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VOLUME I. 1862.


Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of

16 and 18 Jacob St.

* * * * *


Across the Continent. Hon. Horace Greeley, 78
Active Service; or, Campaigning In Western Virginia, 330
Actress Wife, the, 64, 139
Among the Pines. Edmund Kirke, 35, 187, 322, 438, 710
Ante-Norse Discoverers of America, the. C. G. Leland, 389, 531

Beaufort District - Past, Present, and Future. Frederic Kidder, 381
Black Witch, the. J. Warren Newcombe, Jr., 155
BOOKS RECEIVED, 94, 348, 469
Bright, John. George M. Towle, 525
Brown's Lecture Tour. Wm. Wirt Sikes, 118

Cabinet Session, 339
Campbell, The late Lord Chancellor, George M. Towle, 285
Columbia's Safety, 578
Constitution and Slavery, the. Rev. C. E. Lord, 619
Cotton, is it our King? Edward Atkinson, 247

Danger, Our, and its Cause. Hon. Geo.C. Boutwell, 219
Desperation and Colonization. C. G. Leland, 657

EDITORS TABLE, 95-112, 228-240, 349-368
470-492, 605-618, 727-749
Education to be, the. Levi Reuben, M.D., 592, 662
Edwards Family, the. Rev. W. Frothingham, 11
Edwards, Jonathan, and the Old Clergy. Rev. W. Frothingham, 265
Emerson, Ralph Waldo. Miss Delia M. Colton, 48

Fairies, 524
Fatal Marriage of Bill the Soundser, the. W. L. Tiffany, 395
Fugitives at the West. Miss S. C. Blackwell, 582

General Lyon. Miss Delia M. Colton, 465
Good Wife, the. A Norwegian Story, 290
Graveyard at Princeton, the. Miss McFarlane, 32
Green Corn Dance, the. John Howard Payne, 17
Guerdon, 601

Hamlet a Fat Man. Carlton Edwards, 571
Heir of Roseton, the. Champion Bissell, 210
Howe's Cave, 422
Huguenot Families in America. Hon. G.P. Disosway, 151, 298, 461
Huguenots of Staten Island. Hon. G.P. Disosway, 683

Irving, Washington, Recollections of, 689

Knights of the Golden Circle, the. Charles G. Leland, 473

LITERARY NOTICES, 91-93, 226-227, 346-348
466-468, 602-604, 724-726
Lowell, James Russell. Miss Delia M. Colton, 176
Maccaroni and Canvas. Henry P. Leland, 302, 414, 513, 647
Molly O'Molly Papers, the. 449, 502
Motley, John Lothrop. Miss Delia M. Colton, 309

One of my Predecessors. Bayard Taylor, 273
On the Plains. Hon. Horace Greeley, 167
Our War and our Want. C. G. Leland, 113

Patterson's Campaign in Virginia, 257
Philosophic Bankrupt. Henry T. Lee, 496


All Together, 506
Black Flag, the. C. G. Leland, 138
Changed. Mrs. Paul Ackers, 570
Child's Call at Eventide, 289
Columbia to Britannia, 404

En Avant, 656
England, To, C. G. Leland, 209

Freedom's Stars, 166

Game of Fate, the. C. G. Leland, 268

Hemming Cotton. C. G. Leland, 272

Lesson of War, the. Henry Carey Lea, 46
Lessons of the Hour, the. Edward L. Rand, Jr., 320

Monroe to Farragut. C. G. Leland, 709

New-England's Advance. Augusta C. Kimball, 701

Potential Moods, 427

Red, White, and Blue, the. 646
Rosin the Bow. B. B. Foster, 29

Self-Reliance, 149
She Sits Alone. Henry P. Leland, 225
Song of Freedom. Edward L. Rand, Jr., 76
Sonnet. H. T. Tuckerman, 16
Sphinx and OEdipus. T. H. Underwood, 63
Spur of Monmouth, the. Henry Morford, 392

Ten to One on it. C. G. Leland, 465

Watchword, the. 126
Westward, 246
What will you do with us? C. G. Leland, 175

Progress, is it a Truth? Henry P. Leland, 6

Resurgamus. Henry P. Leland, 186
Roanoke Island. Frederic Kidder, 541

Seven Devils. Rev. F. W. Shelton, 171
Seward's, Mr., Published Diplomacy, 199
Situation, the. Richard B. Kimball, 1
Sketches of Edinburgh Literati. Rev. W. Frothingham, 453
Slave-Trade in New-York. Mr. Wilder, 86

Southern Aids to the North. C.G. Leland, 242, 445
State Rights. Sinclair Tousey, 535
Story of Mexican Life, 552, 627

Tints and Tones of Paris. H.T. Tuckerman, 127
Travel-Pictures. Henry T. Lee, 676
True Basis. C. G. Leland, 136
True Interest of Nations, the. C.C. Hazewell, 428
True Story. Miss McFarlane, 507

Ursa Major, 579

War between Freedom and Slavery in Missouri, the. 369
Was he Successful? Richard B. Kimball, 702
What shall we do with it? Hon. John W. Edmonds, 493
What to do with the Darkies. C. G. Leland, 84




VOL. I. - JANUARY, 1862. - NO. I.


The Situation, 1

Is Progress a Truth? 6

The Edwards Family, 11

Sonnet, 16

The Green Corn Dance, 17

Rosin the Bow, 29

The Graveyard at Princeton, 32

Among the Pines, 35

The Lesson of War, 46

Ralph Waldo Emerson, 49

Sphinx and OEdipus, 63

The Actress-Wife, 64

Song of Freedom, 76

Across the Continent, 78

What to do with the Darkies, 84

The Slave Trade in New York, 86

Literary Notices, 91
The Rejected Stone;
The Works of Francis Bacon;
The Old Log Schoolhouse;
Songs in Many Keys.

Books Received, 94

Editor's Table, 95


Will be issued about the 15th of January, and will contain contributions
from the following among other eminent writers: HON. HORACE GREELEY,

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1801, by JAMES R.
GILMORE, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of

Press of Geo. C. Rand & Avery, 3 Cornhill, Boston.

* * * * *


In the month of November, 1860, culminated the plot against our National
existence. The conspiracy originated in South Carolina, and had a
growth, more or less checked by circumstances, of over thirty years.

For John C. Calhoun had conceived the idea of an independent position
for that State some time previous to the passage of the 'nullification
ordinance' in November, 1832. This man, although he bore no resemblance
in personal qualities to the Roman conspirator, is chargeable with the
same crime which Cicero urged against Cataline - that of 'corrupting the
youth.' His mind was too logical to adopt the ordinary propositions
about slavery, such as, 'a great but necessary evil;' 'we did not plant
it, and now we have it, we can't get rid of it,' and the like; but,
placing his back to the wall where it was impossible to outflank him, he
defended it, by all the force of his subtle intellect, as a permanent
institution. His followers refined on their master's lessons, and
asserted that it was one of the pillars on which a republic must rest!
Here was the origin of the most wicked and most audacious plot ever
attempted against any government. This plot did not involve any contest
for political power in the administration of public affairs. That, the
Southern leaders already possessed, but with that they were not content.
They were determined to destroy the Republic itself, - to literally blot
it out of existence. And why? What could betray intelligent and educated
men, persons esteemed wise in their generation, into an attempt which
amazes the civilized world, and at which posterity will be appalled? We
answer, it was the old leaven which has worked always industriously in
the breast of man since the creation - AMBITION. Corrupted by
the idea that a model republic must have slavery for its basis, knowing
that the free States could not much longer tolerate the theory, certain
leading individuals decided to dismember the country. They cast their
eyes across Texas to the fertile plains of Mexico, and so southward.
They indulged in the wildest dreams of conquest and of empire. The whole
southern continent would in time be occupied and under their control. An
aristocracy was to be built up, on which possibly a monarchy would be
engrafted. In this way a new feudal system was to be developed, negro
for serf, and a race of noble creatures spring forth, the admirable of
the earth, whose men should be famed as the world's chivalry, and whose
women should be the most beautiful and most accomplished of all the
daughters of Eve. The peaceful drudge and artisan of the North, ox-like
in their character, should serve them as they might require, and the
craven man of commerce should buy and sell for their accommodation. For
the rest, the negro would suffice. This was the extraordinary scheme of
the South Carolina 'aristocrat,' and with which he undertook to infect
certain unscrupulous leaders throughout the cotton and sugar States. It
was no part of the plan of the conspirators to precipitate the border
States into rebellion. O no! On the contrary, it was specially set forth
in the programme entrusted to the exclusive few, that those States were
to remain in the 'Old Union' as a fender between the 'South' and the
free States; always ready in Congress to stand up for a good fugitive
slave law, and various other little privileges, and prepared to threaten
secession if Congress did not yield just what was demanded. In this way
the free States would be perpetually entangled by embarrassing
questions, and the new empire left to pursue unrestricted its dazzling
plans of conquest and occupation.

A comfortable arrangement truly, and one very easy of
accomplishment, - provided the free States would consent.

'Certainly they will consent. Trade, commerce, manufactures and
mechanical pursuits, occupy them exclusively, and these promise better
results under the new order of things than under the old. As to
patriotism or public spirit, the North have neither. The people do not
even resent a personal affront, much less will they go to war for an

So reasoned the South.

'It is not possible those fellows down yonder can be in earnest. They
are only playing the game of "brag." In their hearts they are really
devoted to the Union. They have not the least idea of separating from

So reasoned the North.

Neither side thought the other in earnest. Both were mistaken.

Negro slaves were introduced into Virginia as early as 1620. In the year
1786 England employed in the slave-trade 130 ships, and that year alone
seized and carried from their homes into slavery 42,000 blacks.
Wilberforce experienced many defeats through the influence of the
slave-trade interest, but at length carried his point, and the trade was
finally abolished in England in 1807, - not a very remote period
certainly. The same year witnessed the suppression of the slave-trade in
our own country; but, unfortunately, not the abolition of
slave-_holding_. All our readers understand how, when the Constitution
of the United States was adopted, slavery was regarded entirely as a
domestic matter, left to each of the States to manage and dispose of as
each saw fit. But at that period there was no dissenting voice to the
proposition, that, abstractly considered, slave-holding was wrong; yet
the owner of a large number of negroes could honestly declare he was
himself innocent of the first transgression, and ignorant of any
practicable way to get rid of the evil, - for it was counted an evil.
When the rice, cotton and sugar fields demanded larger developments, it
was counted a _necessary_ evil. Congress was called on for more guards
and pledges, and gave them freely. It disclaimed any power to interfere
with what had now become an institution; it had no power to do so. It
went further, and by legislation sought fully to protect the
slave-holding States in the perfect enjoyment of their rights under the

Meanwhile many wise and good men, North and South, who regarded slavery
as a blight and a curse upon the States where it existed, endeavored by
all the means in their power to prepare the way for gradual
emancipation. It seemed at one time that they would succeed in Delaware,
Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky. In Virginia, an emancipation act failed
of passing by a single vote.

About the time that Calhoun was spreading the heresy of his state-rights
doctrine in South Carolina and taking his 'logical ground' on the
slavery question, a class, then almost universally branded as fanatics,
but whose proportions have since very largely swelled, arose at the
North, which were a match for the South Carolina senator with his own
weapons. Each laid hold of an extreme point and maintained it. We refer
to the Abolitionists of thirty years ago, under Garrison, Tappan & Co.
These people seized on a single idea, exclusive of any other, and went
nearly mad over it. Apparently blind to the evils around them, which
were close at hand, within their own doors, swelling perhaps in their
own hearts, they were suddenly 'brought to see' the 'vile enormity' of
slave-holding. Their argument was very simple. 'Slavery is an awful sin
in the sight of God. Slave-holders are awful sinners. We of the North,
having made a covenant with such sinners, are equally guilty of the sin
of slavery with them. Slavery must be immediately abolished. _Fiat
justitia ruat coelum_. Better that the Republic fall than continue in
the unholy league one day.' These men were ready to 'dissolve the
Union,' to disintegrate the nation, to blast the hopes of perhaps
millions of persons over the world, who were watching with anxious
hearts the experiment of our government, trembling lest it should fail.

In South Carolina John C. Calhoun was ready to do the same. And thus
extremes met.

Meanwhile the Southern conspirators pursued their labors. Gathering up
the reports of the meetings of the Abolition Societies, and selecting
the most inflammable extracts from the speeches of the most violent,
they circulated them far and wide, as indications of the hostile spirit
of the North, and as proofs of the impossibility of living under the
same government with people who were determined to destroy their
domestic institutions and stir up servile insurrections. The
Abolitionists saw the alarm of the South, and pressed their advantage.
Thus year after year passed, till the memorable November elections of
1860. The conspirators received the intelligence of the election of
Lincoln with grim satisfaction. The Abolitionists witnessed the progress
of secession in the various States with a joy they did not attempt to
conceal. 'Now we can pursue our grand scheme of empire,' exclaimed the
Southern traitors. 'Now shall we see the end of slavery,' cried the
Abolitionists. Strange that neither gave a thought about the destruction
of the glorious fabric which the wisest and best men, North and South,
their own fathers, had erected. Strange, not one sigh was breathed in
prospect of the death of a nation. Incredible that no misgiving checked
the exultation of either party, lest, in destroying the temple of
Liberty and scattering its fragments, it might never again be
reconstructed. The conspirator, South, saw only the consummation of his
mad projects of ambition. The Abolitionist North, regarded only the
_immediate_ emancipation of a large number of slaves, most of whom,
incapable, through long servitude, of self-control, would be thrown
miserably on the world. Neither party thought or cared a jot about their
common country. Neither regarded the stars and stripes with the least
emotion. To one, it was secondary to the emblem of a sovereign State. To
the other, there was no beauty in its folds, because it waved over a
race in bondage.

The day after the battle of Bull Run found these two extremes still in
sympathy. Both were still rejoicing. The rebel recognized the hand of
Providence in the victory, so did the Abolitionist: one, because it
would secure to the South its claims; the other, because it would rouse
the North to a fiercer prosecution of the war, which had hitherto been
waged with 'brotherly reluctance.' Here we leave these sympathizing
extremes, and proceed to survey the situation.

The first point we note is, that in the South the war did not originate
with the people, but with certain conspirators. In the North, the mighty
armament to conquer rebellion is the work of the people alone, not of a
cabinet. In the South, it was with difficulty the inhabitants were
precipitated into 'secession.' Indeed, in certain States the leaders
dared not risk a popular vote. In the North, the rulers, appalled by
the extraordinary magnitude of the crisis, were timid and hesitating,
until the inhabitants rose in a body to save their national existence.

It is no answer to this assertion, that large armies are arrayed against
us, which engage with animosity in the war. The die cast, the several
States committed to the side of treason, there was no alternative: fight
they must. As the devil is said to betray his victims into situations
where they are compelled to advance from bad to worse, so the
conspirators adroitly hastened the people into overt acts from which
they were told there was no retreat. We believe these facts to have had
great influence with our Government; and in this way we can understand
the generous but mistaken forbearance of the administration in the
earlier stages of the contest, - we say mistaken, because it was entirely
misunderstood by the other side, and placed to the account of cowardice,
imbecility or weakness; and because there can be no middle course in
carrying on a war. We have suffered enough by it already in money and
men; we must suffer no more. Besides, we lose self-respect, and gain
only the contempt of the enemy. When the bearer of General Sherman's
polite proclamation, addressed 'to the _loyal_ citizens of South
Carolina,' communicated it to the two officers near Beaufort, they
replied, with courteous _nonchalance_, 'Your mission is fruitless; there
are no loyal citizens in the State.' The general's action in the
premises reminds us of that of a worthy clergyman who gave notice that
in the morning of the following Sunday he would preach to the young, in
the afternoon to the old, in the evening to sinners. The two first
services were respectably attended; to the last, not a soul came.

There are no 'sinners' in South Carolina, and General Sherman had better
try his hand at something else besides paper persuasions. At all events,
we suggest that future proclamations be addressed to those for whom such
documents are usually framed, to wit, rebels in arms against constituted

But to our case. We have a rebellion to crush, - a rebellion large in its
proportions, threatening in its aspect, but lacking in elements of real
strength, and liable to collapse at any moment. To put down this
rebellion is the sole object and purpose of the war. We are not fighting
to enrich a certain number of army contractors, nor to give employment
to half a million of soldiers, or promotion to the officers who command
them. Neither are we fighting to emancipate the slaves. It is true the
army contractors do get rich, the half million of soldiers are employed,
the officers who command them receive advancement, and the slaves _may_
be liberated. But this is not what we fight _for_. On this head the
people have made no mistake. In the outset they proclaimed that this war
was to decide the question of government or no government, country or no
country, national existence or no national existence. And we must go
straight to this mark. We have nothing to do with any issue except how
to save the nation. If this shall require the emancipation of every
negro in the Southern States, then every negro must be emancipated. And
this brings us to another proposition, to wit, that the day is past for
discussing this slave question in a corner. This bug-bear of
politicians, this ancient annoyance to the Northern Democrat and the
Southern old-line Whig, this colored Banquo, will no longer 'down.' We
can no longer affect ignorance of the spectre's presence. It is forced
on us in the house and by the way. It follows the march of our armies.
It is present at the occupation of our Southern ports and towns and

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Online LibraryVariousThe Continental Monthly, Vol. 1, No. 1, January 1862 → online text (page 1 of 18)