dans les titres de la ville et de la campagne, et ne se
rassemblait qu'en certaines occasions, d'où sont venus les synodes. De
cette première partie de clergé sont venus les chanoines des
cathédrales. Il est vrai que du commencement on nommait clercs
canoniques, tous ceux qui vivaient selon les canons, sous la conduite
de leur évêque; et qui étaient sur le canon ou la matricule de
l'église, pour être entretenus à ses dépens, soit qu'ils servissent
dans l'église matrice, ou dans les autres titres. Depuis, le nom de
canonique ou chanoines fut particulièrement appliqué aux clercs, qui
vivaient en commun avec leur évêque." - _Institution du Droit
Ecclésiastique_, par M. l'Abbé Fleury, 1ière partie, chap. xvii.

So much for the origin of canons. As to prebendaries:

"Præbenda, est jus percipiendi reditus ecclesiasticos, ratione divini
officii, cui quis insistit. Alia est canonicatui annexa, alia sine ea
confertur. _Gl. in c. cum M. Ferrariensis, 9. in verbo receperunt de

"_Præbendam, beneficium et titulum_ nihil reipsa interest: usu tamen
loquendi in alia ecclesia vocatur Præbenda, in alia beneficiam, seu
titulus. _Secund. Pac. Isag. Decret. hoc tit._" - Lib. 2. tit. xxviii.
of the _Aphorisms of Canon Law_, by Arn. Corvinus. _Paris_, 1671.

In the _Quare Impedit_ of Mallory, the distinction is thus expressed: -

"There is a difference taken between a _prebendary_ and a _canon_, for
a prebendary is _a præbendo_ and _nomen facti_ in respect of the
maintenance given to him: but _Canonicus est nomen juris_; and in our
usual translations a secular is translated to a regular, but not _e
converso_, a regular to a secular, _Palm 501_." - p. 34. sub titulo

_What Amount of Property constitutes an Esquire?_ - The practice of
subjoining "Esquire" to the names of persons has become so universal, that
the real significance of the title is quite lost sight of. Will some one of
your correspondents inform me what amount of property really constitutes an

W. L.

[No fixed amount of property is a qualification for the title or rank
of Esquire. For the description of persons so entitled to be
designated, see Blackstone's _Commentaries_, vol. i.; and the later the
edition, the greater advantage W. L. will have in the notes and remarks
of the latest law writers.]

_Cromwell Family._ - Will some of your correspondents be so good as to
inform me, to whom the children (sons and daughters) of Oliver Cromwell's
daughter Bridget were married, those by her first marriage with Ireton as
well as those by her second marriage with Fleetwood. I can learn but the
marriage of one: Ireton's daughter Bridget married a Mr. Bendyshe.

M. A. C.

[Cromwell's daughter, Bridget, who was relict of Henry Ireton, married
Charles Fleetwood of Armingland Hall, Norfolk, and Stoke Newington,
Middlesex: she died, 1681, without any issue by Fleetwood. See
Fleetwood's pedigree in No. IX. of the _Bibl. Topog. Britannica_, pp.
28, 29. By her first husband, Henry Ireton, to whom she was married in
1646, she had one son and four daughters, of whom a full account will
be {243} found in Noble's _House of Cromwell_, vol. ii. pp. 319-329.,
in which volume will be found an account of the family of Fleetwood.]

_Daughters of the Sixth Earl of Lennox._ - J. W. wishes for information as
to who married, or what became of the daughters and granddaughters of
Charles Stuart, the sixth Earl of Lennox, and brother of Darnley?

[The brother of Darnley (the husband of Mary Queen of Scots) was
Charles, fifth earl of Lennox, who left an only daughter, the
interesting and oppressed Lady Arabella Stuart, as every common Peerage
will state.]

_Wife of Joseph Nicholson._ - Any information as to who was the wife of
Joseph Nicholson, who resided in London the latter part of the seventeenth
century, would much oblige one of his descendants.

He was second son of the Rev. Joseph Nicholson, rector of Plumland,
Cumberland, who was married to Mary Miser, of Crofton.

His eldest brother was Dr. Wm. Nicholson, Bishop of Carlisle, afterwards
Bishop of Derry, and died there 1727. The bishop's nephew, Rev. James
Nicholson, son of the above Joseph, came to Ireland as chaplain to his
uncle, and became rector of Ardrahan, co. Galway, and died there about


[If our correspondent will refer to the title-page of the Bishop's
celebrated work, _The English, Scotch, and Irish Historical Libraries_,
as well as to his correspondence with Thoresby, the Leeds antiquary, he
will find his name spelt Nicolson, without the letter _h_. This
deserves to be noted, as there was another Dr. William Nicholson,
consecrated Bishop of Gloucester, A.D. 1660.]

_Six Abeiles._ - In Mrs. Barrett Browning's beautiful poem, _Rhyme of the
Duchess May_, the following lines occur:

"Six _abeiles_ i' the kirkyard grow,
On the northside in a row."

Will you or some of your readers kindly inform me what _abeiles_ are. From
the context, they would seem to be some kind of tree, but what tree I
cannot discover.

M. A. H.

Monkstown, co. Cork, Feb. 18. 1851.

[Bailey, in his _Dictionary_, says, "An abele-tree is a fine kind of
white poplar." See also Chambers' _Cyclopædia_.]

_Southey._ - There is a _jeu d'esprit_ attributed to Southey, on the
expedition of Napoleon into Russia, beginning, -

"Buonaparte must needs set out
On a summer's excursion to Moscow,"

and ending, -

"But there's a place which he must go to,
Where the fire is red, and the brimstone blue,
Sacre-bleu, ventre-bleu,
He'll find it hotter than Moscow."

I know this was printed, for I saw it when a boy. Where can it be found?


[See "The March to Moscow," in Southey's _Poetical Works_, p. 464.,
edit. 1850.]

_Epigram against Burke._ - Can any reader supply me with some lines of great
asperity against Edmund Burke, excited (I believe) by the unrelenting
hostility exhibited by Burke against Warren Hastings?

The sting of the epigram is contained in the last line, which, alluding to
the exemption of Ireland from all poisonous reptiles, runs as follows: -

"And saved her venom to create a Burke."

And if the said lines shall be forthcoming, I should be glad also to be
informed of their reputed author.


[The following epigram, thrown to Burke in court, and torn by him to
shreds, has been always attributed to Mr. Law (Lord Ellenborough), but
erroneously: -

"Oft have we wonder'd that on Irish ground
No poisonous reptile has e'er yet been found;
Reveal'd the secret stands of nature's work,
She saved her venom to create a Burke."

The real author was one Williams, notorious for his _nom de guerre_,
Anthony Pasquin. - Townsend's _History of Twelve Eminent Judges_.]

_Knights Hospitallers._ - Where may a correct list be found of the names of
the several persons who held the appointment of Master of the Knights
Hospitallers in England, from the period of their first coming until the
dissolution of their houses?

S. P. O. R.

[See Dugdale's _Monasticon Anglicanum_, new edition, vol. vi. pp.

* * * * *



(Vol. iii., p. 220.)

I am much obliged to your correspondent A. L. R. for his kind notice of my
pamphlet on Mesmerism, and equally so to yourself for inserting it; because
it gives me an opportunity of explaining to him, and others to whom I am
personally unknown, and who are therefore not aware of my circumstances and
movements, why the work was not continued without delay. In doing this I
will try to avoid trespassing on your goodness by one word of needless
egotism. In my Preface I described my materials as a "number of fragments
belonging to various ages and places," as "scattered facts and hints" which
I had met with in books which were not suspected of containing such matter;
and some of them books not likely to fall into the hands of anybody but a
librarian, or at least a person having access to a public library. It may
be easily understood that rough materials thus gathered were not fit for
{244} publication; and that, without the books from which they had been
"noted" and "queried," they could not be made so: and if I had anticipated
the course of events (notwithstanding an inducement which I will mention
presently), I should not have thought of publishing a Part I. But when I
sent it to the press, I had no idea that I should ever return here, or be
at an inconvenient distance from the libraries which were then within my
reach, and open to my use. As it was, I regretted that I had done so, and
felt obliged to hurry the pamphlet through the press, that I might pack up
these papers, and many other things more likely to be hurt by carriage, for
a residence an hundred miles off; and here they are _in statu quo_. I have
not attempted to do any thing with them, not only because I have been very
much occupied in other ways, but because I do not know that I could fit
them for publication without referring to some books to which I have not
access. At the same time I feel bound to add, that while I still think that
some of the things to which I refer might be worth printing, yet I do not
consider them so important as the matter which formed the subject of the
Part already published. I did think (and that was the inducement to which I
have already referred) that it was high time to call the attention of
disinterested and reflecting persons to the _facts_ alleged by mesmerists,
and to the _names_ by which they are attested. I have the satisfaction of
knowing that I have in some degree succeeded in this design. I may perhaps
some day find a channel for publishing the fragments alluded to; but in the
mean time, I shall be very glad if I can supply anything which your
correspondent may think wanting, or explain anything unintelligible in what
is published, if he will let me hear from him either with or without his
name. I am sorry to ask for so much space, knowing how little you have to
spare; but I cannot resist the temptation to offer an explanation, which
will be so widely circulated, and among such readers as I know this will
be, if you can find room for it.


Gloucester, March 24.

* * * * *


(Vol. iii., p. 185.)

The following observations, though slight in themselves, may tend to show
that Charles Lord Howard of Effingham, afterwards Earl of Nottingham, was,
or professed to be, a Protestant.

1st. On his embassy to Spain, Carte says (I quote from Collins's _Peerage_,
vol. iv. p. 272.) -

"On Friday the last of this Month His Catholick Majesty ratified the
peace upon Oath in a great chamber of the palace.... It was pretended
that the Clergy would not suffer this to be done in a Church or Chapel
where the neglect of reverence of the Holy Sacrament would give

I presume the "neglect of reverence" was apprehended in the case of the
English ambassador.

2nd. In Fuller's _Worthies_ (Surrey), speaking of Lord Nottingham, it is
said -

"He lived to be very aged, who wrote 'man,' (if not married) in the
first of Queen Elizabeth, being an invited guest at the solemn
consecration of Matthew Parker at Lambeth; and many years after, by his
testimony, confuted those lewd and loud lies which the papists tell of
the Nag's Head in Cheapside."

3rd. He was one of the commissioners on the trial of Garnet and others; and
told him, as he stood in a box made like a pulpit -

"Sir, you have this day done more good in that pulpit wherein you now
stand, than you have done in any other pulpit all the days of your
life." - _Archæologia_, vol. xv.

His coffin-plate has been engraved somewhere, and, if his will exists, it
might probably settle the question.

Q. D.

_Lord Howard of Effingham_ (Vol. iii., p. 185.). - There is some proof that
he was a Protestant in the letter of instructions to him from King James
(_Biog. Brit._, p. 2679.):

"Only we forewarn you, that in the performance of that ceremony, which
is likely to be done in the King's (of Spain) chapel, you have especial
care that it be not done in the forenoon, in the time of mass, to the
scandal of _our_ religion; but rather in the afternoon, at what time
their service is more free from note of superstition."

May Lord Effingham have changed his religion between the Armada and his
mission to Spain?

C. B.

* * * * *


(Vol. iii., p. 188.)

The Volpes were an ancient, noble Florentine family of the second class,
some branches of which according to the usage of Florence, changed their
name, and adopted that of Bigliotti. The object of the change was to remove
the disqualification which attached to them, as nobles, of holding offices
under the republic. In illustration of this singular practice, the
following extracts may be cited:

"Le peuple nomma une commission pour corriger les statuts de la
république, et réprimer par les lois l'insolence des nobles. Une
ordonnance fameuse, connue sous le nom _d'Ordinamenti della Giustizia_,
fut l'ouvrage de cette commission. Pour le maintien de la liberté et de
la justice, elle sanctionna la jurisprudence la plus tyrannique, et la
plus injuste. Trente-sept familles, les plus nobles et les plus
respectables de Florence, furent exclus à jamais du priorat, sans qu'il
leur fùt permis de recouvrer les droits de cité, en se {245} faisant
matriculer dans quelque corps de métier, ou en exerçant quelque
profession.... Les membres de ces trente-sept familles furent désignés,
même dans les lois, par les noms de grands et de magnats; et pour la
première fois, on vit un titre d'honneur devenir nonseulement un
fardeau onéreux, mais une punition." - Sismondi, _Histoire des
Républiques Italiennes_, tom. iv. pp. 63-4.: Paris, 1826.

"The people, now sure of their triumph, relaxed the Ordinances of
Justice, and, to make some distinction in favour of merit or innocence,
effaced certain families from the list of the nobility. Five hundred
and thirty persons were thus elevated, as we may call it, to the rank
of commoners. As it was beyond the competence of the Republic of
Florence to change a man's ancestors, this nominal alteration left all
the real advantage of birth as they were, and was undoubtedly an
enhancenent of dignity, though, in appearance, a very singular one.
Conversely, several unpopular commoners were ennobled in order to
disfranchise them. Nothing was more usual, in subsequent times, than
such an arbitrary change of rank, as a penalty or a benefit. (Messer
Antonio de Baldinaccio degli Adimari, tutto che fosse de più grandi e
nobili, per grazia era misso tra 'l popolo. - _Villani_, xii. c. 108.)
Those nobles who were rendered plebeian by favour, were obliged to
change their name and arms." - Hallam's _Middle Ages_, vol. i. p.
435-6.: London, 1834.

"In the history of Florentine families, a singular feature presents
itself; by a practice peculiar to Italy, nay, it is believed to
Florence, families, under certain circumstances, were compelled to
change their arms and their surnames, the origin of which was as
follows. After having long suffered the insolent factions of the great
families to convulse the state, the middle classes, headed indeed by
one of the nobles, by a determined movement, obtained the mastery. To
organize their newly-acquired power, they instituted an office, the
chief at Florence during the republican era, that of Gonfalonier of
Justice; they formed a species of national guard from the whole body of
the citizens, who were again subdivided into companies, under the
command of other officers of inferior dignity, also styled Gonfaloniers
(Bannarets). As soon as any noble committed violence within the walls
of the city, likely to compromise the public peace, or disturb the
quiet of the state, the great bell at the Palazzo Vecchio raised its
alarum, the population flew to arms, and hastened to the spot, where
the Gonfalonier of Justice speedily found himself in a position, not
merely to put an end to the disturbance, but even to lay siege to the
stout massive fortresses which formed the city residences of the
insolent and refractory offenders to which they then withdrew. But the
reforming party did not stop there; by the new constitution, which was
then introduced, the ancient noble families, termed by cotemporary
historians 'i grandi,' and explained to include those only which had
ever been illustrated by the order of knighthood, were all placed under
a severe system of civil restrictions, and their names were entered
upon a roll called the Ordinances of Justice; the immediate effect was
that, losing all political rights, they were placed in a most
disadvantageous position before the law.

"By a remarkable species of democratic liberality, a man or a family
might be emancipated from this position and rendered fit for office,
born again as it were into a new political life, by renouncing their
connections (consorteria) and changing their arms and surnames. They
were then said to be made plebeian or popular (fatti di popolo).
Niebuhr has noticed the analogy of such voluntary resignation of
nobility to the 'transitio ad plebem' of the Romans.

"This practice of changing arms and surnames originated from the
Ordinances of Justice promulgated about that time, which expressly
requires this as a condition to the enjoyment by any of the old
families of popular rights. It gave rise to great varieties of surnames
and armorial bearings in different branches of the same house. But it
has nevertheless been noted that in all these mutations it was still
the endeavour of the parties to retain as much as possible of the
ancient ensigns and appellations, so that traces of descent and
connexion might not in the progress of years be altogether obliterated.
Thus the Cavalcanti took the name of Cavallereschi, the Tornaquinci
that of Tornabuoni. Sometimes they obtained the object by a play upon
the name itself thus; at other times by making a patronymic of the
Christian name of the first or some other favourite ancestor; thus a
branch of the Bardi assumed the name of Gualterotti, and a branch of
the Pazzi that of Accorri. Sometimes they took their new name from a
place or circumstance calculated to preserve the memory of their
origin; thus the Agolanti designated themselves Fiesolani, the Bostichi
from the antiquity of their stock, Buonantichi. In mutation of arms a
similar object was borne in mind. Thus the Buondelmonti simply added to
their ancient bearings a mountain az. and a cross gu. The Baccelli, who
were a branch of the Mazzinghi, replaced the three perpendicular clubs,
the ancient ensigns of the family, by two placed in the form of a

"As the object of these provisions was to discriminate for the future
those of the ancient families who had acceded to the principles of the
popular institutions from their more haughty kindred, who remained true
to the defence of their feudal and aristocratical pretensions, the
change either of arms or surname was not required if the whole family
became converts to the new doctrines; for then there was no need of
discrimination, and the law was not framed out of any dislike merely to
particular ensigns, but only to the principles and opinions which they
had up to a certain time been understood to represent." - _Mazzinghi._

The identity of the Volpes and Bigliottis is attested by ancient sepulchral
monuments of the family in Santo Spirito at Florence. To mark the ancient
origin, they retained or assumed the fox (_volpe_) as their arms. Borghini,
in his _Discorsi_ (Florence, 1584-5), mentions the family as an instance of
the name giving rise to the arms, and mentions Sandro Biglotti, 1339, as
the first who assumed the fox as his ensigns. The distinction and influence
enjoyed at Florence by the family is indicated by its having contributed
ten Gonfaloniers of Justice to the republic; an office corresponding in
rank with those of Doge of Venice {246} and Doge of Genoa. Details of
several branches of the family will be found in _Saggi Istorici D'Antichità

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