African American Pamphlet Collection (Library of C.
The Union: being a condemnation of Mr. Helper's scheme, with a plan for the settlement of the irrepressible conflict. online
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THE UNION:
Cnubi^mtiatiniT oi ||Ir. pclpcr's 3t\pm,
WITH A PLAN FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF THE
"IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT."
BY ONE WHO HAS C0NSIDERE8 BOTH SIDES OF THE QUESTION.
V
" Heigh, ray hearts ; cheerly, oheerly, my hearts ; yare, yare : Take in the topsail— tend to
the master's whistle."
[Thb Tempest.
PRICE,]
FREDKRIC A.. BRA.3DY, PUBLISHKR,
No. 24 Ann Street.
[lO CENTS.
/ ^S^
£
â– H^ I :
THE UNION.
" What will you do with such as disagree ?
Suppress them or miscall them policy ?
We will do neither, good friend ; our desire is unanim-
ity, founded on a basis of justice and benefit to every one,
and should our superstructure upon this basis be such as
we opine it will, it will not result in " ill-timed efforts of
officious love," nor perpetuate a state which those " who
love too much, hate in the hke extreme, and both the
golden mean alike condemn." But on the contrary, will
enable us to say :
" Teach me to feel another's wo,
To hide the faults I see ;
That mercy I to others shew.
That mercy shew to me."
The magnitude and importance of the interests involved
in the " irrepressible question " are such as to demand
our utmost care, not to say or do anything calculated to
excite bad feeling or embarrassment in the settlement ot
so important a- question — our wish being to deal with it
impartially, and apart from all reference to individual im-
proprieties in any direction — a course, in our judgment, the
THE UNION.
most likely to insure such a settlement as will obtain the
countenance and support of all parties.
We have said our desire in dealing with this question,
is, tcr build upon a basis of justice and benefit to every one
— simply premising, in the first place, that, as there can only
be but one opinion in regard to its moral aspect, discussion
thereon is in no way necessary, for where all are agreed, no
element of strife remains.
Most writers and orators who have advocated a removal
of the shackles from our colored brethren, have, in the ea-
gerness of their zeal, unwittingly, and, we think, unhappily,
committed the too common error of proposing to take
without giving — that is, to manumit without remunerating
— accompanied with much personal narrative of cruelty, op-
pression and injustice, which, in turn, have excited rancour,
bitterness and hatred to such a degree, that it is now next
to impossible to obtain a fair, impartial and unimpassioned
discussion of the subject. There has thus been created a
barrier of the most formidable character to all the ap-
proaches to a settlement which have heretofore been at-
tempted ; a barrier which stifles all discussion, and turns a
deaf ear to all remonstrance, until, in the place of reason,
argument and justice, we find compulsion on the one side,
with defiant hate and stubborn resistance on the other —
both teeming with " a mischief" which, if not removed,
will culminate, ere long, and that, too, in a mamier which
may make the boldest bate his breath, and all lament that
the mastery of intemperate zeal and bitter hate should have
prevailed over the better qualities of reason, philanthropy
THE UNION.
and justice. To obviate so great a disaster our wish is
bent, and should the issue be such as we think it will, then
all may rejoice in a sentiment, gratifying alike to land-
owner, laborer and philanthropist — a sentiment that will
" make mankind in conscious virtue bold."
"VV^hen we consider that Slavery is an inheritance, intro-
duced by our English ancestors 239 years since, and that it
has all along had the sanction of statutory enactments, and
that the present slaves and slave owners have been trained
and accustomed to it from their infancy, we are, under those
circumstances, in justice bound to recognize these elements,
and to deal with the system as we would with any other
property similarly introduced and established; and here let
us say, we are stoutly at issue with Mr. Helper, and all
who may endorse his views of demanding manumission
without payment; for if it be as Mr. Helper says it is, that
Slavery has been and is a curse, a blight, and a serious loss
to the land owners in those States wherein it exists, and
we do not dispute that it is so, it only makes the case so
much the stronger why remuneration should be accorded to
the slaveowner; for again admitting the blighting effects of
Slavery, commercially, apart from its pernicious influences in
other directions, and that if its effects upon the non-slave-
holding proprietor of land be disastrous, it is abundantly
shown that they have been doubly so to the slave owner him-
self, and who, being thus clearly proved the greater sufferer
of the two, is, therefore, by so much the more entitled to
remuneration for that which ancient custom and high
authority have recognized as property. We are not surprised.
THE UNION.
therefore, at the indiguation which has been excited in the
minds of our Southern friends by Mr, Helper's proposals
for a settlement of this question; for, now that we have read
" the book," we can sympathize with them in much of their
indignation, as, in our judgment, the schemes propounded
are unjust, rash, and cruel, both to slave and slave owner,
as we will hereafter show, while, as a remechj for the evils
complained of, they are a decided failure.
To manumit and not remunerate, to give the negroes
money in hand at the period of their manumission, and to
encourage their removal from the Southern States, we again
repeat, are unjust, rash, and cruel.
While holding aloof from the ultra party of cither side,
we will say we do consider Slavery an evil, clearly enough
displayed by the census statistics, (we will confine ourselves,
as much as possible, to its commercial phase;) politically, it
is also an evil, being, as it is, so completely mixed up with,
and so thoroughly in the way of all our legislation; its im-
portance and prominence being thus forced upon us, whether
we will or no, is sufficient justification for our entering the
lists, and in doing so we may say that while we eschew all
thought and intention of impertinently interfering in what
may be called the domestic affairs of our Southern friends,
we simply do so on the same principle which would induce
us to knock uj) the inmates of a tenement in the block
where we ourselves resided, to inform them that their pre-
mises were on fire, and that unless they made haste they
might be burned to death and the whole block destroyed ;
it is in this spirit, therefore, that we approach the census
THE UNION,
statistics, as bearing upon this question, and with the view
that our Southern friends will, themselves fairly look the
matter in the face, and take such action as their own inter-
ests, those of humanity, and the welfare and dignity of the
Union demand.
We insert the first of the following tables, more for the
purpose of showing the extraordinary error Mr. Helper has
committed, in assuming the Free States could aiford to
jiart with the whole of their hay crop, for it is abundantly clear,
that if the Free States parted with, the whole of their hay crop,
they would not possess cattle, horses and other crops to a
tithe of the extent which they now do — well, then, compar-
ing the value of the hay crop of the Free States for the
year 1850 — assuming it to be a crop which those States
could afford to dispense Tvith — its value at $11 20 per ton,
as compared with the entire value of the cotton, tobacco,
rice, hay, hemp, and cane-sugar crops of all the Slave
States for the same year, is ^3,533,275 greater than that
of the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay, hemp, and cane-sugar crops
of the Slave States — here are the figures :
Hay crop of the Free States, - - - - §142,138,998.
Sundry products of tlie Slave States, - 138,605,723.
Balance in favor of the Free States, - - - $3,533,275.
This is, therefore, an interesting comparison, only as
hypothetically considered ; practically, it is altogether fal-
lacious.
8
THE UNION.
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THE UNION.
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THE UNION.
RKCAPITULATION. AREA.
Area of the Slave States, - - -
Area of the Free States, - - -
Balance in favor of Slave States,
Square Miles.
851,448
- 612,597
238,851
Acres.
544.926,720
392,062,082
152,864,638
RECAPITULATION. POPULATION 1850.
Population of the Free States,
Population of the Slave States,
Whites.
13,233,670
€,184,477
Balance in favor of the Free States, 7,049,193
Total
13,434,922
9,612,976
3,821,946
FREE COLORED AND SLAVE. 1850.
Free Negroes in the Slave States^
Free Negroes in the Free States,
Excess of Free Negroes in the Slave States,
228,138
196,116
32,022
Slaves in the Slave States,
Free Negroes in the Free States,
3,200,'364
228,138
Aggregate Negro Population of the Slave States in 1850, 3,428,502
THE TERRITORIES AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
Area in Square Miles.
Indian Territory, - - - - - - - - 71,127
Kansas " .. - - -. 114,798
Minnesota " 106,025 - - -
Nebraska " - - . 335,882
N. ]\Iexico " - - - .. 207,007 - - -
Oregon " - - 185,030 - - -
Utah " -.-. - ... 26!»,170 - - -
Washington-' - - -... 123,022 - - -
Columbia, District of - - - - GO - -
Agregate of Area and Population, 1,472,121 - - -
Population.
6,077
61,547
13,294
11,380
*51,687
143,985
* Of tl'c.'il,687 inhabitants in the District of Columbia, in 1S50, 10,057 were free colored,
and 3,(J87 were slaves.
THE UNION.
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THE UNION, 15
RECAPITTLATION FREE STATES.
Wheat, - - - 72,157,486 bushels « 1 50 - - - ^108,236,229
Oats, - - - 96,590,371 " « 40 - - - . 38,636,148
Indian Corn, - 242,618,650 « « 60 - - - 145,571,190
Potatoes, (I. &S.) 59,033,179 " « 38 - - - - 22,432,604
Rye, - - - - 12,574,623 « « 1 00 - -' - - 12,574,623
Barley, - - - - 5,002,013 « « 90 4,501,811
Buckwheat, - - - 8,550,245 " « 50 - - - - 4,275,122
Beans and Peas, - 1,542,295 " « 1 75 . . . . . 2,699,015
Clover & Grass Seeds 762,265 « « 3 00 - - - - 2,286,795
Flax Seeds, - - 358,923 « " 1 25 448,647
Garden Products, _ . _ _ 3,714,605
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THE UNION:
Cnubi^mtiatiniT oi ||Ir. pclpcr's 3t\pm,
WITH A PLAN FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF THE
"IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT."
BY ONE WHO HAS C0NSIDERE8 BOTH SIDES OF THE QUESTION.
V
" Heigh, ray hearts ; cheerly, oheerly, my hearts ; yare, yare : Take in the topsail— tend to
the master's whistle."
[Thb Tempest.
PRICE,]
FREDKRIC A.. BRA.3DY, PUBLISHKR,
No. 24 Ann Street.
[lO CENTS.
/ ^S^
£
â– H^ I :
THE UNION.
" What will you do with such as disagree ?
Suppress them or miscall them policy ?
We will do neither, good friend ; our desire is unanim-
ity, founded on a basis of justice and benefit to every one,
and should our superstructure upon this basis be such as
we opine it will, it will not result in " ill-timed efforts of
officious love," nor perpetuate a state which those " who
love too much, hate in the hke extreme, and both the
golden mean alike condemn." But on the contrary, will
enable us to say :
" Teach me to feel another's wo,
To hide the faults I see ;
That mercy I to others shew.
That mercy shew to me."
The magnitude and importance of the interests involved
in the " irrepressible question " are such as to demand
our utmost care, not to say or do anything calculated to
excite bad feeling or embarrassment in the settlement ot
so important a- question — our wish being to deal with it
impartially, and apart from all reference to individual im-
proprieties in any direction — a course, in our judgment, the
THE UNION.
most likely to insure such a settlement as will obtain the
countenance and support of all parties.
We have said our desire in dealing with this question,
is, tcr build upon a basis of justice and benefit to every one
— simply premising, in the first place, that, as there can only
be but one opinion in regard to its moral aspect, discussion
thereon is in no way necessary, for where all are agreed, no
element of strife remains.
Most writers and orators who have advocated a removal
of the shackles from our colored brethren, have, in the ea-
gerness of their zeal, unwittingly, and, we think, unhappily,
committed the too common error of proposing to take
without giving — that is, to manumit without remunerating
— accompanied with much personal narrative of cruelty, op-
pression and injustice, which, in turn, have excited rancour,
bitterness and hatred to such a degree, that it is now next
to impossible to obtain a fair, impartial and unimpassioned
discussion of the subject. There has thus been created a
barrier of the most formidable character to all the ap-
proaches to a settlement which have heretofore been at-
tempted ; a barrier which stifles all discussion, and turns a
deaf ear to all remonstrance, until, in the place of reason,
argument and justice, we find compulsion on the one side,
with defiant hate and stubborn resistance on the other —
both teeming with " a mischief" which, if not removed,
will culminate, ere long, and that, too, in a mamier which
may make the boldest bate his breath, and all lament that
the mastery of intemperate zeal and bitter hate should have
prevailed over the better qualities of reason, philanthropy
THE UNION.
and justice. To obviate so great a disaster our wish is
bent, and should the issue be such as we think it will, then
all may rejoice in a sentiment, gratifying alike to land-
owner, laborer and philanthropist — a sentiment that will
" make mankind in conscious virtue bold."
"VV^hen we consider that Slavery is an inheritance, intro-
duced by our English ancestors 239 years since, and that it
has all along had the sanction of statutory enactments, and
that the present slaves and slave owners have been trained
and accustomed to it from their infancy, we are, under those
circumstances, in justice bound to recognize these elements,
and to deal with the system as we would with any other
property similarly introduced and established; and here let
us say, we are stoutly at issue with Mr. Helper, and all
who may endorse his views of demanding manumission
without payment; for if it be as Mr. Helper says it is, that
Slavery has been and is a curse, a blight, and a serious loss
to the land owners in those States wherein it exists, and
we do not dispute that it is so, it only makes the case so
much the stronger why remuneration should be accorded to
the slaveowner; for again admitting the blighting effects of
Slavery, commercially, apart from its pernicious influences in
other directions, and that if its effects upon the non-slave-
holding proprietor of land be disastrous, it is abundantly
shown that they have been doubly so to the slave owner him-
self, and who, being thus clearly proved the greater sufferer
of the two, is, therefore, by so much the more entitled to
remuneration for that which ancient custom and high
authority have recognized as property. We are not surprised.
THE UNION.
therefore, at the indiguation which has been excited in the
minds of our Southern friends by Mr, Helper's proposals
for a settlement of this question; for, now that we have read
" the book," we can sympathize with them in much of their
indignation, as, in our judgment, the schemes propounded
are unjust, rash, and cruel, both to slave and slave owner,
as we will hereafter show, while, as a remechj for the evils
complained of, they are a decided failure.
To manumit and not remunerate, to give the negroes
money in hand at the period of their manumission, and to
encourage their removal from the Southern States, we again
repeat, are unjust, rash, and cruel.
While holding aloof from the ultra party of cither side,
we will say we do consider Slavery an evil, clearly enough
displayed by the census statistics, (we will confine ourselves,
as much as possible, to its commercial phase;) politically, it
is also an evil, being, as it is, so completely mixed up with,
and so thoroughly in the way of all our legislation; its im-
portance and prominence being thus forced upon us, whether
we will or no, is sufficient justification for our entering the
lists, and in doing so we may say that while we eschew all
thought and intention of impertinently interfering in what
may be called the domestic affairs of our Southern friends,
we simply do so on the same principle which would induce
us to knock uj) the inmates of a tenement in the block
where we ourselves resided, to inform them that their pre-
mises were on fire, and that unless they made haste they
might be burned to death and the whole block destroyed ;
it is in this spirit, therefore, that we approach the census
THE UNION,
statistics, as bearing upon this question, and with the view
that our Southern friends will, themselves fairly look the
matter in the face, and take such action as their own inter-
ests, those of humanity, and the welfare and dignity of the
Union demand.
We insert the first of the following tables, more for the
purpose of showing the extraordinary error Mr. Helper has
committed, in assuming the Free States could aiford to
jiart with the whole of their hay crop, for it is abundantly clear,
that if the Free States parted with, the whole of their hay crop,
they would not possess cattle, horses and other crops to a
tithe of the extent which they now do — well, then, compar-
ing the value of the hay crop of the Free States for the
year 1850 — assuming it to be a crop which those States
could afford to dispense Tvith — its value at $11 20 per ton,
as compared with the entire value of the cotton, tobacco,
rice, hay, hemp, and cane-sugar crops of all the Slave
States for the same year, is ^3,533,275 greater than that
of the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay, hemp, and cane-sugar crops
of the Slave States — here are the figures :
Hay crop of the Free States, - - - - §142,138,998.
Sundry products of tlie Slave States, - 138,605,723.
Balance in favor of the Free States, - - - $3,533,275.
This is, therefore, an interesting comparison, only as
hypothetically considered ; practically, it is altogether fal-
lacious.
8
THE UNION.
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THE UNION.
9
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10
THE UNION.
RKCAPITULATION. AREA.
Area of the Slave States, - - -
Area of the Free States, - - -
Balance in favor of Slave States,
Square Miles.
851,448
- 612,597
238,851
Acres.
544.926,720
392,062,082
152,864,638
RECAPITULATION. POPULATION 1850.
Population of the Free States,
Population of the Slave States,
Whites.
13,233,670
€,184,477
Balance in favor of the Free States, 7,049,193
Total
13,434,922
9,612,976
3,821,946
FREE COLORED AND SLAVE. 1850.
Free Negroes in the Slave States^
Free Negroes in the Free States,
Excess of Free Negroes in the Slave States,
228,138
196,116
32,022
Slaves in the Slave States,
Free Negroes in the Free States,
3,200,'364
228,138
Aggregate Negro Population of the Slave States in 1850, 3,428,502
THE TERRITORIES AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
Area in Square Miles.
Indian Territory, - - - - - - - - 71,127
Kansas " .. - - -. 114,798
Minnesota " 106,025 - - -
Nebraska " - - . 335,882
N. ]\Iexico " - - - .. 207,007 - - -
Oregon " - - 185,030 - - -
Utah " -.-. - ... 26!»,170 - - -
Washington-' - - -... 123,022 - - -
Columbia, District of - - - - GO - -
Agregate of Area and Population, 1,472,121 - - -
Population.
6,077
61,547
13,294
11,380
*51,687
143,985
* Of tl'c.'il,687 inhabitants in the District of Columbia, in 1S50, 10,057 were free colored,
and 3,(J87 were slaves.
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THE UNION, 15
RECAPITTLATION FREE STATES.
Wheat, - - - 72,157,486 bushels « 1 50 - - - ^108,236,229
Oats, - - - 96,590,371 " « 40 - - - . 38,636,148
Indian Corn, - 242,618,650 « « 60 - - - 145,571,190
Potatoes, (I. &S.) 59,033,179 " « 38 - - - - 22,432,604
Rye, - - - - 12,574,623 « « 1 00 - -' - - 12,574,623
Barley, - - - - 5,002,013 « « 90 4,501,811
Buckwheat, - - - 8,550,245 " « 50 - - - - 4,275,122
Beans and Peas, - 1,542,295 " « 1 75 . . . . . 2,699,015
Clover & Grass Seeds 762,265 « « 3 00 - - - - 2,286,795
Flax Seeds, - - 358,923 « " 1 25 448,647
Garden Products, _ . _ _ 3,714,605
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