chusetts. Berkeley Temple especially became the head-
quarters for students engaged in this diversified service.
Friends of the Seminary, in cooperation with the church,
made over an unused loft in the church building into
dormitories, which afforded ample and attractive accommo-
dations for the greater part of the holders of these scholar-
ships in Pastoral Theology whose wofk was in Boston.
I insert the following schedule of lectures in Homiletics
and Pastoral Theology to indicate the ground covered in
the prescribed work of the department:
170 MY GENERATION
Scheme of Lectures
IN
HOMILETICS AND PaSTORAL ThEOLOGY
preaching
1. The Homiletic Habit
How related to —
1. The Oratorical Habit
2. The Literary Habit
3. The Art of Interpretation
4. The Dogmatic Method
5. The Historic Spirit and Method
6. The Homiletic Habit defined
2. Methods of Preaching
1. The Extempore Method — qualifications, training,
dangers, safeguards
2. The Memoriter Method
3. The Method of the Sermon written to be delivered
4. The Method of the Sermon written to be read
3. The Making of the Sermon
1. The Fundamental Idea of the Sermon
2. Varieties of the Sermon
The Textual, the Topical, the Serial
3. The Sermon in Structure
Text — Introduction — Development — Con-
clusion
4. The Sermon in Style
Vitality — Sincerity — Plainness — Force —
Beauty
The Formation of Style for the Pulpit
5. The Sermon in Tone
4. The Sources of Pulpit Material
Original Sources
1. The Bible — considered as the Preacher's Book
2. Nature
THE ANDOVER PERIOD 171
3. Human Nature — the study of men
4. The Christian Experience
Secondary Sources — involving the consideration of
plagiarism
5. Supplementary Topic: Modern Schools of Preaching
II
THE CONDUCT OF PUBLIC WORSHIP
1. The Present Revival of Worship in the Non-liturgical
Churches
2. Qualifications on the part of the Ministry for the Conduct
of Public Worship *
3. The Service of the Sanctuary with Reference to the Order
and Proportion of Parts
4. The Use of Scripture, Liturgic and Didactic
5. Hymnology and Church Music
6. Public Prayer
7. The Administration of the Sacraments
III
PASTORAL THEOLOGY
1. The Pastoral Offices
1. The Cure of Souls
2. The Bringing of Men to Christ
3. Training in Character
4. Social Visitation
5. Visitation of the Sick
6. The Ofiices of Consolation
7. The Burial of the Dead
2. The Administration of the Church
1. The Church in Idea and Purpose
2. Membership in the Church
3. The Local Church in its Organization — a working
force in a community
4. The Teaching Capacity of the Church — the Sunday
School
172 MY GENERATION
5. The Church in its Benevolence — Charities and Missions
6. The Church in the Expression of its Spiritual Life —
devotional meetings
7. The Church in its relation to the Indifferent and Prej-
udiced Classes
The venture of the department into the field of socio-
logical studies was an innovation in a theological school.
Few colleges had then entered the field ; there was lack of
a proper scientific background for the more practical
professional uses of the new science. But nowhere was
there greater need of the right understanding of the chang-
ing social conditions, than among those who were con-
cerned with the social instrumentalities and agencies of
the Church. The Church, in the absence of any really
scientific study, was already active in the field of phil-
anthropy, and in some localities was intensifying its un-
scientific activities. There was a growing suspicion among
careful investigators and students that the Church was
going wrong in its efforts, and that it was in danger of
becoming obstructive to the progress of the new social
order. The impulse actuating the Church w^as charity, and
its chief agency was the charitable organization of some
form, most frequently associated with the mission. Some
of the evils of the methods employed, manifest in the
pauperizing of families and communities, had been or were
being corrected by more careful and comprehensive organ-
ization. The organization of Associated Charities accom-
plished much in the prevention of waste and of the demor-
alization incident to it. But the fundamental idea was
still that of charity, and the whole trend of events was
showing the insufficiency of the idea for social reform and
advance. The greatest social grievance came from those
THE ANDOVER PERIOD 173
who, if in need of charity, did not want it — the vast
army of unskilled labor. Their grievance, as it became
understood, changed the whole problem from that of
charity to that of economic justice. In like manner a
change was going on in the theory of treating the de-
fective and otherwise dependent classes — not the more
abundant relief of the deficient and dependent, but the
prevention so far as possible of deficiency and dependency.
It seemed imperative that the incoming ministry should
be apprized of these changes, and as few had been so
apprized in their academic training, that the Seminary
course should be open to the necessary instruction, even
if mainly corrective and directive. This was the reason
and the intent of the elective courses in Social Economics.
The title was chosen to emphasize the fact that if "theol-
ogy [was] to be applied to life" under modern social con-
ditions, it must be applied in terms which could be under-
stood. Social economy had a definite relation to the
Church, after the analogy of the relation of political
economy to the State. The separation between Church
and State has no correspondence in any like separation
of Church and society. The Church has social obligations,
duties, and even functions, emphasized by the absence
of like political functions. This social obligation of the
Church had been recognized in many ways, but the ob-
ligation began to assume a new meaning and far greater
proportions as modern society had to take account of
industrialism which created new conditions and new
classes. The whole social economy was modified especially
in ways most disturbing to the social influence of the
Church. The study of the enlarged and more complicated
social economy was thus necessary if the Church was to
174 MY GENERATION
maintain or recover its influence. The introduction of
"Social Economics" into the Seminary curriculum ap-
prized the churches of the times upon which they had
fallen.
I was not at all surprised at the readiness of my col-
leagues to make a place for the courses in social economics
among the new electives offered; but I was surprised to
find how quickly the idea found acceptance in the churches.
When it became generally known that such courses were
being given in the Seminary, the desire was expressed by
many ministers and laymen that they be also offered as
Seminary extension courses. It was impossible to comply
in a satisfactory way with the requests received, owing to
the labor required, chiefly of correspondence, in carrying
on extension courses, and also owing to the lack of refer-
ence libraries furnished with the necessary authorities.
But an arrangment was made through the "Review,"
by which three yearly courses, more general in their
character than those of the classroom, were outlined in
monthly parts, with reference to such authorities as could
be found in most public libraries. The idea running through
these courses was that of the new obligations which
society was assuming (under the incoming social order),
toward those who had received scant recognition or
insufficient treatment as members of society. Broadly
classified such were, (1) those who represented the de-
mands of labor for a larger social hospitality; (2) those
who through poverty and disease had lost social standing;
(3) those who through crimes of various degrees had for-
feited their rights in society. These classes were asking
in one way or another for a rehearing of their case. The
coming question was not the familiar question of the
THE ANDOVER PERIOD 175
protection of societ\^ and its interests, but the question
of how to bring the untrained, the disheartened, the dan-
gerous classes into normal relation to society. I give the
course for the year 1889 in outline as an illustration of
the object and method of each course. It was the object
of this course to give a sympathetic approach to the study
of the labor movement through the proper historic per-
spective.
Subject
The Social Evolution of Labor
Topics
1. The Transition from Slavery to Serfdom
2. The Workman of the Free Cities
3. The English Laborer at the Rise of Industrialism
4. The Factory System
5. Chartism and Trade Unionism
6. English Labor Legislation
7. The Political Relation of Democracy to the Laboring
Classes
8. Labor in the United States as affected by Slavery and
Immigration
9. Labor in the United States as affected by State Systems of
Education
10. Wages and Profits
11. What constitutes a Working Day: the Use of Leisure
12. Socialism in the United States compared with Socialism in
Germany and England
References were given in practicable detail under each
topic. I had occasion to know that frequent requests were
made at the public libraries for the purchase of the less
known among the authorities named, and that now and
then a reading club began the collection of books and
reports bearing upon the subjects under discussion.
176 MY GENERATION
Subject for 1890
The Treatment of Crime and the Criminal Classes.
(The Relation of Society to those who have forfeited their
rights in it)
Subject for 1891
The Treatment of Pauperism and Disease.
(The Relation of Society to those who through various dis-
abilities are unable to keep their place in it)
I append a few extracts from letters, chiefly of inquiry,
to show the nature and extent of the interest in the sub-
jects brought under discussion.
From Wellesley:
I wish to express my great obligation to you for the " Outlines in
Social Economics" brought out in the "Andover Review." Sec-
tion I has suggested and in part furnished the basis for our work
in Economics for this winter term. It has proven to be just
what we needed to lead up to the study of schemes of industrial
reorganization.
From Brown University — Department of Political and Social
Science :
Will you kindly inform me as to whether the papers upon
"Social Economics" which you have written for the "Andover
Review" have appeared in any other form.'* If so, are they to be
had for class study, and how may they be procured.''
From the Principal of Bradford Academy:
I belong to a club of Bradford and Haverhill ladies who are
taking up this subject, following your plan, by my suggestion.
And we hope to have some public meetings in Haverhill this
winter, at one of which the ladies are very desirous to have the
pleasure and profit of an address from you. We think we may
get a company of manufacturers and perhaps employees. And
we hope it may set some people to thinking.
THE ANDOVER PERIOD 177
Pastor of church in Topeka, Kansas:
I am growing more and more interested in the sociological
problem. I am coming to believe that the second service of the
church should be directed towards this line of work, and I have
a church here that is ready to follow in this departure from the
old traditional conception of— 5ii4iat constitutes proper church
work. It is very plain to me that the church must in some very
strong way face the question of the hour, or else acknowledge
that when Christ spoke of the Life more abundantly he did not
mean the existence we have to live on the earth.
From a lawyer in Marietta, Ohio:
Will you please inform me whether or not you have published
in pamphlet or book form your excellent papers on "Social
Economics"? I hope to see all you have published on that
subject, especially on "The Treatment of Crime and of the
Criminal."
From a firm of young Boston lawyers, since well known for
their interest in social questions, who were organizing a
class in the Social Science Institute:
If your work were in an accessible form we should make con-
stant use of it. . . . If publication in separate form is contem-
plated, we shall plan with a view to making this the guide for
most of our study. Our prospects seem now fair. It is difficult to
popularize serious, scholarly research.
From a California clergyman:
A number of the topics treated in your course of "Social
Economics" we desire to study in our Ministerial Association.
Our plan is, to lay out a course of study for the year, giving
authorities on the subjects selected and indicating a course of
reading along parallel lines. It would be of great assistance to us
if we could obtain in advance references to books and documents
on sections II and III.
Two schemes for solving the social problem at points
where it was most acute were at this time before the public.
lyS MY GENERATION
They differed widely, but each required careful attention.
One of them called for a critical examination of the prin-
ciples on which it rested; the other invited personal
investigation to determine its practicability.
In June and December, 1889, Mr. Andrew Carnegie
published two articles in the "North American Review"
under the titles, "Wealth," and "The Best Fields of
Philanthropy," which at the instance of Mr. Gladstone
were reprinted in the "Pall Mall Gazette" under the
more striking title, "The Gospel of Wealth." This, how-
ever, was the term in which Mr. Carnegie had announced
his belief in the efficacy of his scheme, "Such in my opinion
is the true gospel concerning wealth, obedience to which
is destined some, day to solve the problem of the rich and
the poor, and to bring 'peace on earth, among men good
will.' " In explanation of the practical working of this
"Gospel" he went on to say:
We start with a condition of affairs [referring to the competi-
tive system] under which the best interests of the race are pro-
moted, but which inevitably gives wealth to the few. Thus
accepting conditions as they are, the situation can be surveyed
and pronounced good. The question then arises — and if the
foregoing be correct it is the only question with which we have
to deal — What is the proper mode of administering wealth
after the laws upon which civilization is founded have thrown
it into the hands of the few? And it is of this great question
that I believe I offer the true solution. It will be understood that
fortunes are here spoken of, not moderate sums saved by many
years of effort, the returns from which are required for the com-
fortable maintenance and education of families. This is not
wealth, but only competence, which it should be the aim of all
to acquire, and which it is for the best interests of society should
be acquired.
There are but three modes in which surplus wealth can be
THE ANDOVER PERIOD 179
disposed of. It can be left to the families of the decedents; or it
can be bequeathed for public purposes; or, finally, it can be
administered by its possessors during their lives. . . .
Thus is the problem of rich and poor to be solved : the laws of
accumulation will be left free; the laws of distribution free. In-
dividualism will continue, but the millionaire will be but a trus-
tee for the poor; intrusted for a season with a great part of the
increased wealth of the community, but administering it for the
community far better than it could or would have done for itself.
If Mr. Carnegie had simply made public use of his own
method of beneficence or philanthropy as an example of
what he conceived to be the true relation of private
wealth to society, even if it had been in the way of a
certain self -exploitation, his announcement would have
awakened much interest and could/not have fairly sub-
jected him to criticism. As it was, it received the uncritical
endorsement of Mr. Gladstone, Cardinal Manning, and
many others. The public at large was delighted with the
aphorism, "it should be a disgrace for a man to die rich,"
and heartily accepted his statements about the curse of
wealth as a family inheritance. There was a dramatic
interest attending the struggle of this modern Laocoon to
keep himself and his family from being strangled in the
coils of his enormous income. Here was a man who was
not hoarding his riches, or flaunting them in demoralizing
luxuries. Here, too, was a man whose business career,
judged by the standards of the time, had been beneficent,
due allowance being made for the fact that he himself
had been made to a questionable degree a beneficiary of
the Government through the operation of an excessive
tariff, of which he had taken advantage. And here was a
man who was endeavoring to carry over his business prin-
ciples and methods into his benefactions.
i8o MY GENERATION
Mr. Carnegie was entitled to the credit of all these con-
siderations and others of a more personal nature at the
hands of his critics. Fair criticism began with the theory
of the relation of private wealth to society, which Mr.
Carnegie put out as a gospel. When this gospel was crit-
ically examined it was found to rest upon two postulates —
first, "we start with a condition of affairs [referring to the
then existing economic system] under which the best
interests of the race are promoted, but which inevitably
gives wealth to the few""; and second, "the millionaire will
be but a trustee for the poor, intrusted for a season with
a great part of the increased wealth of the community,
but administering it for the coimnunity far better than it
could or would have done for itself." A gospel of wealth,
embodying these principles could have no part in that
social reconstruction which was to insure a fairer distribu-
tion of wealth, and to impose upon society itself the re-
sponsibility for its public uses. The publication of this
"gospel," with the interest attending the personal appli-
cation of it, brought the discussion of the whole social
economy to a clear and sharp issue. It gave a new meaning
to the discussions of the classroom, and to those public
discussions in the press and on the platform which had to
do with the principles and methods of the new social
order. The position taken in the Andover classroom, and
from time to time in public, is set forth in an article in the
June number, 1891, of the "Andover Review" under the
title "The Gospel of Wealth."
In contrast with the scheme for social betterment set
forth in the "Gospel of Wealth," a social experiment had
been going on for some little time in one of the slums
of London (the Stepney district of East London) , where a
THE ANDOVER PERIOD 181
group of university men from Oxford had "gone into
residence" in the neighborhood to identify themselves
with its people and its interests. This group constituted
the university or social settlement known as Toynbee Hall.
The striking originality of the settlement idea lay in its
perfect simplicity. It departed as far as possible from the
institutional idea and methods, and laid the emphasis
altogether upon the use of personality. Its aim was the
identification of the residents with their neighbors —
first to know them and their conditions, then to create
a neighborhood consciousness, and then to initiate and
encourage methods for mutual service in behalf of the
neighborhood. The scheme was singularly free from all
questionable results in principle or theory, but was it
practicable .f^ And if practicable in London could it be
adjusted to social conditions in New York, Chicago, and
Boston.'' Fortunately for the Seminary in its purpose to
make a careful investigation of the working of the Settle-
ment idea, an arrangement was made with Mr. Robert A.
Woods, then a member of the advanced class and special-
izing in social economics, to become a resident at Toynbee
Hall. He spent the greater part of the year 1890 in resi-
dence, and on his return gave a course of lectures at the
Seminary embodying the results of his studies and ex-
periences, which were soon published by Charles Scribner's
Sons under the title of "English Social Movements" —
the first book on this subject from the American point of
view. The outcome of this investigation of the working of
the settlement idea through the residence of Mr. Woods
at Toynbee Hall, was the establishment of the Andover
House in Boston with Mr. Woods as Head of the House.
The story of the organization and early development
i82 MY GENERATION
of the Andover House, including the exposition of its
aims as then put before the public, is told in a series of
printed circulars issued at the time and on file at the South
End House. The record of the "House" since its estab-
lishment is to be found in the annual reports. On the
occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of its founding,
I prepared an article for the "Atlantic Monthly" (May,
1917), under the title "Twenty-five Years in Residence,"
which gave a succinct account of the growth of the social
settlements throughout the country within that period.
From this article I quote in part the specific reference to
the Andover House, known since 1895 as the South End
House, but unchanged in its object or general manage-
ment. The " House," from the beginning until now, has
been a constant witness to the insight, the breadth of
view, the courage and the loyalty to the "idea" which
have characterized the remarkable leadership of Mr.
Woods; qualities which have given him also his influence
in public affairs.
Although the twenty-fifth anniversary of the South End
House, Boston, was the occasion, not the subject, of this article,
a closing word of reference is due to the "House" as being in
itself one of the most complete and consistent illustrations of
the settlement idea. Forced by the needs of the neighborhood
to take on a considerable institutional development, it has in no
wise departed from the original residential type. This consist-
ency of development has been secured by maintaining an un-
usually large residential force, and by scattering its working
agencies throughout the district instead of concentrating them
at one locality. There are in the settlement to-day thirty-two
residents, twelve men and twenty women. Among these are
five married couples having their own homes, two in apart-
ments provided at the "House," three at different points in the
neighborhood. Nine of the residents are on salaries for full time
THE ANDOVER PERIOD 183
and three for part time; four are holders of fellowships; the re-
mainder are unpaid, five of whom devote their entire time to
the work. To the residents are to be added over one hundred
associate workers, a number of whom are from the neighbor-
hood. The whole force is under the direction of a staff of six of
the most experienced workers. One fourth of the residents have
been in service for over four years. Mr. Woods has been the head
of the "House" from the beginning, the only instance, except
that of Miss Addams, of like continuous service. The exceptional
permanency of the residential force has given special value to
the social and economic investigations of the " House."
An interesting experiment was carried out at the time
in applying the group system to pastoral work in rural
communities. Five men of the class of 1892 at Andover
Seminary — W. W. Ranney, Oliver D. Sewall, James C.
Gregory, Edward R. Stearns, and Edwin R. Smith —
joined together in a group for associated work in neigh-
boring churches in a section of Maine lying for the most
part between Farmington and the Rangeley Lakes. They
gave over for a term of years the home life of a parson-
age, and relied for their social stimulus upon close rela-
tion with one another so far as local conditions would
permit. The churches allowed frequent interchange of
service, and the community interests were so much alike
that the same plans for the development of the commun-
ities were applicable to all. It was not social settlement
work. The churches as such were the essential concern.
The question of the sects had to be considered, though
the spirit of union was uppermost in most instances. The
individuality of the man of the country above that of the
dweller in the city was very much in evidence. But the
experiment, largely directed and aided by President Hyde,
of Bowdoin, was successful beyond even the expectations
184 MY GENERATION
it had raised, and the experience gained by members of
the group was of much suggestive and stimulating value
in their later and more permanent pastorates. The work