ternich, became ardent advocates of the old order, and not
only restored it in Vienna, but used all their influence against
liberal tendencies in the German states, over which Austria
exercised a sort of presidency.
Louis XVIII. granted a fairly liberal constitution in France,
but unwisely accepted the counsel of emigrants who had
deserted their country and aided her enemies during the revo-
lution. As a result of unfair election laws, the legislature soon
contained many friends of the old order of things, who tried to
bring back in a measure the "good old times." This course
was very unpopular, and the right to vote was extended to
merchants and manufacturers, whose liberalizing influence
was soon felt. Unfortunately, in 1820 a fanatic assassinated a
strong conservative, the Duke of Berry. At once a cry was
raised that dangerous republican notions were rife again, a re-
action set in, severely conservative laws were passed, and the
public school system was put into the hands of the Catholic
clergy. The death of Louis in 1824 put upon the throne his
brother, Charles X., who continued a reactionary policy until
1830, when a popular revolt drove him from power.
This protest of France against a return to the past caused
excitement in all parts of Europe. The various German rulers
under the influence of Austria had either refused constitutions,
granted half measures, or withdrawn concessions. The uni-
versities and literary men had agitated earnestly for liberty,
but met with severe repression.
The Paris revolution of 1830 was the signal for outbreaks in
Saxony and the minor German states, by which the govern-
ments were in a measure brought to terms. The arranging of
a "customs union," which with the exception of Austria in-
cluded the principal German states, was a first step toward
VIEW OF EUROPE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 143
German unity. In Spain and Naples the tyranny of the
restored families had caused uprisings, which were put down
by the aid of France and Austria. Greece had thrown off the
Turkish yoke in 1827. In 1830 Belgium, joined to Holland
against her will by the Congress of Vienna, revolted and set
up an independent constitutional government.
In England the years from 1815 to 1832 saw the government
policy gradually liberalized. The law which had long pre-
vented Catholics from holding office was repealed, and the
representation in Parliament which had been unjust in the ex-
treme was vastly improved by the "reform bill" of 1832.
After the abdication of Charles X. in 1830, there was talk of
another French republic, but at last Louis Phillippe, a cousin
of Charles, was chosen king upon his expressly promising a
liberal constitution. He liked to be styled " the citizen king,"
but the Bourbon blood ran in his veins. His reign was char-
acterized by avarice and family ambition, gradually growing
conservatism, a weak foreign policy, bad election laws, and
industrial distress. The refusal in 1848 to grant certain popu-
lar demands brought on an important revolution.
This third French uprising had a most important influence
on the rest of Europe. Even Austria felt the shock, and
Metternich, the arch-conservative, was driven from Vienna.
A national parliament was called, and fair promises made.
Francis abdicated in favor of his son, Francis Joseph, the
present emperor. Most of the revolts were easily suppressed,
but Hungary, an unwilling part of the Austrian empire, was
subdued only with the aid of Russia.
Prussia and other German states were the scenes of popular
outbreaks, followed by concessions and constitutional reforms.
Another attempt to unite Germany into a federation gave
promise of success, but the time had not yet come. The
rivalry between Austria, the old leader of Germany, and
144 THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
Prussia, the new aspirant for that honor, became more and
more apparent. Italy caught the spirit of the times. Revo-
lutions occurred in almost every state. In the north there
were demonstrations against the hated power of Austria, and
attempts to establish a free and "united Italy." The king of
Sardinia was especially active, but, defeated by Austria, he re-
signed his throne to his son, Victor Emanuel. France, mean-
while, in alleged defense of the pope, had occupied Rome.
The downfall of Louis Phillippe in France was followed by
a republic, and for a time by a dictatorship. The socialistic
ideas then current, the demoralizing influence of "government
workshops " — a socialistic device for aiding the unemployed —
and the general feeling of unrest and uncertainty, all made a
demand for strong government. A republican constitution
was set up, and Louis Napoleon, a nephew of Bonaparte, was
chosen president by an overwhelming popular vote. Twice
before, he had failed ridiculously in attempts to gain power,
but this time his name and the career of his famous uncle
worked in his favor. Louis Napoleon, though vain, was not
so weak a man as he was generally supposed to be. Follow-
ing the traditions of his family, he restored the empire by
strategy, and was recognized in 1852 as Napoleon III. He de-
clared that his sole aim would be to promote the welfare of
France and the peace of Europe.
England since 1830 had seen important changes, chief of
which was the repeal in 1844 of the "corn laws," measures
which by unjustly taxing imported grain had cruelly op-
pressed the body of the nation. Other indefensible trade re-
strictions were also abolished. Poor laws, under which a
premium had been put upon pauperism, were modified.
Queen Victoria had ascended the throne in 1837. Large con-
quests had been made in India.
France and England found themselves allies in 1853-56 in the
VIEW OF EUROPE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 145
Crimean War. Russia, always with an envious eye on Con-
stantinople, found a pretext for war with Turkey. France and
England aided Tur-
key to resist in-
vasion, and saved the
Ottoman Empire —
" the sick man of
Europe," whom the
governmental d o c -
tors will not permit
to die, only because
they cannot agree
upon a plan for dis-
secting him.
Napoleon next
joined Victor Eman-
uel against Austria,
and with such suc-
cess that the union
of Italy seemed virtually accomplished. But the French
emperor made a separate peace with Austria by which the
latter was to retain Venice. All the other countries except the
papal states joined Victor Emanuel's government, and, in part
at least, the ideal was realized.
The attention of Europe was now turned toward Germany,
where Prussia and Austria only needed a pretext to join
battle. Prussia under King William, Bismarck, the "iron
chancellor," and General Von Moltke, had become powerful in
affairs and in arms. An excuse for the conflict was found in a
dispute over the control of a small district, Schleswig-Holstein.
War was declared in 1866, and after a short, vigorous campaign
ended in the complete triumph of Prussia and the formation of
the North German Confederation, in which the government of
146
THE UNITED STATES \M» FOREIGN i'oWKKS.
William I. had the predominant power, and the command of
the united armies. Austria, as one of the articles of peace,
ceded Venice to Italy, and thus another step was taken toward
that union of the peninsula which was accomplished in 1871,
when French interference in Rome was withdrawn.
Napoleon III. was chagrined by Prussia's sudden and bril-
liant victory. He had hoped to act as arbitrator in the dispute
and to extend French territory on the east. The French
people were dissatisfied with the empire at home and could be
appeased only by
victories abroad.
Under pressure of
•^D ,£!".. ...^ necessity, Napoleon
found excuse in
certain fancied in-
sults, for declaring
war. France was
aflame at once, and
Germany respond-
ed enthusiastically
V BriI ^lj to the call of Prus-
sia. The poorly
equipped and disci-
plined French sol-
diers were no match
for the German
troops. Napoleon
surrendered at Se-
T UNI s
(FrcncTi)
dan, September 1, 1870. After a siege of four months Paris
capitulated, January 18, 1871. Just before the close of the siege,
the German princes assembled at Versailles and decided to es-
tablish a German empire. William of Prussia was crowned
emperor, and within a short time the present government was
VIEW OF EUROPE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 147
r ,^-£-ts^ s Munich,-,.
j SW1IZEKLA :HP ; -^L-pS^g^""""'
fouBded. The German Empire is, strictly speaking, a federa-
tion of states, each of which conducts its own domestic affairs,
surrendering the
management of for-
eign relations, the
army, and the navy,
to the central im-
perial government.
William I. was suc-
ceeded in 1888 by
his son Frederick,
who in a few
months gave place
to the present em-
peror, William II.
The Franco-Prussian War was at the time a severe blow to
France. She not only lost Alsace and part of Lorraine, but
was compelled to pay an enormous sum of money. Before all
the German troops had retired, a civil war broke out in
Paris between the provincial government and the wards or
communes, which demanded an extremely democratic consti-
tution. The city was given up to fire and pillage, during
which many public buildings were destroyed. At last Thiers,
president of the new republic, with the aid of Marshall
MacMahon, restored order. In 1875 a new constitution pro-
viding for a president, ministers, and a legislature of two
branches, was adopted, and is now in force. In 1880, after a
hard struggle, the public school system was taken from the con-
trol of the clergy. The present republic has lasted much longer
than its predecessors, and seems fairly stable. The French
are naturally dissatisfied with the loss of territory and fame,
and there are frequent, though generally idle, rumors of war.
Bussia has grown in importance during the century. In
148 THE r.\ITKI> S'I'ATKS AND FOREIGN POWERS.
spite of the check renivol in the Crimean War, she again en-
gaged Turkey in 1877, hut the interposition of other powers
robbed her of the best fruits of her victory. England, by the
occupation of Egypt in 1882 and by " protecting " the country
ever since, has guarded that important highway to India, the
Suez Canal, and retained an indirect influence in Turkish
affairs. Great Britain as well as other European powers, has
gained territory in Africa and elsewhere, and extended an
empire already vast. That the relations of dependencies like
Canada to the imperial government present certain difficul-
ties, has been shown by such cases as the fishery and sealing
disputes with the United States.
One hundred years have seen great changes in Europe, not
only in the rearrangement and consolidation of governments,
but in social and political ideas. In most cases the forms of
monarchy have been retained, but outside of Russia the theory
of "divine right" goes begging. The democratic spirit is
growing rapidly in Germany ; England's royalty is hardly
more than an historical and sentimental appendage to an
essentially republican government ; Italy's constitution is
liberal ; Austria, though still accounted conservative, is by no
means Metternich's ideal state ; Spain seems likely at almost
any time to make another republican experiment ; Belgium,
Holland, Sweden, are far from oppressive kingdoms ; and little
Switzerland through all these stormy years has maintained
with slight changes her sturdy republicanism.
CHAPTEE XL
GENERAL DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
The young republic, in its infancy, was confronted with
diplomatic problems quite as serious and perplexing as any
that have since occupied the attention of its statesmen.
The chief difficulties of Washington's administration were
found in the preservation of peace with foreign powers, and
the necessity of peace was never so urgent. The states were
just recovering from the devastation and impoverishment
of an eight years' war ; they had no army and no navy ; the
revenues were meager, and the public debt was large. The
populated portion of the country was but a narrow strip of
land along the Atlantic coast, with harbors unprotected and
nearly every city of commercial importance within range of
the guns of a hostile fleet. Behind these settlements were
tribes of savages in a continual state of irritation that was
caused and increased to a large degree by foreign influences.
It may be said that throughout the entire world there was a
general and genuine sympathy with the infant nation, Eng-
land alone excepted, notwithstanding the fact that the success
of popular government in America was a menace to the
thrones of Europe. When Washington became President in
1789, six years after the close of the struggle for independence,
eight treaties had been concluded with foreign powers. Em-
bodied in these treaties was a policy whose broad statesman-
149
150
tin: imii:i» states and foreign POWERS.
ship and ripe wisdom commanded the respect and admiration
of the world, and furnished an example that has had a power-
ful and perpetual influence upon the diplomacy of all civilized
nations. Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and other patriots,
by whom the
treaties were nego-
tiated, by their
skill and candor
not only suc-
ceeded in securing
a n acknowledg-
ment of the rights
of the republic,
but the recog-
nition of prin-
ciples of inter-
national law more
just and generous
than had ever be-
fore been enunci-
ated. More than
thirty years after-
wards, Lord Can-
ning, the British
secretary of state
for foreign affairs,
declared in the
House of Com-
mons that if a
guide were needed for a system of neutrality it could be found
in these documents.
But Washington had scarcely taken his seat as President
when he found himself involved in the most serious complica-
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 151
tions with France, which had been our ally during the Revolu-
tion, as well as with Great Britain, which refused to comply
with the terms of the treaty of peace. In this treaty, made in
1783, England agreed to abandon, without delay, all fortifica-
tions and military posts within the boundaries of the United
States ; but in 1789 her army still remained in possession of
Detroit, Niagara, Oswego, Lake Champlain, Ogdensburg,
Mackinaw, and other points which commanded the northern
and western frontier of the country, as her fleets commanded
the harbors on the Atlantic. At the same time England re-
fused to pay the damages agreed upon for carrying off slaves
at the close of the war, and forbade trade between the United
States and her colonies in the West Indies, whence came our
supplies of sugar, coffee, and other tropical products.
As an excuse for this England charged that the United
States had neglected to restore the confiscated estates of
citizens who had remained loyal to the crown during the Revo-
lution, and prevented the collection of debts of 'American
citizens contracted in London and other British cities before
the war. She had refused to send a minister to this country,
and by other means shown contempt for her former colonies.
For three weary years John Adams remained in London en-
deavoring to secure an adjustment of the difficulties, and then
returned to the United States to assume the office of Vice
President, to which he had been elected. Gouverneur Morris,
who was residing in Paris, was sent to London to see what he
could do, and succeeded in persuading the British government
to send a minister to the United States, but he made no
further progress, and in 1791 Thomas Pinckney was appointed
as his successor. Under instructions from Mr. Jefferson, then
secretary of state, Mr. Pinckney earnestly pressed the claims
of the United States, demanding that the posts upon the
frontier should be evacuated ; that free navigation should be
152 I in: [JNTTED STATES and FOREIGN POWEBS.
permitted upon the lakes and rivers that formed the boundary
With Canada ; that the fur trade in the Nurt Invest should not
be interrupted; that American seamen should not be im-
pressed into the British service ; and that other causes of com-
plaint should be removed. But, although Mr. JefFerson wrote
many long and convincing arguments, Mr. Pinckney was kept
waiting in the anteroom of the foreign office at London, where
he got few replies and no satisfaction.
Then came the troubles with France. In 1778, to secure
her friendship and assistance, the American colonies, then
in the midst of the Revolution, made a treaty of alliance
with that government, under which they guaranteed to
protect the French possessions in America. They also stipu-
lated that French privateers should always have the right
to seek refuge in our harbors to obtain provisions and other
supplies ; and to bring into them for sale or repair any vessels
that they might capture at sea. This was a favorable treaty
for the United States when we were at war with England, but
when we were trying to preserve peace with her it was not ;
for France, being now in open hostilities with England,
demanded the privileges which the treaty bestowed. If our
government adhered to the terms of the treaty it meant
another war with England ; a violation of those terms
threatened a war with France.
To make the situation more serious there was a bitter and
determined struggle between the two political parties in the
United States. The Democrats, or Republicans, for the same
party was then known by both names, under the leadership of
Jefferson, were outspoken in their hostility to England ; and
the Federalists, with Alexander Hamilton at their head,
favored a conciliatory policy and a strict adherence to neu-
trality toward the European powers. Both leaders were mem-
bers of Washington's cabinet and the struggle was carried
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 153
to the desk of the President. Washington, in the midst of
these perplexities, decided upon the policy advocated by Ham-
ilton, and issued a proclamation warning all citizens of the
United States against participation in the struggle between
England and France, and forbidding them to give aid or com-
fort to either of the belligerents. At the same time Hamilton,
who was secretary of the treasury, issued an order to collectors
of customs directing them to prevent the entrance of French
privateers to our ports, and to prohibit the sale of ammunition
and supplies to foreign vessels. Whereupon Mr. Jefferson
retired from the cabinet.
But in spite of the proclamation of the President and the
order of the secretary of the treasury, public sympathy with
France was so universal throughout the states, and the ani-
mosity toward England so bitter, that French privateers were
hailed with a joyous welcome whenever they entered one
of the harbors on the Atlantic, and they were not only able to
secure all the supplies they needed, but were allowed to bring
in captured vessels of Great Britain, and sell them and their
cargoes to our citizens. Agents of the French government
found no difficulty in purchasing arms and ammunition,
and the French minister, M. Genet, who landed at Charleston
in a privateer, was followed to the seat of government at Phila-
delphia by ovations which equaled those that greeted Wash-
ington on his journey to New York after he was elected
President.
The followers of Jefferson in Congress, where sympathy
with France was unconcealed, introduced a bill closing the
ports of the United States to British commerce. The enact-
ment of such a law would unquestionably have resulted in
a war with England, and there was a very narrow escape, for
it actually passed the House of Representatives, in spite of the
remonstrances of Washington and Hamilton, and was de-
154 THE [JOTTED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
feated in the Senate only by the vote of John Adams, who as
Vice President was presiding over that body.
To allay the excitement in England and counteract the
effect of the hostile demonstrations among our people, the
President decided to send as minister to London, Alexander
Hamilton, who was born in the British West Indies, and
whose cordial sentiments toward the British government were
well understood on both sides of the Atlantic ; but he re-
considered that determination when it was found that Hamil-
ton's nomination would be rejected by the Senate. John Jay,
afterwards chief justice of the Supreme Court, was therefore
selected, and he, with the powerful influence of public senti-
ment in the United States, succeeded in bringing England
to terms. He negotiated a treaty which provided :
(1) That the frontier posts should be evacuated by British
troops within two years.
(2) That there should be free commercial intercourse across
the border between the United States and the British pos-
sessions.
(3) That trade could be carried on between the United States
and the British West Indies by vessels of both nations carry-
ing only the products of either country.
(4) That foreign privateers should not be allowed to fit
or arm in the ports of either country for war against their
vessels.
(5) That criminals taking refuge in either country should be
surrendered.
(G) That commissions should be appointed to survey the
upper Mississippi River ; to determine the boundaiy between
the United States and Canada along the St. Croix River ;
to settle debts contracted by American citizens in England be-
fore the Revolution ; and to assess damages sustained by
American commerce from British privateers.
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 155
While this treaty was in fact a great triumph for Ameri-
can diplomacy, it was bitterly denounced by French sym-
pathizers in the United States, and public meetings were held
all over the country to condemn the action of our government.
But it was finally ratified by the Senate, by a narrow
majority, and public excitement subsided.
But the great defect in the treaty was the absence of any
provision to prohibit the impressment of American seamen
into the British service, and it was soon realized in a serious
manner. Complaints of this character were frequent and they
finally culminated in an attack upon the United States man-
of-war Cliesapeake by the British frigate Leopard, which de-
manded the right of search for some deserters from the
British navy who were alleged to be serving on the former
vessel. Taken by surprise, the Chesapeake surrendered after a
brief engagement and four sailors were taken off. Our govern-
ment demanded reparation and an apology, and a proclamation
was issued ordering all British vessels to leave American
waters. Mr. Monroe, who was minister to England, failing to
secure satisfaction, left for home, and the British government
issued a retaliatory decree prohibiting trade between the
United States and countries that were then at war with
England.
Lord Erskine, the British minister, proposed that this order
should be withdrawn, and that reparation would be awarded
for the Chesapeake incident, provided the United States would
revoke its decree against British vessels. On his faith in this
assurance the President withdrew the order, but the British
government claimed that Erskine was not authorized to make
the proposition, and refused to comply with its terms. All at-
tempts to settle the difference by diplomatic negotiation
having failed, the President, on the 19th of June, 1812, pro-
claimed war, and hostilities began.
156 I Hi: UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
In March, 1813, the emperor of Russia offered his services
as mediator, and they were accepted by the United States
but refused by Great Britain. The latter government, how-
ever, consented to meet on other neutral ground, and a com-
mission, consisting of Albert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, John
Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and Jonathan Russell, was sent
to the city of Ghent, Belgium, to meet Lord Gambier, Henry
Goulburn, and William Adams, the representatives of Great
Britain. The British demands, as originally made, were re-
jected, but being modified afterwards, a treaty of peace was
concluded on the 24th of December, 1814.
Although, singularly enough, not one of the causes of the
war was alluded to in this treaty, and the right of Great
Britain to impress American seamen was not even discussed,
the result was received with great favor in the United States,
and the President in communicating the information to Con-
gress declared that " it terminates with peculiar felicity a
campaign signalized by the most brilliant successes."