establishment by'civil authority, seems to have suggested
the idea, and furnished the model of the latter system,
which has since been denominated ' presbyterian.' The
first Christians, oppressed by continual persecutions, and
obliged to hold their religious assemblies by stealth and
in corners, were contented with a form of government
extremely simple. The influence of religion concurred
with the sense of danger, in extinguishing among them
BOOK in. OF SCOTLAND. 203
the spirit of ambition, and in preserving a parity of rank, 1560.
the effect of their sufferings, and the cause of many of~
their virtues. Calvin, whose decisions were received
among many protestants of that age with incredible
submission, was the patron and restorer of this scheme
of ecclesiastical policy. The church of Geneva, formed
under his eye and by his direction, was deemed the
most perfect model of this government; and Knox, who,
during his residence in that city, had studied and ad-
mired it, warmly recommended it to the imitation of his
countrymen.
Among the Scottish nobility, some hated the persons,
and others coveted the wealth, of the dignified clergy ;
and by abolishing that order of men, the former indulged
their resentment, and the latter hoped to gratify their
avarice. The people, inflamed with the most violent
aversion to popery, and approving of every scheme
that departed farthest from the practice of the Romish
church, were delighted with a system so admirably
suited to their predominant passion : while the friends
of civil liberty beheld with pleasure the protestant clergy
pulling down with their own hands that fabric of eccle-
siastical power which their predecessors had reared
with so much art and industry ; and flattered themselves
that, by lending their aid to strip churchmen of their
dignity and wealth, they might entirely deliver the na-
tion from their exorbitant and oppressive jurisdiction.
The new mode of government easily made its way among
men thus prepared, by their various interests and pas-
sions, for its reception.
But, on the first introduction of his system, Knox
did not deem it expedient to depart altogether from
the ancient form b . Instead of bishops, he proposed
to establish ten or twelve superintendents in different
parts of the kingdom. These, as the name implies,
were empowered to inspect the life and doctrine of the
h Spotswood, 158.
204 THE HISTORY BOOK in.
1560. other clergy. They presided in the inferior judicato-
~ ries of the church, and performed several other parts
of the episcopal function. Their jurisdiction, however,
extended to sacred things only ; they claimed no seat
in parliament, and pretended no right to the dignity or
revenues of the former bishops.
The number of inferior clergy, to whom the care of
parochial duty could be committed, was still extremely
small ; they had embraced the principles of the refor-
mation at different times, and from various motives ;
during the public commotions, they were scattered,
merely by chance, over the different provinces of the
kingdom, and in a few places only were formed into re-
Dec. 20. gular classes or societies. The first general assembly
of the church, which was held this year, bears all the
marks of an infant and unformed society. The mem-
bers were but few in number, and of no considerable
rank ; no uniform or consistent rule seems to have been
observed in electing them. From a great part of the
kingdom no representatives appeared. In the name of
some entire counties, but one person was present ; while,
in other places, a single town or church sent several
members. A convention so feeble and irregular, could
not possess extensive authority ; and, conscious of their
own weakness, the members put an end to their debates,
without venturing upon any decision of much import-
ance c .
1561. In order to give greater strength and consistence to
the presbyterian plan, Knox, with the assistance of his
brethren, composed the first book of discipline, which
contains the model or platform of the intended policy d .
Jan. 15. They presented it to a convention of estates, which was
held in the beginning of this year. Whatever regula-
tions were proposed, with regard to ecclesiastical disci-
pline and jurisdiction, would have easily obtained the
sanction of that assembly ; but a design to recover the
Keith, 498. d Spots. 152.
BOOK in. , OF SCOTLAND. 205
patrimony of the church, which is there insinuated, met 1561.
with a very different reception.
In vain did the clergy display the advantages which
would accrue to the public, by a proper application of
ecclesiastical revenues. In vain did they propose, by
an impartial distribution of this fund, to promote true
religion, to encourage learning, and to support the poor.
In vain did they even intermingle threatenings of the
divine displeasure against the unjust detainers of what
was appropriated to a sacred use. The nobles held
fast the prey which they had seized; and, bestowing
upon the proposal the name of a ' devout imagination,'
they affected to consider it as a project altogether vi-
sionary, and treated it with the utmost scorn 8 .
This convention appointed the prior of St. Andrew's The queen
to repair to the queen, and to invite her to return into J."^ i n
her native country, and to assume the reins of govern- Scotland.
ment, which had been too long committed to other
hands. Though some of her subjects dreaded her re-
turn, and others foresaw dangerous consequences with
which it might be attended f , the bulk of them desired
it with so much ardour, that the invitation was given,
with the greatest appearance of unanimity. But the
zeal of the Roman catholics got the start of the prior,
in paying court to Mary ; and Lesley, afterwards bishop
of Ross, who was commissioned by them, arrived before
him at the place of her residence 8 . Lesley endeavoured
to infuse into the queen's mind suspicions of her protes-
tant subjects, and to persuade her to throw herself
entirely into the arms of those who adhered to her own
religion. For this purpose, he insisted that she should
land at Aberdeen ; and, as the protestant doctrines had
made no considerable progress in that part of the king-
dom, he gave her assurance of being joined in a few
days by twenty thousand men ; and flattered her that,
with such an army, encouraged by her presence and au-
e Knox, 256. ' See Append. No. V. * Lesley, 227.
206 THE HISTORY BOOK in.
1561. thority, she might easily overturn the reformed church,
"before it was firmly settled on its foundations.
But, at this juncture, the princes of Lorrain were
not disposed to listen to this extravagant and dangerous
proposal. Intent on defending themselves against Ca-
therine of Medicis, whose insidious policy was employed
in undermining their exorbitant power, they had no
leisure to attend to the affairs of Scotland, and wished
their niece to take possession of her kingdom, with as
little disturbance as possible. The French officers too,
who had served in Scotland, dissuaded Mary from all
violent measures ; and, by representing the power and
number of the protestants to be irresistible, determined
her to court them by every art ; and rather to employ
the leading men of that party as ministers, than to pro-
voke them, by a fruitless opposition, to become her
enemies 1 '. Hence proceeded the confidence and affec-
tion, with which the prior of St. Andrew's was received
by the queen. His representation of the state of the
kingdom gained great credit; and Lesley beheld with
regret the new channel in which court favour was likely
to run.
Another convention of estates was held in May. The
arrival of an ambassador from France seems to have
been the occasion of this meeting. He was instructed
to solicit the Scots to renew their ancient alliance with
France, to break their new confederacy with England,
and to restore the popish ecclesiastics to the possession
of their revenues and the exercise of their functions.
It is no easy matter to form any conjecture concerning
the intentions of the French court, in making these
extraordinary and ill-timed propositions. They were
rejected with that scorn which might well have been
expected from the temper of the nation '.
In this convention, the protestant clergy did not ob-
tain a more favourable audience than formerly, and
' Melv. 61. * Knox, 269. 273.
BOOK in. OF SCOTLAND. 207
their prospect of recovering the patrimony of the church 1561.
still remained as distant and uncertain as ever. But, ~
with regard to another point, they found the zeal of
the nobles in no degree abated. The book of discipline
seemed to require that the monuments of popery, which
still remained in the kingdom, should be demolished k ;
and, though neither the same pretence of policy, nor
the same ungovernable rage of the people, remained to
justify or excuse this barbarous havoc, the convention,
considering every religious fabric as a relic of idolatry,
passed sentence upon them by an act in form ; and per-
sons the most remarkable for the activity of their zeal
were appointed to put it in execution. Abbeys, cathe-
drals, churches, libraries, records, and even the sepul-
chres of the dead, perished in one common ruin. The
storm of popular insurrection, though impetuous and
irresistible, had extended only to a few counties, and
soon spent its rage ; but now a deliberate and universal
rapine completed the devastation of every thing venera-
ble and magnificent which had escaped its violence 1 .
In the mean time, Mary was in no haste to return Mary bc-
into Scotland. Accustomed to the elegance, splendour,
and gaiety of a polite court, she still fondly lingered in
France, the scene of all these enjoyments, and contem-
plated with horrour the barbarism of her own country,
and the turbulence of her subjects, which presented
her with a very different face of things. The impa-
tience, however, of her people, the persuasions of her
uncles, but, above all, the studied and mortifying neg-
lect with which she was treated by the queen-mother,
forced her to think of beginning this disagreeable
voyage" 1 . But, while she was preparing for it, there
were sown between her and Elizabeth the seeds of that
personal jealousy and discord, which embittered the
life, and shortened the days of the Scottish queen.
k Spotswood, 153. ' Ibid. 174.
"> Brantome, Jebb, vol.ii. 482.
208 THE HISTORY BOOK m.
1561. The ratification of the late treaty of Edinburgh was
O r jgi n O f the immediate occasion of this fatal animosity ; the true
the discoid causes of it lay much deeper. Almost every article in
between her 111 ^ , ^ i ..,
and Eliza- that treaty had been executed by both parties with a
scrupulous exactness. The fortifications of Leith were
demolished, and the armies of France and England
withdrawn within the appointed time. The grievances
of the Scottish malecontents were redressed, and they
had obtained whatever they could demand for their fu-
ture security. With regard to all these, Mary could
have little reason to decline, or Elizabeth to urge, the
ratification of the treaty.
The sixth article remained the only source of contest
and difficulty. No minister ever entered more deeply
into the schemes of his sovereign, or pursued them with
more dexterity and success, than Cecil. In the conduct
of the negotiation at Edinburgh, the sound understand-
ing of this able politician had proved greatly an over-
match for Monluc's refinements in intrigue, and had
artfully induced the French ambassadors, not only to
acknowledge that the crowns of England and Ireland
did of right belong to Elizabeth alone, but also to pro-
mise, that, in all times to come, Mary should abstain
from using the titles, or bearing the arms, o those
kingdoms.
The ratification of this article would have been of
the most fatal consequence to Mary. The crown of
England was an object worthy of her ambit jon. Her
pretensions to it gave her great dignity and importance
in the eyes of all Europe. By many, her title was es-
teemed preferable to that of Elizabeth. Among the
English themselves, the Roman catholics, who formed, at
that time, a numerous and active party, openly espoused
this opinion ; and even the protestants, who supported
Elizabeth's throne, could not deny the queen of Scots
to 'be her immediate heir. A proper opportunity to
avail herself of all these advantages could not, in the
course of things, be far distant, and many incidents
BOOK HI. OF SCOTLAND. 209
might fall in, to bring this opportunity nearer than was 1561.
expected. In these circumstances, Mary, by ratifying"
the article in dispute, would have lost that rank which
she had hitherto held among neighbouring princes ; the
zeal of her adherents must have gradually cooled ; and
she might have renounced, from that moment, all hopes
of ever wearing the English crown".
None of these beneficial consequences escaped the
penetrating eye of Elizabeth, who, for this reason, had
recourse to every thing by which she could hope either
to sooth or frighten the Scottish queen into a compli-
ance with her demands ; and if that princess had been so
unadvised as to ratify the rash concessions of her am-
bassadors, Elizabeth, by that deed, would have acquired
an advantage, which, under her management, must have
turned to great account. By such a renunciation, the
question with regard to the right of succession would
have been left altogether open and undecided ; and, by
means of that, Elizabeth might either have kept her rival
in perpetual anxiety and dependence, or, by the authority
of her parliament, she might have broken in upon the
order of lineal succession, and transferred the crown to
some other descendant of the royal blood. The former
conduct she observed towards James the sixth, whom
during his whole reign, she held in perpetual fear and
subjection. The latter and more rigorous method of
proceeding would, in all probability, have been employed
against Mary, whom for many reasons she both envied
and hated.
Nor was this step beyond her power, unprecedented
in the history, or inconsistent with the constitution, of
England. Though succession by hereditary right be
an idea so natural and so popular, that it has been es-
tablished in almost every civilized nation, yet England
affords many memorable instances of deviations from
that rule. The crown of that kingdom having once
Haynes. 373, etc.
VOL. I. P
210 THE HISTORY BOOK in.
\
1561. been seized by the hand of a conqueror, this invited
~ the bold and enterprising in every age to imitate such
an illustrious example of fortunate ambition. From the
time of William the Norman, the regular course of de-
scent had seldom continued through three successive
reigns. Those princes, whose intrigues or valour opened
to them a way to the throne, called in the authority of
the great council of the nation to confirm their dubious
titles. Hence parliamentary and hereditary right be-
came in England of equal consideration. That great
assembly claimed, and actually possessed a power of
altering the order of regal succession ; and even so late
as Henry the eighth an act of parliament had autho-
rized that capricious monarch to settle the order of suc-
cession at his pleasure. The English, jealous of their
religious liberty, and averse from the dominion of stran-
gers, would have eagerly adopted the passions of their
sovereign, and might have been easily induced to ex-
clude the Scottish line from the right of succeeding to
the crown. These seem to have been the views of both
queens, and these were the difficulties which retarded
the ratification of the treaty of Edinburgh.
But, if the sources of their discord were to.be traced
no higher than this treaty, an inconsiderable alteration
in the words of it might have brought the present ques-
tion to an amicable issue. The indefinite and ambigu-
ous expression which Cecil had inserted into the treaty,
. might have been changed into one more limited but
more precise ; and Mary, instead of promising to abstain
from bearing the title of queen of England, in all times
to come, might have engaged not to assume that title
during the life of Elizabeth, or the lives of her lawful
posterity .
This expedient for terminating the difference between Elizabeth and
Mary was so obviou's, that it could not fail of presenting itself to the view
of the English ministers. " There hath been a matter secretly thought of,
(says Cecil in a letter to Throkmorton, July 14, 1561,) which I dare com-
municate to you, although I mean never to be an author thereof; and that
BOOK in. OF SCOTLAND. 211
Such an amendment, however, did not suit the views 1561.
of either queen. Though Mary had been obliged to "~
suspend, for some time, the prosecution of her title to
the English crown, she had not, however, relinquished
it. She determined to revive her claim on the first
prospect of success, and was unwilling to bind herself,
by a positive engagement, not to take advantage of any
such fortunate occurrence. Nor would the alteration
have been more acceptable to Elizabeth, who, by agree-
ing to it, would have tacitly recognised the right of her
rival to ascend the throne after her decease. But nei-
ther the Scottish nor English queen durst avow these
secret sentiments of their hearts. Any open discovery
of an inclination to disturb the tranquillity of England,
or to wrest the sceptre out of Elizabeth's hands, might
have proved fatal to Mary's pretensions. Any sus-
picion of a design to alter the order of succession, and
to set aside the claim of the Scottish queen, would have
exposed Elizabeth to much and deserved censure, and
have raised up against her many and dangerous ene-
mies. These, however carefully concealed or artfully
disguised, were, in all probability, the real motives
which determined the one queen to solicit, and the
other to refuse, the ratification of the treaty in its ori-
ginal form ; while neither had recourse to that explica-
is, if an accord might be made betwixt our mistress and the Scottish queen,
that this should by parliament in Scotland, etc. surrender unto the queen's
majesty all matter of claim, and unto the heirs of her body; and in con-
sideration thereof, the Scottish queen's interest should be acknowledged in
default of heirs of the body of the queen's majesty. Well, God send our
mistress a husband, and by time a son, that we may hope our posterity shall
have a masculine succession. This matter is too big for weak folks, and too
deep for simple. The queen's majesty knoweth of it." Hardw. State Pap.
i. 174. But with regard to every point relating to the succession, Elizabeth
was so jealous and so apt to take offence, that her most confidential minis-
ters durst not urge her to advance one step farther than she herself chose to
go. Cecil, mentioning some scheme about the succession, if the queen
should not marry or leave issue, adds, with his usual caution : " This song
hath many parts; but, for my part, I have no skill but in plain song."
Ibid. 178.
P2
THE HISTORY BOOK in.
1561. tion of it, which, to an heart unwarped by political
"interest, and sincerely desirous of union and concord,
would have appeared so obvious and natural.
But, though considerations of interest first occasioned
this rupture between the British queens, rivalship of
another kind contributed to widen the breach, and fe-
male jealousy increased the violence of their political
hatred. Elizabeth, with all those extraordinary quali-
ties by which she equalled or surpassed such of her sex
as have merited the greatest renown, discovered an ad-
miration of her own person, to a degree which women
of ordinary understandings either do not entertain, or
prudently endeavour to conceal. Her attention to dress,
her solicitude to display her charms, her love of flattery,
were all excessive. Nor were these weaknesses confined
to that period of life, when they are more pardonable.
Even in very advanced years, the wisest woman of that,
or, perhaps, of any other age, wore the garb and af-
fected the manners of a girl p . Though Elizabeth was
as much inferior to Mary in beauty and gracefulness of
person, as she excelled her in political abilities and in
the arts of government, she was weak enough to com-
pare herself with the Scottish queen q ; and, as it was
impossible she could be altogether ignorant how much
Mary gained by the comparison, she envied and hated
her, as a rival by whom she was eclipsed. In judging
of the conduct of princes, we are apt to ascribe too
much to political motives, and too little to the passions
which they feel in common with the rest of mankind.
In order to account for Elizabeth's present, as well as
her subsequent, conduct towards Mary, we must not
always consider her as a queen, we must sometimes
regard her merely as a woman.
Elizabeth, though no stranger to Mary's difficulties
v Johnston, Hist. Rer. Britan. 346, 347. Carte, voL iii. 699. Catalogue
of Royal and Noble Authors, article Essex.
t Melvil, 98.
BOOK in. OF SCOTLAND. 213
with respect to the treaty, continued to urge her, by 1561.
repeated applications, to ratify it r . Mary, under vari-~
ous pretences, still contrived to gain time, and to elude
the request. But, while the one queen solicited with
persevering importunity, and the other evaded with
artful delay, they both studied an extreme politeness
of behaviour, and loaded each other with professions of
sisterly love, with reciprocal declarations of unchange-
able esteem and amity.
It was not long before Mary was convinced, that
among princes these expressions of friendship are com-
monly far distant from the heart. In sailing from
France to Scotland, the course lies along the English
coast. In order to be safe from the insults of the Eng-
lish fleet, or, in case of tempestuous weather, to secure
a retreat in the harbours of that kingdom, Mary sent
monsieur d'Oysel to demand of Elizabeth a safe-con-
duct during her voyage. This request, which decency Elizabeth
alone obliged one prince to grant to another, Elizabeth M^ry a safe-
rejected, in such a manner as gave rise to no slight sus- conduct.
picion of a design, either to obstruct the passage, or to
intercept the person of the Scottish queen*.
Mary, in a long conference with Throkmorton, the
English ambassador in France, explained her senti-
ments concerning this ungenerous behaviour of his
mistress, in a strain of dignified expostulation, which
conveys an idea of her abilities, address, and spirit, as
advantageous as any transaction in her reign. Mary
was, at that time, only in her eighteenth year ; and as
Throkmorton's account of what passed in his interview
with her, is addressed directly to Elizabeth l , that dex-
terous courtier, we may be well assured, did not em-
bellish the discourse of the Scottish queen with any
colouring too favourable.
Whatever resentment Mary might feel, it did not Mary begins
her voyage.
' Keith, 157. 160, etc.
Keith, 171. Camden. See Appendix, No. VI.
' Cabbala, p. 374. Keith, 170, etc.
THE HISTORY BOOK HI.
1561. retard her departure from France. She was accompa-
~nied to Calais, the place where she embarked, in a
manner suitable to her dignity, as the queen of two
powerful kingdoms. Six princes of Lorrain, her uncles,
with many of the most eminent among the French no-
bles, were in her retinue. Catherine, who secretly re-
joiced at her departure, graced it with every circum-
stance of magnificence and respect. After bidding-
adieu to her mourning attendants, with a sad heart,
and eyes bathed in tears, Mary left that kingdom, the
short but only scene of her life in which fortune smiled
upon her. While the French coast continued in sight,
she intently gazed upon it, and musing, in a thoughtful
posture, on that height of fortune whence she had
fallen, and presaging, perhaps, the disasters and cala-
mities which embittered the remainder of her days, she
sighed often, and cried out " Farewell, France! Fare-
well, beloved country, which I shall never more be-
hold!" Even when the darkness of the night had hid
the land from her view, she would neither retire to the
cabin, nor taste food, but commanding a couch to be
placed on the deck, she there waited the return of day
with the utmost impatience. Fortune soothed her on
this occasion; the galley made little way during the
night. In the morning, the coast of France was still
within sight, and she continued to feed her melancholy
with the prospect ; and, as long as her eyes could dis-