1867-1869 Republican congressional committee.

Horatio Seymour. The war record of a peace Democrat. A peace man in war, a war man in peace! Pub. by the Union Republican congressional committee, Washington, D. C online

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Online Library1867-1869 Republican congressional committeeHoratio Seymour. The war record of a peace Democrat. A peace man in war, a war man in peace! Pub. by the Union Republican congressional committee, Washington, D. C → online text (page 1 of 2)
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The War Record of a Peace Demoorat.



A PEACE MAN IM WAR, A WAR MAN IN PEACE 1



published by the Union Eepublican Congressional Commilteei Washing'toB, D, C.



Hcratio Seymour, of Utica, New York, a local politician of some note, is the
Democratic candidate for President.

Mr. Seymour was nominated for that office bij a convention of rebel Democrats,
which assembled in New York on the 4th day of July, 1868, after he had re-
peatedly declared thatheioould not accept </ie^o«;7io», BECAUSE IT WOULD
BE DISHONORABLE for him to do so, and would BRING PERIL UPON
HIMSELF AND HIS PARTY.

The Convention which nominated Mr. Seymour had one hundred and eight)}'
■iix Southern dcUgateSy one hundred and ten of whom "WERE IN THE
REBEL SEI^VICE, and all of whom, both North and South, either gave active
aid to the rebellion, or warmly symjiathized xoithits authors. Its policy was shaped,
ha platform dictated, and its candidates designated by rebels, whose hands v)ere
diU red loith the blood, of murdered Union soldiers.

C. L. VALLAJ^DIGHAjSI, a man banished the country for treason, and who
acted as the spy of the '• Confederate Government" after he run the blockade
and reached Canada, was the man they selected to nominate him to the Conventiov.
The presentation of Mr. Seymour's name by such a man to a Convention com-
posed of such materials was received with the wildest applause, as it was fit it
jhoukl be; and he was accepted as their candidate by acclamation. Wade
Hflmpton, and N. B. Forrest, and "Admiral" Semmes, and every rebel in the
(~'onvention, claimed his nomination as a concession to their demands, and
boasted that by his election THEY WOULD GAIN ALL THEY HAD
LOST by the failure of the rebellion. His record during the war, and his re-
.^istanoe since to a restoration of the Southern States to the Union, except upon
such conditions as the rebels might approve, justified this confidence in his
■ulapt-ation to their purposes.

Hi? efibrt to defeat a draft to fill our depleted rank's after the terrible slaughter
which had resulted from McClellan's imbecility, or disloyalty, and his approval
of the doctrine that all the recomtructed State governments MUST BE OVER-
THROWN, is the only guaranty the Southern leaders required of his fidelity
fo their interesta.

The following record of this "peace man in war and war man in peace"
will show how well they have judged his character, and how safely they may
rely on hLs efforts to restore to them the Constitution as it was and the Union as
they would have it. As the Democratic press, becoming alarmed at the aiyay ot



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evidence against him, are quoting Mr. Lincoln's and Mr. Stanton's certificate
of good character to prove his loyalty, we present the other side of the picture :

/ Why They Complimented Seymour.

Gov. Tod/ of Ohio, in a recent speech at Orwell, in that State, thus satis-
factorily explains the matter :

'' Seymour is an intelligent man. 1 know him well. He was Governor at
the same time I was Governor. Mr. Lincoln called for volunteers. I sent him
only thirty thousand, while Seymour sent fifteen thousand. The President went
round complimenting Seymour, and saying nothing about what I had done. I
took Mr. Lincoln to task for this. I said, 'How is it you are complimenting
Seymour fat' his ffteeu thousand men, and neglecting to compliment Morton and
mef 'WHY, TOD, I NEVER THANKED MRS. LINCOLN FOR A
CUP OF TEA IN MY LIFE.' The truth was, Morton and I had done noth-
ing more than what was expected of us, w/n/e Seymour had. He had never done
the like before and never did afterward.'"

Seymour Forced to Sustain the War.

Captain Edward Marshal, a brother of Thomas F., made a speech at a recent
Democratic ratification meeting, whicli is thus sketched in a Kentucky paper :

*' He was enthusiastic in support of Seymour, and gave his reasons therefor. He said
Seymour was nominated as a war Democrat for the reason that no other could win, BUT
HE HAD NEVER GIVEN ANY AID OR SUPPORT TO THE GOVERNMENT
IN THE PROSECUTION OF THE WAR WHEN IT COULD BE AVOIDED,
la 1863, when the rebel troops were in Pennsylvania, and the Government called on Sey-
mour, who was then Governor of New York, to furnish troops to expel them, he an-
swered, in the same manner, if not in the same language, as the Governor of Kentucky
in 1S61, viz : THAT HE WOULD NOT SEND THEM. He did send them, however,
FOR THE REASON THAT HE WAS UNABLE TO DO OTHERWISE."

An Original Secessionist.

Mr. W. H. Russell, tlie well-known correspondent of the London Timeg,
throws some additional and still stronger light upon the question of Mr. Sey-
mour's secession views in the following passage from his published "Diary North
and South." Mr. Russell is describing a dinner party in New York in 1861 :

"The occasion oflered itself to Mr. Horatio Seymour to give me his views of
the Constitution of the United States, and by degrees the theme spread over
the table. * * * * There was not a man who maintained that
tlie Government had any power to coerce the people of a State or to force a
State to remain in the Union or under the action of the Federal Government, i
^- * ^- * Mr. Seymoui' is a man of compromise, but his views go
farther than those which were entertained by his party two years ago. Although
secession would produce revolution, it xvas,' nevertheless, in his opinion, a right]
founded on abstract principles, which could scarcely be abrogated ivith due regard]
to the original compact."

Preferred the Eebel Constitution.

In 1861, Mr. Seymour, meeting Judge Charles H. Ruggles, asked him :
" Judge, have you read the Confederate [Montgomery] Coastitution ? I have ; I
and IT IS BETTER THAN OURS [the Federal] Then, why not," he con-
tinued, "OBVIATE ALL DIFFICULTY BY SIMPLY ADOPTINGl
THAT [Confedei-ate] CONSTITUTION?"

He proposed to settle the war by having the whole North join the Confed-''
eracy, and adopting the rebel constitution.

"An Inglorious Warfare."
Following up this right which "could scarcely be abrogated," he again said
a^t the Tweddle Hall Convention in Albany, New York, January 31, 1861,



before Siimter wa^s fired on, and before any measure of an arbitrary ymture was

5^ instiiuied:

^ " We are advised by the conservative States of Virginia and Kentucky, that if
w force is to be used, it must be exerted against the united South. It would be
■^anactof folly and madness, in entering upon this contest, to underrate our

v^ opponents, and thui subject ourselves TO THE DISGRACE OF DEFEAT IN
AN INGLORIO US WARFARE. LET US ALSO SEE IF SUCCESSFUL
COERCION BY THE NORTH IS LESS REVOLUTIONARY THAN
SUCCESSFUL SECESSION BY THE SOUTH. Shall we prevent revolu-
tion by being foremost in overthrowing the principles of our Government, and
all that makes it vakiablc to our people and distinguishes it among the nations
of the earth ?"

His "Friends" Threaten Bloodshed North.

At the same Convention, James P. Thayer, a delegate and friend of Seymour,
followed this speech in the following words :

"The public mind will bear the avowal, and let us make it — that if a revolu-
tion of force is to begin, IT SHALL BE INAUGURATED AT HOME. And
if the incoming Administration shall attempt to carry out the line of policy
that^haa been foreshadowed, we announce that, when the hand of Black Repub-
licanism turns to blood-red, and seeks from the fragment of the Constitution to
coni(ruct a scaffold for coercion — another name for execution — WE WILL RE-
VERSE THE ORDER OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, AND SAVE
THE BLOOD OF THE PEOPLE BY MAKING THOSE WHO WOULD
INAUGURATE A REIGN OF TERROR THE FIRST VICTIMS OF A
NATIONAL GUILLOTINE." [Enthusiastic applause.]

Shall we Compromise Before or After War?

' " Tliis question is simply this : SHALL WE HAVE COMPROMISE
AFTER WAR, OR COMPROMISE WITHOUT WAR ? Shall we be aided
in this settlement by the loss of national honor, the destruction of individual
interests, and the shedding of blood?" — Speech at Albany', Jan., 1861.

"How fihall the War be Conducted?"

'* We have been mad enough to muster armies to occupy their territory. * *
* * But some have suggested with complacent air, that the South might be easily
wibjugated by blockading their ports with a fewships-of-war." — Seymour's Speech.

Assailing his Government.

" What a spectacle do we present, to-day ! Already six States have withdrawn
from this Confederacy. Revolution has actually begun. The term 'secession'
divests it of none of its terrors, nor do arguments to prove secession inconsistent
with our Constitution stay its progress or mitigate its evil. ALL VIRTUE,
PATRIOTISM, AND INTELLIGENCE SEEM TO HAVE FLED FROM
OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL; ithas been well likened to a conflagration of an
asylum for madmen — some look on with idiotic imbecility ; some in sullen silence ;
and soms scatter the firebrands which consiime the fabric above them, and bring
upon all a common destruction. IS THERE ONE REVOLTING ASPECT
IN THIS SCENE WHICH HAS NOT ITS PARALLEL AT THE CAPI-
TAL OF YOUR COUNTRY ? DO YOU NOT SEE THERE THE SENSE-
LESS IMBECILITY, THE GARRULOUS IDIOCY, THE MADDENED
RAGE, DISPLAYED WITH REGARD TO PETTY PERSONAL PAS-
SIONS AND PARTY PURPOSES, WHILE THE GLORY, THE HONOR,-
AND THE SAFETY OF THE COUNTRY, ARE ALL FORGOTTEN?
The same pervading fanaticism has brought evil upon all the institutions of our
land. Our churches are torn asunder and desecrated to partisan purposes.



The wrongs of our local legislation, the growing burdens of debt iind taxation,
the gradual destruction of the African in the Free States, which in marked by
eacli recurring census, are all due to the neglect of our own duties, caused by a
complete absorption of the public raind by a senseless, unreasoning fanaticism."

Opposed to Coercion.
September 1, 1864, Horatio Seymour, the Dem^Tcratic condidate for Pres-
ident, made a speech at j\Iilwaukee, Wisconsin. In that speech he declared that
h©; "would not denounce this [Abraham Lincoln's] Administration for casual acts
of wrong — I would not denounce it because its members have erred in judgment
—BUT I DENOUNCE IT BECAUSE I BELIEVE IT HAS ENTERED
UPON A SETTLED COURSE OF POLICY DANGEROUS TO THE
WELFARE OF THE COUNTRY. It proposes to put down the rehelliQU bij
two poxvers — the power of policy and the power of the army."

The Hebel Spirit in 1864.
Seymour was a delegate to the Democratic Rebel Chicago Convention of 18G4,
and was chosen President; upon taking- the chair, he said :
.'•"The bigotry of fanatics and the intrigues of placemen have made the bloody
pa<^es of the history of tlie past three years. TliEY WILL NOT STOP THE
SHEDDING OF BLOOD EVEN FOR A LITTLE TIME TO SEE IF
CHRISTIAN CHARITY OR THE WISDOIM OF STATESMANSHIP
MAY NOT WORK OUT A METHOD TO SAVE OUR COUNTRY.
Nay, more . than this, they will not listen to a proposal for peace which does
not offer that which this Government h:is no right to ask.'"

No Condition but Unconditional Suirender.

^' WE DEMAND NO CONDITIONS FOR THE RESTORATION OF OUR'UNION ;
we are shackled with no hates, 210 p?'<yi(d/ces, no passions. We wish for fraternal rela-
tionship with the people of the South. We demand for them what we demand for oiu -
selves— THE FULL RECOGI^ITION OF THE RIGHTS OF STATES.

"But if the Administration cannot save the Union, we can. Mr. LINCOLN VALUES
MANY THINGS ABOVE THE UNION ; we put it first of all. HE THINKS A PRO-
CLAMATION WORTH -MORE THAN PEACE ; we think the blood of our people more
precious than the edicts of the President. THERE ARE NO HINDRANCES 1 N OUR
PATHWAY TO UNION AND PEACE."

The Union Cannot be Saved.

" THIS ADMINISTRATION CANNOT NOW SAVE THE UNION IF IT WOULD.
It haa by its proclamation, by vindictive legislation, by displays of hate and passion,
placed obsticles in its own pathway which it cannot overcome, and has hampered its own
freedom of action by unconstitutional acts."

He Votes the War a Failure

Second Plank of the National Democratic Platform of 1804:
Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American
People, that AFTER FOUR YEARS OF FAILURE TO RESTOP.E THE UNION BY
THE EXPERIMENT OF WAR, DURING WHICH, UNDER THE PRETENSE OF A
MILITARY NECESSITY OF A WAR POWER HIGHER THAN THE CONSTITU-
TION, THE CONSTITUTION ITSELF HAS BEEN DISREGARDED IN EVERY
PART and public liberty and private right alike trodden down and the material prosperity
of the countrv essentially impaired; justice, humanity, libertj', and the public welfare
DEMAND THAT IMMEDIATE EFFORTS BE .MADE FOR A CESSATION OF
HOSTILITIES WITH A VIEW TO AN ULTIMATE CONVENTION OF ALL THE
STATES, or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment
peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the States.

Seymour and the New York Convention Endorse Blair.
The New York Copperhead Convention, which did not contain a loyal dele-
gate from the South, nor oaewho had not taken an active part against the Gov,



enuuent, gav<! Geiicnil Hampton, the bitterest rebel of them all, uneonditionnl
authority to place any plank in tlie platform the .South might demand ; and he
placed there this endorsement of Blair's threat of civil war, which the Con-
vention approved bv acclamation :

-Eesolved, THAT WE REGARD THE RECONSTRUCTION ACTS (SO CALLED)
OF CONGRESS AS USURPATIONS, AND UNCONf?TITUTIONAL, REVOLU-
TIONARY, AND VOID.-'

Beymour's letter of acceptance say.^ :

"1 HAVE CAREFULLY READ THE RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE CON-
VENTION, AND MOST CORDIALLY CONCUR IN EVERY PRINCIPLE AND
SENTIMENT THEY ADVANCE."

Seymoiir Pledged to devolution.

Mr. Seymour cordially endorses ■ the Net/- York Platform which endorses
Blnir's treason and promises tlie overthrow of the reconstructed State govern-
ments and all the reconstruction laws of Congress, and repudiates our bonds.
The Montgomery (Ala.) iVe^i'-s thus defines Mr. Seymour's position : .

"The Democratic party piit Mr. Seymour on the same ticket with General
Blair after the latter wrote his celebrated letter, and tee have never heard thctt any
of the parties to 'the copartnership have ever fallen oid ahoid it. On the contrary,
Ihey have not only not fallen out about it, but they have all fallen in about it,
and the country is imitating their example. Our correspondent MAY REST
ASSURED THAT UNDER SEYMOUR AND BLAIR, WITH OR
V/ITHOUT PLATF0R:M or letter, ' THE COB-PIOUSES OF RE-
CONSTRUCTION,' TO USE THE LANGUAGE OF MILLARD FILL
MORE, 'MUST GIVE WAY TO DEMOCRATIC STRUCTURES.'
THAT'S ALL ABOUT IT."

On the Greenbacks Before the Ccnvention.

On the 2Gth of June, only ten days before the Copperhead and rebel Con-
vention in Nev,' York, Mr. Seymour made a speech in the Cooper Institute upon
the wickedness and folly of the greenback-Pendleton system, in which he said :

" The amount in savings banks, in this State alone, is $140,000,000. This shows that
tbore must be at least $GOO,000,000 of money thus deposited in all the States. The aver-
age of the deposits in 1867, in the State of New York, was $270. THE NUMBER OP
DEPOSITORS IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK IS ABOUT FIVE HUNDRED
THOUSAND, (487,479,) and in the city tliey numher more than one-third of the popida-
iion. This will make the number of depositors in the Union more than ONE MILLION
EIGHT HUNDRED THOUSAND. In the State of Connecticut, in 18G5, one-quarter
of its population had deposit's in sanings bardcs. It is not usual for men of small prop-
erty to insure their lives. The number of policies given, out by all the life insurance com-
panies are about four hundred and fifty thousand, and the amount of insurance about one
thousand two hundred and fifty millions. The money invested i?. held as a sacred trust, as
it is a fund laid aside for their families when the insured die. All of the funds of sav
ings bank and life insurance companies are not nut in Government bonds. BUT THEY
HOLD AN AMOUNT WHICH WOULD CRIPPLE OR RUIN THEM IF THE
BONDS ARE NOT PAID, OR IF THEY ARE PAID IN DEBASED PAPER. IP
WE ADD THE TRUSTS FOR WIDOWS AND ORPHANS WE FIND THAT
TWO MILLION FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND PERSONS ARE INTEl^ESTED
IN GOVERNMENT BONDS WHO ARE NOT CAPITALISTS, andwho are eompul-
i5ury_ owners at present prices under the operations of our laws. There is a fear that this
siaite of things will make a clashing of interest between the labor of the East and the

labor of tile West.

^ -.;- * ^ ■>;- * -x -V -ir -x *

" If we make our paper money good by a harsh system of contraction, we shall cripplo
the energies of the country and make bankruptcy and ruin. IP, ON THE OTHER
HA!JD Vv^E DEBASE THE CURRENCY BY UNWISE ISSUES, WE SHALL
EQUALLY PERPLEX BUSINESS AND DESTROY SOBER INDUSTRY, AND
MAKE ALL PRICES MERE MATTERS OF GAMBLING, TRICKS, AND CHANCES.
This will end as it did in the Southern Confederacy. At the outset the citizens of Rich-
mond went to market with their money in their vest pockets and brought back their din-
ners in theJr baskets j in tbe end they took their money in their baskets and took home



their dinners in their vest pocliets. Make our monei/ >jood by an honest and wise course,
and when this is done it icill be worth twentij-jive jjer cent, more than it is now, which will
be equal to an increase of one-quarter in the amount of currency.'''

After the Convention.

The Convention having practically decided to repudiate our debt, or in Mr. Seymour's
language, to debase our currency and render it worthless by paying our bonds in green-
backs, he turned a short corner and declares his cordial approval of the platforni.

The ITnion as it Was.

'' Mr. Seymour is for the restoration of the States pure and simple under the Constitu-
tion, and, of course, for the discontinuance of the Freedman's Bureau, the withdrawal of
troops, the self-government of each State by its own citizens, and under such a rule of suf-
frage as its own separate sovereignty shall prescribe. He styles the uprising of the South
a rebellion, but he is in favor of restoring the statis quo ante bellum. In the same con-
nection appears the most useful sentence of the letter. HE CONSIDERS HIMSELF A
PARTY TO THE PLATFORM, WHICH IS, IN HIS OPINION, IN THE NATURE OF
A CONTRACT WITH THE PEOPLE. That platform, as our readers understand.
TREATS ALL THE STEPS OF THE SO-CALLED RECONSTRUCTION, BY THE
MULTITUDINOUS ACTS OF CONGRESS, AS REVOLUTIONARY, AND NOT
SIMPLY UNCONSTITUTIONAL."— Oinct"nnah* West and South.

Letter to the Military Authorities Justifying Mobs.

The day Meade whipped the rebels at Gettysburg, Seymour was thus talking
treason in New York. Our armies were in sore need of reinforcements, and
a draft had been ordered. Volunteering failed to fill the requirements of the
service. The di'aft was a matter of necessity. Horatio Seymour said :

" We only ask that j^ou shall give to ua that which you claim for yourselves, and that
which every freeman and every man who respects himself will have, freedom of speech,
the rieht to exercise all the rights conferred by the Constitution upon American citizens.
[Great applause.] CAN YOU SAFELY DENY US THESE? Will yon not trample
upon your own rights if you rf;fnse to listen? DO YOU NOT CREATE REVOLU-
TION WHEN YOU SAY THAT YOUR PERSONS MAY BE RIGHTFULLY
SEIZED, YOUR PROPERTY CONFISCATED, YOUR HOMES ENTERED? ARE
YOU NOT EXPOSING YOURSELVES, YOUR OWN INTERESTS, TO AS GREAT
A PERIL AS THAT WITH WHICH YOU THREATEN US? REMEMBER THIS,
THAT THE BLOODY, AND TREASONABLE, AND REVOLUTIONARY DOC-
TRINE OF PUBLIC NECESSITY CAN BE PROCLAIMED BY A MOB AS WELL
AS BY A GOVERNMENT. [Applause.]

'■'When men accept despotism, they may have a choice as to who that despot shall be.
The struggle then will not be, shall we have Constitutional liberty? But, having accepted
the doctrine that the Constitution has lost its force, EVERY INSTINCT OF PER-
SONAL AMBITION, EVERY INSTINCT OF PERSONAL SECURITY, WILL
LEAD MEN TO PUT THEMSELVES UNDER THE PROTECTION OF THAT
POWER WHICH THEY SUPPOSE MOST COMPETENT TO GUARD THEIR
PERSONS.

More Eebel Sympathy.

In the fall of 1862, a Triennial Episcopal Convention was held in Trin-
ity Church, New York. Murray Hoffman, Dr. Vinton and others moved
and advocated patriotic resolutions ; and the eloquent Dr. Goodwin deliv-
ered an exhaustive speech on the subject, in which he earnestly pressed
their adoption. The next day the subject came up again, the question being
on Judge Carpenter's (of New Jersey) resolution, calling on the Bishop for a
form of prayer in relation to the wicked rebellion now prevailing in the land, for
the safety of our country and the success of our armies. Horatio Seymour took
the floor and made a long speech in opposition. "HE WAS OPPOSED TO
PRONOUNCING AN OPINION AGAINST OUR SOUTHERN BRETH-
REN. The measure seemed to him lik-e the Pope's hull against the comet. He
begged them to pause before condemning tlie absent, condemning thousands and
hundreds of thousands of brethren, not a man of whom was there to speak for hiin-



Mr- Seymour by an Impartial Foreigner.

Gen. De Trobriand is the highest French authority on military matters, la
his history of over five years' operations on the Potomac he has a word to say
on the attitude of the Governor of New York in the dark days of the Union,
the summer of 1863:

"The Governor, Horatio Seymour, whose attitude and conduct toward the National
Government had been of a character to cnconraqe rather than to jjrccent the riots, HAD
NO THOUGPIT EXCEPT IN CONCERT W'lTH HIS PARTY, TO MAKE CAPI-
TAL OF THEM IN ORDER TO HINDER THE ENROLLMENT. Under the pretense
of ascertaining whether some error had not stolen into the reckoning of the State's contin-
gent, and of waiting until the question of the constitutionality/ of the law coidd be sub-
mitted to judicial tribunala, he demanded of the President the indefinite postponement of the
draft. The object of tliis attempt was plain. IT WAS TO DRY UP THE SOURCE OF
THE REINFORCEMENTS NECESSARY TO THE ARMY, IN ORDER TO LESSEN,
IF NOT DESTRuY, THE RESULT OF THE VICTORIES OF GETOYSBURG AND
VICKSBURG, and, while the Confederate government should renew its forces by uni-
versal conscription, to reduce our forces by stopping the draft and discouraging volunteer-
ing. These were the means by which the peace Democrats of the North attempted to obtain
either the final recognition of the Southern Confederacy, or the establishment of a new
Union, founded on the subjection of the free States to the supremacy of the slave States.''

Proof of the Above.

Governor Seymour appealed to President Lincoln to stop the draft, as though
it were an act of wanton, needle&s, tyrannical exaction, and not a stern neces-
sity required for the national safety — saying :

"It is believed by AT LEAST ONE-HALF THE PEOPLE OF THE LOYAL
STATES that the conscription act, which they are called upon to obey, because it is on
the statute-book, IS IN ITSELF A VIOLATION OF THE SUPREME CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAWS. * * * - I do not dwell upon what I believe would be the conse-
quence of a violent, harsh policy, before the constitutionality of the act is tested. THE
TEMPER OF THE PEOPLE TO-DAY YOU MAY EASILY LEARN."

Slavery First— the Union Afterwards.
The Democratic candidate for the Presidency said in Utica, in 18G1 :

"IF IT BE TRUE THAT SLAVERY MUST BE ABOLISHED TO SAVE THE
UNION, THEN THE PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH SHOULD BE ALLOWED TO
WITHDRAW THEMSELVES FROM THE GOVERNMENT WHICH CANNOT
GIVE THEM GUARANTEES IN ITS TERMS.''

The War Worth what it Cost

"THE WAR HAS HAD THIS COMPENSATION: IT ENDED SLAVERY,
HISTORY WILL SAY ALL WAS WELL SPENT IN ERASING THIS BLOT,
TRANSMITTED FROM A COMMON ANCESTRY, TARNISHING OUR FAME,
AND BELYING OUR DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE."— i7o«. lieverdy
Jofinson, at Sheffield, August, 1868.

Seeking English Intervention.

Not satisfied with liis eflbrts to stop the draft and destroy the credit of the
Government, Mr. Sevmour attempted to procure the intervention of England.
Lord Lyon, the English minister at that time, gives this account of the effort
wf himself and his friends to procure that result :

•Several of the leaders of the Democratic party sought interviews with me both before



)f
them seem to think that this mediation must come at last ; but they appeared to be




PEACEFUL PLANS OF THE CONSERVATIVES. They appeared to regard the
present moment as peculiarly unfavorable for such an offer, and indeed, to hold that il
would be essential to the success of any proposal from abroad that it should be deferred

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Online Library1867-1869 Republican congressional committeeHoratio Seymour. The war record of a peace Democrat. A peace man in war, a war man in peace! Pub. by the Union Republican congressional committee, Washington, D. C → online text (page 1 of 2)