establishment of a great monarchy difficult, and the establish-
ment of a great republic impossible.
"It is a grand idea to try to make out of the whole New
World only one nation, united by strong bonds, firmly connect-
ing all its sections with each other and with the whole. As it
has the same origin, the same language, the same habits, the
same religion, it might have the same government, ruling over
the different confederated states. But such a thing is an im-
possibility, because remote climates, different situations, con-
flicting interests, dissimilar characters, divide America. How
46 THK UXITKI) STATKS AND FOKEIUN POWERS.
beautiful would it be that tbe Isthmus of Panama should
become for us what the Corinthian Isthmus was for the
Greeks. Would to God that some clay we may be fortunate
enough to establish an august Congress of Representatives
of the Republics, Kingdoms, and Empires of America, which
will deal with the high interests of peace and of war be-
tween this continent and the other three parts of the world.
An assembly of this kind may possibly be held at some future
time, and mark a happy stage in the history of our progress.
All other expectations are unfounded."
CHAPTER IV.
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE OTHER AMERICAN RE-
PUBLICS.
When the independence of the Spanish American colonies
was established, and Bolivar returned to Lima, he wrote a
proclamation of congratulation to his soldiers: "You have
given freedom to South America, and a fourth part of the
world is the monument of your glory." Almost at the same
time and with the same pen he prepared his celebrated circular
of December 7, 1824, inviting all the nations of America to
send delegates to a conference at Panama. " After fifteen
years of sacrifice," he said, " devoted to the liberty of America,
to secure a system of guaranties that in peace and war shall
be the shield of our new destiny, it is time that the interest
and sympathy uniting the American republics should have a
fundamental basis that shall perpetuate, if possible, their gov-
ernments." He proposed a congress of plenipotentiaries from
each state " that shall act as a council in great conflicts, to be
appealed to in case of common danger, be a faithful interpreter
of public treaties, when difficulties shall arise, and conciliate
all our differences."
The first nation to accept was Colombia, then Mexico,
Chile, and the others in order, but Bolivar sent no invitation
to the United States. He foresaw opposition to such a confer-
ence from the slaveholding element in this country, for the
principal features in his great plan of future operations were
47
48
I hi: united states and FOREIGN powers.
the liberatiou of Cuba, Puerto Rico and other European colo-
nies, and the abolition of slavery upon American soil. But
for this well-known purpose Bolivur and the other South
American patriots
would have re-
ceived more sub-
stantial assistance
from the United
States in their
struggle for free-
dom. Early in the
revolution he had
declared himself an
abolitionist, and
was one in practice
as well as in theory.
If he had been per-
mitted to remain at
the head of the gov-
ernment of Colom-
bia, slavery would
have been abolished
immediately after the establishment of independence. When
the new republic of Peru presented him with a million dollars
lor his services in its behalf, he devoted the money to purchas-
ing the liberty of a thousand slaves, and in a famous message
to the Congress of Colombia he said :
"There must be no caste on this continent. There is no
blood less noble than other blood. All is the same in the sight
of God. All are heroes who enter the camps of the battalions
of liberty, and all, whether white or black, are equally entitled
to the just recompense of valor, of honor, of intelligence, of
sacrifice, and of virtue."
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS — AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 49
These sentiments did not find favor on the northern conti-
nent, and the movements of Bolivar were regarded with
apprehension by the public men of the southern portion of the
United States. But the governments of Mexico and Colombia
asked the United States to send delegates to the proposed con-
ference, and in a message to Congress on the 6th of December,
1825, President John Quincy Adams announced that the invi-
tation had been accepted. The information was not received
with approval. On the 26th of the same month, Mr. Adams
transmitted another message to Congress in which he ex-
plained at length the purpose of the conference, and asserted
that " the moral influence of the United States may perhaps
be exerted with beneficial consequences at such a meeting, and
a decisive inducement with me for according to the measure,
is to show by this token of respect to the southern republics,
the interest we take in their welfare, and our disposition to
comply with their wishes. Having been the first to recognize
their independence, and sympathize with them so far as was
compatible with our neutral duties in all their struggles and
sufferings to acquire it, we have laid the foundation of our
future intercourse with them in the broadest principles of
reciprocity and the most cordial feelings of fraternal friend-
ship. To extend those principles to all our commercial
relations with them, and to hand down that friendship to
future ages, is congenial to the highest policy of this Union, as
it will be to all those nations and their posterity. In confi-
dence that these sentiments will meet the approval of the
Senate, I nominate Kichard C. Anderson of Kentucky, and
John Sergeant of Pennsylvania, to be envoys extraordinary
and ministers plenipotentiary to the assembly of American
nations at Panama, and William B. Rochester of New York to
be secretary to the mission."
This message was accompanied by a long and able letter
50 THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
from Henry Clay, then secretary of state, setting forth what
he deemed to be the just and proper policy for the United
States to pursue toward the young republics which had been
founded upon the same principles and were actuated by the
same motives that had caused ours to exist. This communica-
tion and others upon the same subject, which preceded and
followed it, were among the ablest public papers from the pen
of Mr. Clay. He had been one of the earliest and most ardent
advocates of the independence of the Spanish colonies in
America, and both in Congress and upon the platform during
their entire struggle had demanded, with his well-known
fervor and eloquence, that the sympathy of the people and the
government of the United States should not be limited to
formal words, but should take the form of active co-operation
with money, and arms, and men. His speeches on this subject
are among the most brilliant examples of his eloquence, and it
was largely due to his eloquence that this government was
persuaded to recognize the belligerent rights of the Spanish
colonists during the war, and their independence as nations
when their victory was finally achieved. As early as 1818 he
declared himself in favor of the establishment of " a human
freedom league" in America, in which all the people "from
Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn should be united for defense
against the crowned despots of Europe." He declared that
through the power of example, as well as by its moral influ-
ence, the United States should take an active part in pro-
moting the liberty of the American people, "until the
American hemisphere should become a haven for freedom
and for the lovers of freedom, and a union of republics would
be formed upon the soil that was wet with the blood of
patriots" ; and he regarded the Congress at Panama as "the
boundary stone of a new epoch in the world's history."
The zeal and eloquence of Mr. Clay were not without their
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS— AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
51
effect upon the cooler temperament of President Adams, who
in subsequent messages to Congress continued to advocate par-
ticipation by the United States in the Panama Congress. He
expressed a doubt whether " such a favorable opportunity for
subserving the benevolent purposes of Divine Providence"
and "dispensing the promised blessings of the Redeemer of
mankind" would ever again in centuries be offered to this
government.
But the opposition of the slaveholding element in Congress
and the Southern States was equally determined. The slave-
holders saw in the Congress at Panama peril to their " peculiar
institution," and resisted every form of foreign policy that
might point directly or indirectly to its destruction. In the
invitations to the Congress Hayti had been mentioned, and it
was a name of ominous sound to the slaveholding aristocracy
of the United States. The story of the successful negro
revolution on that island was read with apprehension through
the entire South, VIJJ ,^..^^ M ^ im ,^Au ■ , u[[[
and, as Hayne, the
eloquent orator of
South Carolina de-
clared, " furnished
an example fatal
to our repose."
"Those govern-
ments," he said, al-
luding to the South
American Repub-
lics, " have pro-
claimed the principles of liberty and equality, and have
marched to victory under the banner of universal emanci-
pation. You find men of color at the head of their armies,
in their legislative halls, and in their executive departments."
52 THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
The proslavery party had a majority in the Senate commit-
tee on foreign relations, and Mr. Mason of Virginia, the
chairman, made a report dated January 16, 1826, recommend-
ing that the Senate disapprove the action of President Adams
in accepting the invitation to participate in the Panama
Congress, and refuse to confirm the nominations of delegates
he had selected.
This report covers about thirty printed pages of the usual
size, and ends by recommending the passage of the following
resolution :
"Resolved, That it is not expedient at this time for the
United States to send any ministers to the Congress of Ameri-
can nations assembled at Panama."
The committee took the ground that the measure was " new
and untried " and "in conflict with the whole course of policy
uniformly and happily pursued by the United States from
almost the very creation of this government to the present
hour." And then, after discoursing at length on the "unde-
fined objects of this Congress, so imperfectly disclosed in the
vague descri ptions given of them," disposes of the subject of
slavery and slave trade in the following words :
" Some of the sovereign states here represented (the states of
the Union) were the first in the world to proclaim their abhor-
rence of this traffic (the slave trade). . . . The United
States, however, have not certainly the right, and ought never
to feel the inclination, to dictate to others who may differ from
them on this subject ; nor do the committee see the expe-
diency of insulting other states, with whom we are maintain-
ing relations of perfect amity, by ascending the moral chair
and proclaiming from thence mere abstract principles, of the
rectitude of which each nation enjoys the perfect right of
deciding for itself."
In regard to Cuba and Puerto Rico, the report said : " The
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS — AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 53
committee are well aware that the United States can never
regard with indifference the situation and probable destiny of
the neighboring Spanish islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico ; but
so far from believing it expedient to discuss these subjects at a
Congress of all the American states, and especially at this time,
the committee consider the great probability that such a dis-
cussion might be forced upon the United States if they are
there represented, furnishing in itself the strongest objections
to the adoption of the measures proposed. . . . The very
situation of Puerto Rico furnishes the strongest inducement to
the United States not to take a place at the contemplated Con-
gress, since by so doing they must be considered as changing
the attitude in which they have hitherto stood as impartial
spectators of the passing scenes, and identifying themselves
with the new republics."
In regard to the promotion of commerce, the committee
said: "In considering these reasons (for the promotion of
trade between the American nations) it cannot escape the
observation of any, that in manifesting a disposition to estab-
lish such commercial relations, the Southern American nations
must have been actuated by the only motive that ever operates
either upon nations or individuals in regard to their mere com-
mercial intercourse, — a desire fairly to advance their own inter-
ests and a belief that they could by such means properly accom-
plish that end. . . . The interests of commerce are necessarily
peculiar : they grow out of numerous circumstances produced
by locality, population, manners, times, and other causes, not
one of which exists alike in any two nations on the globe. Few
general principles, therefore, can ever apply with equal truth
to so many peculiarities, and such as do apply need not the
sanction of solemn compact to give them effect. It may be
very safely confided to the natural disposition of man, promptly
to discover, and eagerly to advance, his own best interests."
54
THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
li must be said, however, that the plan of General Bolivar
was received with greater favor in England than in the
United States. This was due largely to the fact that her com-
mercial interests, which are
always most influential in
the foreign policy of Great
Britain, were then endeav-
oring to secure the monop-
oly of the markets of the
Spanish American nations
that has since been so
firmly held, and, although
not formally invited to do
so, Great Britain sent a
delegate to the Panama
Congress, to witness and
report upon the proceed-
ings, if not to participate in
them. The same course was taken by the government of the
Netherlands.
In his plan for the Congress, and in his instructions to the
delegates from Peru, of which republic he was then president,
General Bolivar defined at great length his purpose in calling
it together and the results he desired it to accomplish. He
proposed (1) a compact of union for defense against Spain, and
all other European powers upon the American hemisphere.
(2) A declaration of the policy to be pursued by the American
republics in their relations with the other powers of the
world, "friendship for all and strict neutrality." (3) The
independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico ; and " if the Congress,
sensible to the true interests of the countries represented in it,
believes it advisable to free those islands, you should enter into
a treaty setting forth in detail what forces of land and sea and
CuzcO-*^k*
Lake f-^H
r'ritiraca
nO s .
yiaeffiV"5jf , <
u;"7'l v ■■
' 'I \<\
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS — AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 55
what sum of money each state of America shall contribute for
that important operation." (4) He proposed a uniform system
of treaties of friendship, navigation, and commerce, and
defining the powers and prerogatives of diplomatic and con-
sular offices. (5) " Such an energetic and efficient declaration
as that made by the President of the United States in regard
to further European colonization on this continent, and in
opposition to the principles of intervention in our domestic
affairs." (6) A plan for the settlement of disputes between the
American nations. (7) Some declaration as to the relations to
be established with Hayti and Santo Domingo, " which have
emancipated themselves from their mother country, but have
not succeeded in obtaining recognition by any power, whether
European or American." (8) The permanent definition of the
boundaries between the new American republics. (9) The
inauguration of " such measures as shall be deemed most
efficient for the suppression of the slave trade in America."
There were several other items of lesser importance in the
great scheme of Bolivar, but these serve to show his purpose,
and the object for which the conference was called. But the
results did not meet his expectations, nor did the action of the
Congress receive his approval . The proceedings were shortened
and the adjournment hastened by an epidemic of yellow fever
which broke out at Panama, and one of the delegates from the
United States died of that dreaded disease on his journey
homeward. The delegates to the conference lacked wisdom
and experience. They failed to appreciate both the sublime
purpose which had inspired Bolivar in planning the assembly,
and the importance of the work in which they were engaged,
and nearly all of them having recently been participants in
the struggle for independence, the ruling idea in their minds
was to form an alliance for mutual and united resistance to
any attempt that might be made by Spain to recover her lost
56
THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
provinces in America. They agreed upon a plan for a league
or permanent union of the new republics, for the purpose of
defense only, but it was cumbersome and complicated in its
details. This league they proposed to have represented by an
international assembly to meet biennially. They also pro-
vided for a permanent army of defense to which each republic
should contribute its quota of men, and which should be
directed and controlled by a central organization, subject to
the approval of the international assembly.
The most important topics the Congress was called to con-
sider were deferred to another meeting which was appointed
for the next year at the picturesque town of Tacubaya, three
miles from the city of Mexico. But that meeting never took
place, nor did the proposed international legislature ever
assemble. Only one government, that of Colombia, ratified
the action of the
Congress, and the
plan for an Ameri-
can union was tem-
porarily postponed.
But the ideas and
the motives of Bol-
ivar were immortal,
and the failure of
the Congress at
Panama did not
cause them to be
abandoned. Subse-
quent efforts in the
same direction were
periodically re-
newed and the
movement finally culminated in the International American
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS — AMERICAN REPUBLICS.
57
Conference which met at Washington in 1889, where the repre-
sentatives of eighteen nations met to consider plans for the
unification of their interests, and to promote their common
welfare and prosperity.
Five years after the return of the plenipotentiaries to their
homes from Panama, the government of Mexico issued invita-
tions to a similar conference but for some reason it was not
held. Seven years later in 1838, Mexico renewed the endeavor,
with a view to " the union and close alliance of the American
republics for the purpose of defense against European invasion,
the acceptance of the friendly mediation of the neutral states
for the settlement of all disagreements and disputes of what-
ever nature which may happen to arise between the sister
republics, and for
the framing and
promulgation of a
code of public laws
to regulate their
mutual relations."
The invitations
were repeated in
1839 and in 1840, but
without effect.
At last, in 1847
five of the South
American republics
united in a confer-
^.Thomas
-m.-ft MA *-" A \\
ence at Lima, at
the invitation of Peru, but the United States being at war
with Mexico, was not represented. The results of this meet-
ing were a treaty of confederation, another of commerce and
navigation, and conventions for the regulation of consular and
postal affairs.
58
TIIK UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
In 1864 the government of Peru made a second attempt to
bring the American nations together, and a Congress met at
Lima on the 14th of November, the birthday of Bolivar, at
which Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Colombia, Guatemala, Peru,
Venezuela, and the Argentine Republic were represented. The
sessions were secret and short, and were reported to have been
turbulent, but nothing was accomplished.
In 1878, also at the invitation of Peru, another conference
was held at Lima,
" to oppose the ag-
gressions of foreign
force, and to formu-
late the tables of the
American Deca-
logue." Peru, the
Argentine Repub-
lic, Chile, Bolivia,
Ecuador, Venezu-
ela, and Costa Rica
were represented,
and also Cuba,
whose indepen-
dence had been rec-
ognized by some of
the South Ameri-
can republics. The
results of the con-
ference were treat-
ies of international
law and extradition which were afterwards ratified by Guate-
mala and Uruguay.
In 1880 the government of Colombia issued invitations to a
conference at Panama, the chief object of which was to secure
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS— AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 59
the adoption of some mode of arbitration to settle international
differences ; but the war in which Chile, Peru, and Bolivia
were then engaged caused an indefinite postponement.
In the following year, however, the government of the
United States issued similar invitations for a similar confer-
ence, to meet at Washington on the 24th of November, 1882,
" for the purpose of considering and discussing methods of
preventing war between the nations of America." "The
President," said the secretary of state in his invitation,
"desires that the attention of the congress shall be strictly
confined to this one great object ; that its sole aim shall be to
seek a way of permanently averting the horrors of cruel and
bloody combat between countries, often of one blood and
speech, or the even worse calamity of internal commotion and
civil strife ; that it shall regard the burdensome and far-
reaching consequences of such struggles, the legacies of
exhausted finances, of oppressive debt, of onerous taxation, of
ruined cities, of paralyzed industries, of devastated fields, of
ruthless conscription, of the slaughter of men, of the grief of
the widow and the orphan, of embittered resentments, that
long survive those who provoked them and heavily afflict the
innocent generations that come after.
" The President is especially desirous to have it understood
that in putting forth this invitation the United States does not
assume the position of counseling, or attempting, through the
voice of the congress, to counsel any determinate solution of
existing questions which may now divide any of the countries
of America. Such questions cannot properly come before the
congress. Its mission is higher. It is to provide for the
interests of all in the future, not to settle the individual differ-
ences of the present. For this reason especially the President
has indicated a day for the assembling of the congress so far
in the future as to leave good ground for hope that by the time
60
THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN POWERS.
named the present situation on the South Pacific coast will be
happily terminated, and thai those engaged in the contest may
take peaceable part in the discussion and solution of the
general question affecting in an equal degree the well-being
of all.
" It seems also desirable to disclaim in advance any purpose
on the part of the
United States to
prejudge the issues
to be presented to
the congress. It is
far from the intent
of this government
to appear before the
congress as in any
sense the protector
of its neighbors or
the predestined and
necessary arbitrator
of their disputes.
The United States
will enter into the
deliberations of the
congress on the
same footing as the
other powers repre-
sented, and with
Buhla
the loyal determination to approach any projDosed solution,
not merely in its own interest or with a view to asserting its
own power, but as a single member among many co-ordinate
and co-equal states. So far as the influence of this government
may be potential it will be exerted in the direction of concili-
ating whatever conflicting interests of blood or government
DIPLOMATIC KELATIONS — AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 61
or historical tradition may necessarily come together in re-
sponse to a call embracing such vast and diverse elements."
Venezuela, Guatemala, Brazil, Salvador, Nicaragua, Hondu-
ras, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico accepted, but in August,
1882, the invitations were withdrawn by Mr. Frelinghuysen,
who had succeeded Mr. Blaine as secretary of state upon
the death of General Garfield and the accession of Mr. Arthur
to the presidency. The motive for the abandonment of the
plan has been the subject of much controversy. The reason
given in the circular issued by the secretary of state, was that