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THE RAILWAY LIBRARY, 1909 ***




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THE RAILWAY LIBRARY

1909


A COLLECTION OF NOTEWORTHY CHAPTERS, ADDRESSES
AND PAPERS RELATING TO RAILWAYS, MOSTLY
PUBLISHED DURING THE YEAR.


COMPILED AND EDITED BY

SLASON THOMPSON

MANAGER OF THE BUREAU OF RAILWAY NEWS
AND STATISTICS
CHICAGO


CHICAGO
THE GUNTHORP-WARREN PRINTING CO
1910




TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

INTRODUCTION 3

PRE-RAILWAY ERA IN AMERICA 5
By F. A. Cleveland and F. W. Powell.

FIRST ANNUAL REPORT OF THE CHIEF ENGINEER OF THE PENNSYLVANIA
RAILROAD COMPANY 21
By J. Edgar Thomson.

RAILWAYS AND THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST 45
By James J. Hill.

SOUTHERN RAILWAYS AND THEIR NEEDS 58
By John F. Wallace.

PROBLEMS CONFRONTING AMERICAN RAILWAYS 66
By Daniel Willard.

THE RAILROAD SITUATION OF TO-DAY 80
By Frank Trumbull.

TRANSPORTATION CHARGE AND PRICES 90
By Logan G. McPherson.

THE FREIGHT RATE PRIMER 107
Issued by the N. Y. C. & H. R. R. R. Co.

PROGRESSIVE SAFETY IN RAILWAY OPERATION 116
By A. H. Smith.

RAILWAY MAIL PAY 142
By Julius Kruttschnitt.

THE DIMINISHED PURCHASING POWER OF RAILWAY EARNINGS 165
By C. C. McCain.

THE RAILROADS AND PUBLIC APPROVAL 199
By Edward P. Ripley.

RAILROADS AND THE PUBLIC 205
By John C. Spooner.

RAILROAD PROBLEMS OF TO-DAY 211
By J. B. Thayer.

THE RELATION OF THE RAILROADS TO THE STATE 220
By W. M. Acworth, M. A.

RAILWAY NATIONALIZATION 238
By Sir George S. Gibb.

CONCERNING ADVANCES IN RAILWAY RATES 261
By the Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce, 1909.

STATISTICS OF AMERICAN RAILWAYS FOR 1909 291
By Slason Thompson.

I Mileage in 1909 306

II Equipment 314

III Employes and their Compensation 321

IV Capitalization 337

V Cost of Construction 342

VI Ownership of American Railways 345

VII Public Service of the Railways 346

VIII Earnings and Expenses 358

IX Taxes 363

X Damages and Injuries to Persons 365

XI Locomotive Fuel 367

XII The Safety of American Railways 368

XIII Railway Receiverships in 1909 384

XIV Cost of Railway Regulation 385

XV Statistics of Foreign Railways 386

XVI Growth of Railways 391

Recommendations 393


INDEX 395




INTRODUCTION


In the following pages is presented a number of the more timely
papers and addresses of the year 1909 on the present railway
situation, together with chapters from two books of current interest
on the same subject. As the object of the compilation has been to
present in permanent and accessible form information in regard to
American railways worthy of more than the ephemeral life of newspaper
or pamphlet publication, it has been thought well to accompany the
messages of today with a brief glance at the conditions on this
continent before the days of railways. Happily for this purpose
the first two chapters of Messrs. Cleveland and Powell's "Railroad
Promotion and Capitalization in the United States," fresh from the
press, afforded the very background needed, and the first report
of the engineer of the Pennsylvania Railroad provided the glasses
through which the reader can look forward from the small beginnings
to what is now known as the greatest railway system on the globe.

After this study of conditions as they were, and of the opportunities
that invited the railway pioneers of 1848, it is instructive to
read the utterances of the latest of our empire builders, whose
foresight and indomitable will anticipated the development of our
Pacific Northwest with railway facilities that already lag behind the
necessities of its amazing growth.

Of the other addresses and papers it is unnecessary to say more than
that they reflect the prevailing sentiments of all thoughtful railway
officials respecting conditions of the gravest import to the great
industry upon which the entire fabric of our national prosperity
and well-being depends. Only the shallowest student of our social,
economic and political system can view the persistent attacks upon
the American system of transportation without serious alarm for the
results. This alarm is the prevailing note of these papers and it
comes from men who are at the helm and who see the financial breakers
upon which the fierce blasts of political exigency are driving the
railways.

The papers by Sir George S. Gibbs and Mr. A. M. Acworth, the leading
authorities on British railways, discuss the alternative to wisely
regulated railways - nationalization of railways. With a continuance
of unwise and burdensome regulation of railways, which strips
responsibility of all discretion, nationalization is inevitable.

The Bureau's statistics of American railways for the year ending June
30, 1909, is included in THE RAILWAY LIBRARY because it affords the
latest data not only as to the railways of the United States but for
the world.

Acknowledgments are made to the authors and publishers of the various
papers, and especially to the publishers of the two works from which
important chapters have been extracted by their courteous permission,
as well as that of their authors.

If this publication fulfils the purpose of its compilation, it will
be succeeded by annual volumes of like character under the same title.

S. T.

Chicago, June 1, 1910.




PRE-RAILWAY ERA IN AMERICA

From Chapters I and II of "Railroad Promotion and
Capitalization in the United States," by F. A. CLEVELAND and E.
W. POWELL. Longmans, Green & Co., 1909.

(By permission of the authors.)


Inland transportation, as we know it, is the product of the last
century. It had its beginning in the industrial revolution. In
England at the close of the eighteenth century the manor as a
productive agency had been supplanted by a system of domestic
production, and this in turn was giving place to the factory. The
combined influences of increasing capital and invention had operated
to centralize the industrial population in the towns. Ocean commerce
was comparatively well developed, and manufacture was fast being
established upon a modern basis; but inland transportation was
still encumbered by such primitive methods as to make difficult the
utilization of the resources of the interior. A century and a half
before, Lord Bacon had called attention to the three great elements
necessary to make a nation great and prosperous - "a fertile soil,
busy workshops, and easy conveyance of men and things from one
place to another," - but the significance of this reflection was not
appreciated until after the middle of the eighteenth century. The
controlling force of custom - social inertia - had stood in the way of
progress.


IN ENGLAND.

Until about the opening of the nineteenth century the principal
manufacturing towns of Great Britain were situated on or near the
coast; for in the inland country goods were still carried on the
backs of men, or hauled in carts over heavy roads. Said Lardner: "The
internal transport of goods in England was performed by wagon, and
was not only intolerably slow, but so expensive as to exclude every
object except manufactured articles, and such as, being of light
weight and small bulk in proportion to their value, would allow of a
high rate of transport. Thus the charge for carriage by wagon from
London to Leeds was at the rate of £13 ($63.31) a ton, being 13½d.
(27 cents) per ton per mile. Between Liverpool and Manchester it
was 40s. ($9.60) a ton, or 15d. (30 cents) per ton per mile. Heavy
articles, such as coal and other materials, could only be available
for commerce where their position favored transport by sea, and,
consequently, many of the richest districts of the kingdom remained
unproductive, awaiting the tardy advancement of the art of transport."


IN AMERICA.

Before the Revolution the American colonists lived in almost complete
isolation. Travel by land was limited, for water communication
presented fewer obstacles to progress. Population was arranged along
the seaboard, or in isolated groups a short distance inland. Living
narrow, self-centered lives, each community developed a distinct
dialect and characteristic customs and dress. Social activities were
limited to going to mill, market and church, or exchanging friendly
calls; traveling on foot or on horseback along wooded trails. Even
between seacoast towns there was little interchange of products or
population; and a citizen of one colony going to another was at once
struck with the many local peculiarities. It was less than twenty
years before the Revolutionary war when the first stage line was
opened between New York and Philadelphia, and three days were then
required for a single trip. It was ten years later when the first
stage line was established between Philadelphia and Baltimore.


METHODS OF TRAVEL AND TRANSPORT.

Between towns of considerable size there were country roads over
which vehicles could pass when the weather would permit. The stage
coach, which was the only public land conveyance, plied along the
coast and between a few inland centers, but the coaches of that
day were rude boxes swung on wheels by leathern straps instead of
springs, with seats for a dozen or more and accommodations for a
limited amount of baggage. The rate of travel was from two to six
miles an hour, according to the condition of the roads and the
importance of the route. On the farm the mud-boat or stone sledge was
in common use, and at times it was even employed to carry produce to
local markets. In more progressive communities two-wheeled carts and
wagons were to be found. The best of roads, however, were nothing
but "mud roads"; and the wagons, commonly of the linchpin type, were
clumsy and awkward. Some of the more primitive wagons had wheels made
of cross sections of trees, trimmed and centered to roll on axles of
wood. Those who traveled had little thought of time; companionship
found expression in story-telling, gossip and tippling; and an
emergency which required all to get out and "take a wheel" only added
spice to the trip.

We have the following description of the roads about Philadelphia,
the metropolis and commercial center of the New World: "On the best
lines of communication the ruts were deep, the descents precipitous.
* * * Near the great cities the state of the roads was so bad as to
render all approach difficult and dangerous. Out of Philadelphia
a quagmire of black mud covered a long stretch of road near the
village of Rising Sun. There horses were often seen floundering in
the mud up to their bellies. On the York road, long lines of wagons
were every day to be met with, drawn up near Logan's hill, while
the wagoners unhitched their teams, to assist each other in pulling
through the mire. At some places, stakes were set up to warn teams
of the quicksand pits; at others, the fences were pulled down, and
a new road made through the fields." Transportation facilities were
either entirely lacking or such as to make travel both expensive and
hazardous. It is difficult to realize that as late as 1780 the roads
over a large part of Pennsylvania were narrow paths which had been
made through the woods by Indians and traders.


ABSENCE OF ROADS IN THE INTERIOR.

The isolation of interior settlements finds apt illustration in the
Wyoming valley. This rich region along the Susquehanna had been
until 1786 almost completely cut off from the outer world. A small
colony had moved in from the East, and taking color of title from
Connecticut, disclaimed the sovereignty of the Quaker proprietary.
War consequently broke out between this isolated settlement and the
Pennsylvania government. Several military expeditions were sent out
to reduce the "Yankees" to submission; but the absence of roads
and the necessity of carrying provisions on horseback left the
determined pioneers masters of the situation when the larger issue,
the Revolutionary war, suspended local strife. The spring after
Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga the settlers of the Wyoming valley
learned that a detachment of Johnson's "Royal Greens" and Butler's
"Rangers," with a company of Tories, had allied themselves with the
Seneca Indians, and were preparing to descend upon the valley. A
courier was despatched to congress, and appeals for aid were made to
the neighboring states, but the isolation which had before served
for defense now brought disaster. With the June freshet the British
allies came down from Tioga, and nothing but ruins were left to mark
the scene. One of the reasons urged for the removal of the state
capitol from Philadelphia to Harrisburg in 1799 was the cost of
travel, which bore heavily upon legislators from the interior.


THE ROADS OF NEW ENGLAND.

The early settlers of Springfield, Massachusetts, were obliged
to send their household goods from Roxbury around by way of Long
Island Sound and the Connecticut river, but they themselves were
able to proceed on foot along an Indian trail. In time this trail
was widened, and as the "Bay path" and the "Boston road" occupied
an important place among the transportation routes of the colonies.
It was, however, little more than a narrow wagon path until after
the Revolution, and so indistinct was it that travelers frequently
wandered off the route. A curious stone post marks the place
near the national armory at Springfield, where in 1763 a western
Massachusetts merchant lost his way, and set up a guide for other
travelers. Even as late as 1795 there were but two stages between
Boston and New York, and a week was required for the journey. John
Bernard, the English actor, thus described a typical New England
road in 1797: "Though far better than in any other quarter of the
Union, the frequent jolts and plunges of the vehicle brought it into
sad comparison with the bowling-greens of England. Very often we
surprised a family of pigs taking a bath in a gully of sufficient
compass to admit the coach. As often, such chasms were filled with
piles of stones that, at a distance, looked like Indian tumuli. The
driver's skill in steering was eminent. I found there were two evils
to be dreaded in New England traveling - a clayey soil in wet weather,
which, unqualified with gravel, made the road a canal; and a sandy
one in summer, which might emphatically be called an enormous insect
preserve." Such testimony makes real the difficulties which attended
travel over the important routes, and enables one to understand how
it could have required Washington nearly two weeks to make the trip
from Philadelphia to Cambridge at the outbreak of the Revolution.


AFTER THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.

Before the Revolution the subject of road improvement was seldom
considered in public assemblies, and the early laws contain few
provisions even for common roads. Those who proposed measures for
general improvement met with little encouragement. As early as
1690 William Penn suggested the practicability of a waterway from
the Schuylkill to the Susquehanna. In 1762 David Rittenhouse of
Philadelphia, and Provost Smith of the University of Pennsylvania,
proposed a similar project, and made surveys of the route by the
Swatara and the Tulpehocken; in 1769 the American Philosophical
Society interested itself in a canal survey between Chesapeake Bay
and the Delaware, recommending the enterprise to the public. In 1768
Governor Moore of New York projected a canal around the Canajoharie
Falls of the Mohawk. But to none of these suggestions was there any
active response, for the time was not ripe for such undertakings.

Contributing to the road-making impulse immediately after the war of
independence was a newly awakened community interest. At the time of
the adoption of the constitution there were two distinct classes in
the United States: a highly localized class of the seaboard and of
the inland trade routes, and a widely distributed agricultural class.
American commerce was largely confined to American products. England,
France and Holland monopolized the trade of their colonies, and in
other ways favored their own merchantmen in foreign trade. Such
being the condition, our commercial advantage lay in the development
of our own resources. The settlement of the Middle Atlantic states
and of the valleys of the interior only served to strengthen the
interdependence of the people, who found a common interest in
internal improvements. To the agriculturist, cheap conveyance to
market was a prerequisite to profitable industry. To the commercial
class on the seaboard and on the leading trade routes, inland
improvement was at that time no less important.


FIRST ERA OF ROAD MAKING.

There was a notable change in the popular attitude toward road making
after the war, and all public-spirited men now saw in better means
of communication an instrument for the establishing of American
supremacy over the western continent. Legislatures made generous
appropriations for highways. An active migration set in from New York
and northern Pennsylvania to the West. In 1738 the first regular
mail service was established between Albany and Schenectady. In 1793
the horse path from Albany to the Connecticut valley was widened to
a wagon road. Like activity in road making was shown throughout
southern and western New York, middle Pennsylvania, Maryland and
Virginia.

In 1785 Pennsylvania appropriated $10,000 to lay out a road from a
point near the mouth of the Juanita to Pittsburgh. In 1786 an act
was passed appropriating $1,500 "to view and open a road from Lehigh
Water Gap to Wyoming," which was the first road into that valley
from the Delaware. In 1787 another road was authorized between the
Susquehanna and the Delaware. Activity in opening communication
with the interior increased until by 1791 the movement had assumed
proportions to be styled a "mania." By a single act over $150,000 was
appropriated for the improvement of eleven rivers and over a score
of roads in different parts of the state. Other acts were passed at
the same session, granting charters and appropriations for various
transportation enterprises. New York in 1797 authorized the raising
by _lotteries_ of $45,000 for the improvement of various roads
throughout the state. As if by common impulse, all the states now
became interested in road improvement, and congress was asked to aid
by this means the opening up of the resources of the interior.


BEGINNING OF THE CANALS AND PIKES.

The low cost of water transportation had early directed popular
attention to canals as a means of overcoming obstructions in natural
water courses, thereby serving the needs of the inland population,
and also providing the means for diverting trade from one seaport to
another. The Revolutionary war was hardly over when Charles Carroll
organized a company to open a canal about the obstructions in the
lower Susquehanna.

Those who took the most active interest in canal construction at this
time were men who, like Washington, viewed the future with patriotic
interest. This interest, however, was one which did not appeal to the
private investor. An enterprise based upon such public consideration
required government support.

This period also marked the beginning of turnpike construction. The
first turnpike road in this country of which we have a record was
built between Alexandria and the Lower Shenandoah. It was begun in
1785-6, and its completion was the cause of great satisfaction to
Jefferson and other public-spirited men of Virginia, who had labored
in the cause of a "broader national life." Alexandria was at that
time an important competitor of the other seaboard cities. Across the
Maryland peninsula on the Chesapeake lay Baltimore, a commercial
rival of both Alexandria and Philadelphia. In 1787 the grand jury
sitting at Baltimore called attention to the deplorable condition of
the roads leading to that city, and urged the authorities to take
immediate action. As a result, the county government ordered the old
Frederick, Reistertown and York roads turnpiked at public expense.
To the west of Philadelphia lay the Susquehanna valley. The natural
outlet of this growing region was down the Chesapeake to Baltimore.
To attract traffic to the Quaker City a company was organized in
Philadelphia in 1792 to build the Lancaster pike, which was the first
turnpike in this country built by voluntary subscription.


EFFECT OF EUROPEAN WARS ON AMERICAN SITUATION.

The outbreak of the European wars in 1793 was followed by a marked
change in the American industrial situation. The immediate effect
upon the grain growing of the West was to increase the demand for
wheat. Prices of cereals rose to twice their former height. The
average price of flour during the seven years from 1785 to 1793 had
been about $5.40 a barrel; the average price from 1793 to 1806 (the
two years of peace, 1802 and 1803, excluded) was $9.12. Such was the
inducement to grain growing during this period.

Back from the North Atlantic coast radiated rich valleys - large
tracts of agricultural lands which were well adapted to grain
growing. A rush set in for the unclaimed resources of New York,
Pennsylvania and Maryland, and for a time the tide of migration moved
to the westward along the Ohio, and the border of the Great Lakes.
Those who cultivated lands near the coast shared in the increased
prosperity due to the European disturbance, but unless they could
obtain better means of transportation, those who had located inland
soon found that they could profit little. Grain as compared with
cotton and tobacco was a low priced product. At best, the cost of
transportation was ten dollars a ton for each hundred-mile haul; in
many places it was much higher.


AMERICANS TURN TO HOME MARKETS.

Before 1807 the country had come to be divided into three sections:
the commercial, shipbuilding East, the cotton and tobacco exporting
South, and the isolated grain growing interior, linked with which was



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