mouth of that river. By the treaty of peace in 17S2, by which
the independence of the American colonies was acknowl-
edged by Great Britain, the southern boundary of the United
States, as recognized by that government and Spain, was a
line running from the mouth of the Yazoo River to the Appa-
210 DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH SI\A.IN.
lachicola. The Spanish colony of Florida was thus separated
from that of Mexico, and as the former was principally set-
tled by Englishmen, whose interests were allied to those of
the United States, Spain realized that she was destined to lose
control by revolution sooner or later, and the revolt of her
colonies in South America made the situation more perilous.
In fact as early as 1810 a revolutionary party in Florida de-
clared for independence and established a provisional govern-
ment. They asked admission to the United States, and a loan
of money to maintain themselves against the authority of
Spain. President Madison declined to grant their requests,
but sent a commission to negotiate for the purchase of the
Florida territory. Spain refused. In 1812 General Matthews
of Georgia was sent to Florida to receive the province if the
Spanish authorities would surrender it peacefully. They
again refused, and with the concurrence of the Georgia legis-
lature he co-operated with the revolutionists, and defied the
Spanish commander. Troubles with the Seminole Indians
again broke out, and in 1814 General Andrew Jackson was
ordered to undertake their suppression. The Spanish govern-
ment remonstrated against the occupation of Florida by
United States troops, but Mr. Monroe, who had become Presi-
dent, in reply proposed the cession of Florida in lieu of the
payment of claims of American citizens against Spain. In
.1818 General Jackson took possession of the Spanish forts at
Pensacola, and drove out the governor and his garrison.
Negotiations for the purchase of the territory were then re-
sumed, and finally ended in a treaty made by Senor Onis, the
Spanish ambassador, and John Quincy Adams, who was sec-
retary of state, signed at Washington, February 22, 1819. The
Florida purchase cost the United States $G,4S9,7GS, and added
to the national domain 59,2GS square miles including all of the
territory east of the Mississippi River.
CHAPTER XV.
RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA AND THE PURCHASE OF ALASKA.
The archives of the State Department at Washington show-
that there has been uninterrupted cordiality between the
empire of Russia and the United States since the beginning of
our history, and it may be said that the czar is the only
ruler among the great powers of Europe with whom there
has not been at one time or another some little friction. Nor
have we ever had trouble with a foreign government with-
out receiving from Russia the cordial proffer of her good
offices in settling the difficulties. She offered her mediation
to terminate the War of 1812, and under her arbitration the
difficulties that grew out of the treaty of Ghent were
settled in 1822. During the war of the Rebellion we felt
more than ever her friendly sentiments, and her solicitude
for the preservation of the Union was frequently and sincerely
expressed. She furnished no hospitality to rebel cruisers, and
no agent of the Confederacy was ever encouraged or permitted
to live at St. Petersburg ; while on the other hand the ports of
Russia were always open to the United States cruisers, which
were permitted not only to seek shelter and supplies but to
carry there the prizes captured at sea.
In 1861 the two governments agreed to co-operate for the
establishment of a telegraph service between San Francisco
and St. Petersburg across Bering Strait. The Russian fleet
visited the United States in 1863 as a friendly demonstra-
211
212 THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
tion to affect the attitude of foreign powers toward this
country during our war.
In 1SG4 the Archduke Constantine received a formal in-
vitation to visit the United States in order that the govern-
ment might by its courtesies to him, the brother of the
emperor, show its gratitude and good will. In 18G6, when
the emperor of Russia narrowly escaped assassination, Con-
gress, by solemn resolution, conveyed its sympathies and
its gratitude to Almighty God for his preservation, and Mr.
Fox, at that time the assistant secretary of the navy, was
appointed to bear the resolution in person to the emperor,
as an additional evidence of the friendly sentiments of this
country. He was conveyed to Cronstadt in the monitor
Miantonomoh, the most formidable vessel in our navy, and
thus a ship of war became a messenger of peace.
Tlxe Purchase of Alaska.
Few treaties have ever been negotiated and concluded in
so simple a manner as that by which Alaska became a part
of the United States. Two brief notes only passed between
the governments of Russia and the United States. The
first was written by Mr. Seward on the 25th of March, 18G7,
renewing in formal terms and in a letter of not more than
one hundred and fifty words the proposition that had pre-
viously been made in conversation for the purchase of the
territory. The other communication was even more brief,
which it is well to note :
Washington, March 29, 1SG7.
Mr. Secretary of State : —
I have the honor to inform you that by a
telegram dated 28th of this month from St. Petersburg, Prince
Gortchakoff informs me that his majesty, tho emperor of all the
Itussias, gives his consent to tho cession of the Russian possessions
on tho American continent to the United States for the stipulated
sum of §7,200,000 in gold, and that his majesty, the emperor, invests
me with full power to negotiate and sign the treaty. Please
RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA — PURCHASE OF ALASKA. 213
accept, Mr. Secretary of State, the assurances of my high con-
sideration. Stoeckl.
To the Honorable William IT. Seward,
Secretary of State of the United States.
Alaska was the last portion of the American continent to
be discovered, and Russia held the title to the territory by the
right of discovery and occupation. Peter the Great, in 1725,
-was curious to know if Asia and America were separated by
the sea or if they were twin continents attached by ties of
land. To obtain this information he ordered an expedition to
be equipped, but he died before the preparations were com-
pleted. His widow, Catherine I., did not permit the en-
terprise to be abandoned, and made Vitus Bering, a Danish
navigator of experience, the commander of the party. Taking
with him seventy sailors and some shipbuilders, Bering left
St. Petersburg on the 5th of February, 1725, and crossed
Siberia and northern Asia to the coast of Kamchatka. It took
him more than three years to make the journey. When he
reached the coast he built a small vessel and cruised along
until he reached the frozen sea. Then he returned to his start-
ing place and crossed overland to St. Petersburg, where he
arrived in March, 1730, after an absence of a little more than
five years. He was created commodore, and in 1741 repeated
the expedition with a larger force and better equipments. On
this journey he discovered and named Mount St. Elias, in
honor of the saint on whose anniversary he saw it first. On
the return Bering suffered desperate hardships, and his party
were at last wrecked upon a desert island without a name,
where, sheltered in a ditch and covered with sand to protect
him from cold, he died on the 8th of December, 1841. Shortly
after, Spanish and French voyagers visited the coast, but the
Russians soon established military posts and colonies there, and
their title to the country was recognized by the rest of the
world.
214 THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWEIIS.
The first proposition to purchase Russian America was made
during the administration of President Polk, but it was not
seriously considered. When Mr. Buchanan was President he
authorized Senator Gwin of California, afterwards created
duke of Sonora by Emperor Maximilian, to confer with
the Russian minister at Washington on the subject, and
$5,000,000 was offered as purchase money. The Russian min-
ister replied that while the offer was not what might have
been expected, it deserved mature reflection, and stated that
the minister of finance had been instructed to make an inves-
tigation as to the value of the territory. Meanwhile the re-
bellion having begun and ended, attention was again directed
to the Russian possessions, which by that time had become
familiar to the fishermen on the Pacific coast and to the
whalers and seal catchers that went all the way around from
Gloucester and Newburyport, Mass. The matter was first
brought officially to the attention of the government through
a memorial presented by the legislature of Washington Terri-
tory in the winter of 18G6, asking that the President would
secure for the fishermen of the United States full privileges
from Russia for the use of its fishing grounds. This memorial
was forwarded to the Russian minister at Washington, Mr.
Stoeckl, and as he was about to leave for St. Petersburg on a
vacation he promised to bring the matter to the attention
of his government and secure the most favorable terms.
Archduke Constantino, brother and chief advisor of the late
czar of Russia, was selected to confer with Mr. Stoeckl, and as
a result the latter was authorized to treat with the United
States for the purchase of the territory. He arrived in Wash-
ington early in March, had several conferences with Mr.
Seward, and arranged with him the terms which were ex-
pressed briefly in the letter before mentioned.
When the purchase of Russian America became known to
RELATIONS WITH KUSSIA — PURCHASE OF ALASKA. 215
the public it evoked a storm of protests and ridicule. It was
declared to be a barren, worthless region, whose only-
products were icebergs and polar bears, where the ground
was frozen six feet deep from year to year and all the
streams were glaciers. It was called " Seward's Polar Bear
Garden," and the administration was abused without limit for
the alleged folly of paying $7,200,000 for an iceberg. Mr. Sum-
ner, who had taken a great interest in the matter, made a
speech in tbe Senate, which was one of the most remark-
able ever delivered in that body. From the moment he
decided to give his support to the treaty he commenced to
study the condition and resources of Alaska and read every-
thing that had previously been published concerning the
Russian possessions in America. The treaty was ratified by a
vote of 37 yeas to 2 nays, the latter being cast by Mr. Fessen-
den, of Maine, and Mr. Morrill, of Vermont.
A public proclamation of the treaty was made in the follow-
ing June, and in August Major General Rousseau of the United
States Army was appointed officially to receive Alaska from
the Russian government. Although the funds had not been
appropriated by Congress, Russia imposed perfect confidence
in the good faith of the United States, and the delivery was
made without waiting for the payment of the purchase money.
Embarking from San Francisco on a man-of-war, General
Rousseau, with General Jefferson C. Davis and about 250
troops, went to Sitka, where the Russian garrison received
them with military honors. The two battalions exchanged
flags, and then alternate salutes were fired from tbe American
and the Russian batteries. The troops were then brought to
" present arms," and the Russian banner was lowered from
the flagstaff on the top of the garrison. The Russian repre-
sentative then said :
" General Rousseau : — By authority of his majesty, the
216 THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
emperor of all the Russias, I transfer to the United States
all right and title to the territory of Alaska."
General Rousseau replied : — "By authority of the President
of the United States I accept the transfer."
The United States Hag was then hoisted above the barracks,
and the ceremonies ended by a banquet on board one of the
men-of-war.
Until its purchase by the United States the country had
always been known upon the maps and in published volumes
as Russian America, and while the treaty was pending in
the Senate there were frecment discussions among the mem-
bers of the cabinet and the officials of the State Department
as to the name that should be bestowed upon the new terri-
tory. Several were suggested as appropriate, but Mr. Seward,
with whom the decision rested, preferred Alaska, which was
the title of the long strip of land that extends from the main
territory into the Bering Sea. At the next session of Congress
a bill was introduced to appropriate the money for the pay-
ment provided by the treaty, and on the 27th of July, 1S6S,
it was finally passed, whereupon the secretary of state handed
a draft for $7,200,000 in gold to the Russian minister.
CHAPTEE XVI.
RELATIONS WITH ITALY.
There have been few diplomatic incidents in the relations
between the United States and Italy. The first treaty with
any of the Italian nations was made with the kingdom of the
Two Sicilies in 1832 ; the next with the kingdom of Sardinia
in 1S38 ; another with the Two Sicilies in 1S45 ; a third in
1S54 ; a fourth in 1S55 ; a treaty of friendship, commerce, and
extradition with the consolidated kingdom in 1S68, and
another in 1871. The first minister was sent from the United
States to the Two Sicilies in 1816 ; one was sent to the king-
dom of Sardinia in 18-10, and to the States of the Church in
1846.
During the years 1S09 to 1812, when Prince Murat was king
of the Two Sicilies, the commerce of the United States suf-
fered much damage from the privateers that infested the
Mediterranean, and at the close of the War of 1812 our govern-
ment demanded reparation and indemnity for the losses sus-
tained. "William Pinckney was sent to the capital as a com-
missioner to conduct the negotiations, but he failed to accom-
plish any results and was recalled. The claims continued to
be the subject of correspondence until 1832, when John Nelson
succeeded in making a treaty under which the government
of the Two Sicilies agreed to pay the sum of 2,115,000 ducats
as indemnity for the destruction of vessels and cargoes. This
money was afterwards distributed by a commission among
217
218 THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
those who suffered loss. Similar claims were afterwards made
against the kingdom of Naples and were collected in a similar
manner.
Several attempts were made to involve the United States in
the struggle between the papal church and the kingdom of
Italy, hut Mr. Fish, who was secretary of state under Presi-
dent Grant, succeeded in preserving a strict neutrality, and,
since the abolition of the civil authority of the pope, this
government has had no official intercourse with the Vatican.
The most serious controversy that has ever occurred between
the United States and the Italian government was that which
arose over the New Orleans massacre in 1890.
On the night of October 15, 1890, David C. Hennessey, chief
of police in the city of New Orleans, was murdered in the
streets of that city. On the 13th of December following, a score
of Italians were indicted for direct or indirect complicity in
the crime. About the middle of February, 1S91, they were
arraigned for trial. Nine of them were tried separately. On
the 13th of March three of the prisoners were found not guilty
and in the cases of three others the jury failed to agree. The
verdict was universally condemned in New Orleans as unjust
and a meeting was called for the loth of March to consider
means for the vindication of the law. At the appointed hour
a large crowd assembled and, proceeding to the parish prison,
forced an entrance and shot the accused. In all eleven were
killed, the six who had been tried and five of those awaiting
trial.
On the 4th of December the secretary of state requested the
attorney general to ascertain whether the persons indicted for
the Hennessey murder were citizens of Italy or of the United
States. On the 20th of that month the United States district
attorney at New Orleans reported that of the persons indicted
a majority were naturalized citizens of the United States.
BELATIONS WITH ITALY. 219
On the 15th of March, 1891, Baron Fava, the Italian minister
at Washington, informed our government that the eleven
prisoners had heen murdered hy a mob, and he submitted
a dispatch from the Marquis di Rudini, Italian minister of
foreign affairs at Rome, demanding in the name of justice and
civilization that the federal administration interfere for the
protection of the living prisoners and the other members
of the Italian colony in New Orleans. Italy demanded also
that the mob and those who inspired it be speedily brought to
justice.
The secretary of state at once telegraphed to the governor of
Louisiana deploring the massacre and expressing the hope
of the President that the subjects of a friendly power would
be furnished adequate protection, and that the leaders of
the mob would be promptly brought to justice. At the same
time a telegram was sent to the United States minister at
Rome instructing him to convey to the Italian government
the profound horror and regret of the President and to give as-
surance that every possible effort would be made to protect
Italian subjects. Several dispatches of a similar character
passed between Washington and Rome on the following
dates :
Governor Nichols on the 16th of March informed the sec-
retary of state that there was no reason to apprehend further
trouble, and that the action of the mob was directed against
individuals and not against their race or nationality. Copies
of the correspondence were telegraphed to Rome.
On the 18th of March Baron Fava handed the secretary
of state a long statement of the massacre and the incidents
that preceded it, and complained that the local authorities
at New Orleans had been guilty of neglect of their duty. He
also submitted a cablegram from the Marquis di Rudini direct-
ing him to apply for indemnity, as a declaration of regret
220 Tin: united statics and foreign powers.
on the part of the United States could not be accepted as
reparation.
On the 21.st of March Baron Fava repeated the demand
and submitted a cablegram from Budiui insisting upon an
official assurance from the government of the United States
that the persona guilty of the massacre had been brought
to justice. He also insisted upon immediate indemnity. On
the same date Mr. Blaine called upon Baron Fava for the
names and condition of the Italian subjects murdered in New-
Orleans.
On the 24th of March Baron Fava handed Mr. Blaine a
cablegram from Rudini insisting that the demand of the
Italian government for the punishment of the mob, and
indemnity for their victims must be complied with or he
would be under the painful necessity of recalling the Italian
minister from a country where he was unable to obtain
justice. On the following day Rudini telegraphed : " I can-
not admit further delay." On the same day Baron Fava sub-
mitted a statement from the consul at New Orleans showing
that three of the persons murdered were citizens of Italy, and
that six had only declared their intention to be naturalized.
On the 28th of March Baron Fava sent a note to Mr. Blaine
by his secretary requesting an immediate answer to the
demand of Rudini. In the meantime Mr. Blaine instructed
the United States minister at Borne to explain to the
Italian government the dual character of the government
of the United States and the necessity of a thorough in-
vestigation of the circumstances of the massacre before a
proper answer could be made to the demands of Marquis di
Rudini.
On the 31st of March Baron Fava again called the attention
of Mr. Blaine to the demands of the Italian government, and
insisted upon the assurance (1) that the guilty parties should
RELATIONS WITH ITALY. 221
be punished and (2) that the principle that indemnities were
due to the families of the victims should he recognized by the
United States. As the secretary of state had in an interview
declined to give this assurance, Baron Fava announced his
withdrawal from Washington under the instructions of his
government. On the following day Mr. Blaine replied to this
communication, expressing regret at the departure of Baron
Fava for which he was unable to see "adequate reasons."
Several diplomatic communications followed, in which the
Italian minister reiterated the demands of his government
and charged the United States with not showing proper vigor
in investigating and punishing the crime under discussion,
while our secretary of state replied at length claiming that
everything possible had been done, but asserting a doubt
about Italy's right to demand indemnity. These documents
were characterized on both sides by courteous phrases,
which, however, sometimes bordered on acrimony, and for
a time there was much idle talk of war between the two
countries. The fact that the Italian parliament met soon
after the New Orleans affair, probably induced the ministry to
make a show of aggressiveness and vigor not cmite necessary.
When it seemed clear that the matter could not be imme-
diately adjusted, this government, following the example of
Italy, granted a vacation to Minister Porter. Thus diplomatic
relations, except the ordinary routine business, were sus-
pended.
Early in 1S92 an intimation was given the Italian gov-
ernment that the United States would voluntarily offer
some indemnity for the massacre of its subjects at New
Orleans, and the suggestion was received with the greatest
cordiality by Signor Rudini. After a brief and very friendly
correspondence Mr. Blaine paid $25,000 out of the fund appro-
priated for the expense of conducting diplomatic negotiations
222 THE UNITED STATICS AND FOREIGN POWERS.
to be divided among the families of those who had been
killed. The Italian government expressed its satisfaction,
and its legation at Washington, which had been left vacant
since the peremptory recall of Baron Fava, was again filled by
his reappointment as minister to the United States. Ex-
Governor Porter, of Indiana, who had been minister to Italy,
but had been recalled when Baron Fava retired from Wash-
ington, was sent back to his post at Borne and the friendly
relation between the two governments was entirely re-
stored.
CHAPTER XVII.
RELATIONS WITH OTHER EUROPEAN POWERS.
Germany.
Prussia was the fourth power to conclude a treaty with the
United States, yet her relations with this country extend to
the very beginning of the war of the Revolution. The king
of Prussia, Frederick the Great, was in his old age. "When he
had at last established his kingdom on a firm basis, he ex-
erted himself to serve, rather than to rule his subjects. Aus-
tria and Kaunitz were against him ; his Russian alliance
seemed transitory and he had not the real friendship of any
power in Europe. Old and childless, he must keep up until
the end his struggles to make Prussia a permanent political
force. On him alone fell the burden of maintaining Protestant
freedom and preserving the independence of Prussia. Fred-
erick's ideas of government were very liberal. "The most
perfect government," he said, "is a well administered mon-
archy. But then, kingdoms are subjected to the caprice of a
single man whose successors will have no common character.
A good-for-nothing prince succeeds an ambitious one ; then
follows a devotee ; then a warrior; then a scholar; then, may-
be, a voluptuary ; and the genius of a nation, diverted by the
variety of objects, assumes no common character. But repub-
lics fulfill more promptly the design of their institution, and
hold out better — for good kings die, wise laws aie immortal."
When he held such views as these, it is with little surprise
223
224 THE UNITED STATES AXD FOREIGN POWERS.
that one hears him say: " The treatment of the American
colonies appears to me to be the first step toward despotism.
It is hard to proclaim as rebels free subjects who only defend
their privileges against the despotism of a ministry." But
although he looked with favor upon the revolt of the colonies
in America, the future of Prussia demanded that during the
war of the Revolution he should observe the strictest neutral-
ity. If the new government was to be recognized, some other
continental government must take the initiative. A copy of
the Declaration of Independence was sent to Frederick by the
American commissioners at Paris. The king strongly ap-
proved of the manifesto and, while he refused to open nego-