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long intervals. The proper motion of a Cmcis is about i of a second anna-
ally, chiefly in right ascension. The uncertainty produced by neglecting this
*uay be presumed not to exceed the above-mentioned limit.

(«i) p. 294.— Barros da Aaa, Dec. L Uv. IV. cap. 2 (1778), p. 28^.
(^ p. 294. — Navarrete, Cokcdon de los Yiages y Descubrimientos que
lici^on por mar los Espafioles, T. iv. p. irxii. (in the Notida biografica de
]^emando de Magallanes).

(^ p. 296.— Barros, Decad. HI. Parte ii p. 660 and 658—662.
(**) p. 296. — The queen writes to Columbus : " Nosotros mismos j ma
•tro alguno, habemos visto algo del libro que nos dejastes (a journal of his
Voyage in which the distrustful navigator had omitted all numerical data of
degrees of ktitude and of distances) : quanto mas en esto platicamos y vemos,
^nocemos cuan gran cosa ha seido este negocio
•a ello mas que nnnca sfr pensd que pudiera

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HOTBSL Z£¥U

V<» puece que tern \am <pie Uev&aedes e<m imw im bnen Esbrologo, j hm
furescia que seiia bneso para esio Fray Antonio de Marchena porqne es buen
Eilrologo f siempre nos pareci^ que se eonformaba con vnesiro parecer.**
Rttficcting tbk Marcbena, who is identieal with Fray Joan Perez, the Guar-
dian of the Convent de la Babida where Columbus in hk poverty in 1484
** asked the monks for bread and water fur hia child," see Navarrete, T. ii.
p. 110; T. iii. p. 1^97 and 608 (Mnfioi, Hist, del Nuevo Mnndo, lib. It.
f 24). — Columbus, in a letter to the Christianisdmos Monarcas from Jamaica,
My 7, 1503, calls the astronomical Ephemerides " una vision profetiea"
{Navarrete, T. i. p. 306). The Portuguese astronomer Buy Falero, a native
of Cubilk, named by Charles V. 1519, CabaSero de la Onkn de Santiago,
st the same time as Magellan, performed an important part in the prepara-
tions for Magellan's voyage of circumnavigation. He had prepared expressly
for him a treatise on determinations of longitude, of which the great ]ust<»rian
Barros possessed some chapters in manuscript (Examen crit. T. i. p. 276 and
802 ; T. iv. p. 815) : probably the same which in 1535 were printed at
Seville by John Xxomberger. Navarrete (Obra postuma s(^re la Hist, de la
Kautica y de las ciencias matematicas, 1846, p. 147) could not find the book
even in Spain. Respecting the four methods of findmg the longitude whieh
Jalerohad received from the suggestions of his "Demonio fomiliar," see
Herrera, Dec. II. lib. ii. cap. 19 ; and NaraoreCe, T. y. p. Ixxvii. Subse-
fBenlly the ooemographer Alonso da Santa Cms, the same who (lik« the
spotheeary of Seville, Felipe Guillen, 1525) attempted to determine the longi-
tude by means of the variation of the compass-needle, made impractici^e
proposals for accomplishing the same object by the conveyance of time ; but
bis chronometers were sand-and^water timepieces, wheelworks moved by
wdghti^ and even " wicks saturated with oil," which burnt out in very equal
intervids of time 1 Pigafetta (Transunto del TVattato di Navigazioue, p. 219)
recommends altitudes of the moon on the meridian. Amerigo Vespucci
•peaking of the method of determining longitude by hmars, says with great
neivct^ and truth, that its advantages arise from the " eorso pin leggier deia
lane" (Canovai, Viaggi, p. 67).

C) p. 298.— The American race, which it the same from 65® N. )at. to
Si*' S. let., did not pass fiom the life of hunters to that of cultivators of the
•oil through the intermediate gradation of a pastoral life. This circumstanee
is the more remarkable, because the bison, enormous herds of which roam
•ver the country, is susceptible )f domestieation^ and yields much milk. Little
iUtntiop hra \nm peid U, •& aecoont given in G«mara (Hist gau de ki

voi-, n. 2 H

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Icviii KOIM

Indus, cap. 214), of a tribe living in the 16(ii eentoy to the north-west et
Kexico in about AXf N. lat., whoae greatest riches oonsiited in herds of tamcf
bisons (bneyes con nna giba). IVom these animals the natives derived mat^
rials for clothing, food, and <lrink, probably the blood, (Presoott, Conqmst of
Mexico, Vol. iiL p. 416) ; for the dislike to milk, or at least its non nse, i^
pears, before the arrival of Europeans, to have been common to all the nativo
of the New Continent, as well as to the inhabitants of China and Cochii'
china. It is true that there were from the earliest times in the moontainons
parts of Qnito, Pern, and Chili, herds of domesticated lamas ; but these herds
were in the possession of nations who led a settled Ufe, and were engaged in
the cultivation of the soil ; in the Cordilleras of South America there were
BO " pastoral nations," and no such thing as a " pastoral life." What sie
the " tame deer," near the Punta de St. Hdena, which I find spoken of in
Herrera (Dec. JI. hi), x. cap. 6, T. i. p. 471 , ed. Amberes, 1728) ? These
deer are said to have yielded milk and cheese': " Ciervos que dan leche j
qneso y secrianen casa!" From what source is this notice derived? It
mi^ have arisen from a oonfrision with the lamas (which have neither horns
nor antlers) of the <ool mountainous region, — of which GarcOaso affirms
that in Pern, and especially on the plateau of CoUao, they were used for
ploughing (0)nmient. reales, P. I. lib. v. cap. 2, p. 133). (Ck>mpare also
Pedro de Cie^a de Leon, Chronica del Peru, SeviUa, 1558, cap. 110, p. 264.)
The emplojrment of lamas for the plough would however i^pear to have been
ft rare exception, and a merely local custom. In general the want of domestic
animals was a characteristic of the American race, and had a profound inSbgk-
ence on family life.

(^) p. 298.— On the hopes which in the execution of his great and free-
ninded work, Luther placed especially on the younger generation, the youth
of Germany, see the remarkable expressions in a letter of June 1518 (Neui*
der de Vicdio, p. 7).

(^0 P- 299.— I have shewn elsewhere how a knowledge of the period it
which Vespucci was named Piloto mayor would alone be sufficient to refute
the accusation, first brought against him in 1533 by the astronomer Schoner
of Nuremberg, of having astutely inserted the words "Terra di Amerigo" in
charts which he altered. The high esteem and respect which the Spanuh
court paid to the hydrographical and astronomical knowledge of Amerigo
Vespucci, are clearly manifested in the instructions (Real titulo con extensas
fccnltades) which were given to him when, on the 22d of March, 1508, he
^»a appointed Piloto mayor (Navarrete, T. iii. p. 297—302). He was placed

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NOTES, XCIX

St the Iiead of a troe Deposito hydrografico, and was to prepare for the Casa
do Contratacion in Seville, (the central point of all OceaniQ discoveries,) a
general description of coasts and register of positions, in which all new diseo-
Tcries were to be entered every year. But the name of " Americi terra" h&3r
l)ecn proposed for the New Continent as early as 1507, by a person whoso
existence even was assuredly unknown to Vespucci, the geographer Waldsee-
xnuUer (Martinus Hylacomylus) of Freiburg in the Breisgau, the director' of
s printing establishment at St.-Bie in Lorraine, in a small work entitled,
Cosmographis Introdnctio, insuper quatuor Americi Vespucii Navigationes
pmpr. in oppido S. Deodati, 1507). Ringmann, professor of cosmography at
Basle, (better knovra under the name of PhUesius,) Hylacomylus and Grego-
nus Beisch, who published the Margarita Philosophica, were firm friends.
In the last-named work there is a treatise by Hylacomylus on architecture
and perspective written in 1509 (Examen crit. T. iv. p. 112). Laurentiui
IPhrisius of Metz, a firiend of Hylacomylus, and like him patronised by the Duke
^natus of Lorraine who corresponded by letter with Vespucci, speaks in the
Strasburg edition of Ptolemy, 1522, of Hylacomylus as deceased. The map of
the New Continent drawn by Hylacomylus and contained in this edition pre-
sents the first instance of the name of America " in the editions of Ptolemy's
Geography." but in the meanwhile, according to my investigations, there had
appeared two years earlier a Map of the World by Petrus Apianus, which was
inserted in Cameras edition-of Soliuus, and a second time in the Vadian edition
of Mela, and which, like more modem Chinese maps, represents the Isthmus
of Panama broken through (Examen crit. T. iv. p. 99—124 ; T. r. p. 168 —
176). It is a great error to r^rd the map of 1527 now in Weimar, ob»
iained from the Ebner library at Nuremberg, and the map of 1529 of Diego-
Hibero, engraved by Giissefeld, as the oldest maps of the New Continent (Exa-
men crit. T. ii. p. 184 ; T. iii. p. 191). Vespucci had visited the coasts of
South America in 1499 (a year after Columbus's third voyage) in the expe-<
dition of Alonso de Hojeda, in company with Juan de la Cosa, whose map^
drawn at the Puerto de Santa Maria in 1500 fully six years before Colum-
bus's death, was first brought to light by myself. Vespucci could not even
Have had any motive for feigning a voyage in 1497> for he, as well as Colum-
bus, was firmly persuaded until his death, that his discoveries were a part of
Eastern Asia. (Compare the letter of Columbus, Pebruary 1502, to Pope
Alexander VI., and another, July 1 503, to Queen Isabella, Navarrete, T. i.
p. 304, T. ii. p. 280, and Vespucci's letter to Pier Francesco de' Medici in
Bandini'i Vita e Lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, p. 66 aiid 83.) Pedro de Le»

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deuiM,. Golnmbui's pilot in kit tblrd ¥>oj»fi» ■tHl i^ in 15ia, vk ih* Uiib
fuit igumt tke kein^ thttt Paria is eonsidered a ]^ o{ A«% " la tien*
firme qua dioow qua es de ittia :" NayaneU^ T. ill pw &ad. The freqaasfc
vw of such periphraBot ai Mondo uaovo, aUev OsUi, Colomis bovi Orbit
repertory do not oontradiet thi«^ at they only danota ra^ona not beSora see^ ,
and aie wed just in the same manoar by Strabo^ Mela, TertnUiaB^ laidora of
Seville^ aid Cadamosto (Sxamea orit T. I p. U8; T.v. p. 18^— 184^
Ear moia than 20 years after tba death oC Ve^uoci, wlueh took place kt 1 512^
and indeed until the calunmioiu statements of Schooei in tba Opnaeulnni
Geographicilin,. 1633, and- of Servet in the Lyons edition of Ptolemy's Geo-
graphy in 1635^ we find no tcaoaof any acausatioii i^ainat the floreiUmi
nwrigator. Colombos himself a year before his death speaka oi Vespufici ii
iBrms of unqualified esteem; ha eaHs him " mooho homture de bieo^"— •
" vcNTthy of aU canfidenee^f and " alwc^s inchned to render me service^
(Carta a mimny caso % B. Bisgo, iuNavanrete, T. i. ]^ 351). Thesami
goodwill towards Vespncci is cUsplayed by Fernando Colon^ who wroto the lift
al his father in 1535 ia SeTille four years before his deaths and yfbo wift
Juan Yesfuccv a nephew of Amerigo's, was present at the astronomical junta
af Badigoa^ ^at the proceediogs respeeting the possession of the Mokoeaa}
— ^by Patm9 Martyr de Anghiera, the personal fidend of the Admire^ and
whose correspondence goes down to 1525 ; — by O¥iedo». who seeks Air areqf
thing which am lessen the £une of Cdnmbas; — by Ramnsiof and hj tht
great historian Guicciardini. If Amerigo had intentionally ialnhad thedatai
of his yoyages, he would have brought them into agreement with ea^ alhai^
and not ha?e made the first voyage terminate five months i^tep the ca mmc ae»
ment of the second. The confusion oi dates in the nnmerooa varttona of hi|
voyages,, is not to be attributed to him, as ha did not himself publish any of
these accounts; such mistakes and confosion of figures ana moreover of vaij
frequent occurrence in writings printed in the 16th century. Oviedo had
been present, as one of the queen's pages, at the audience at whidi Ferdinand
and laabella received Columbus with much pomp on his return firom his fiiilt
voyage of discovery. Oviedo printed three times that thia andieooa took
place in the year 14i96, and aven that America waa discovered in 14d1«'
Oomara had the same printed net in figures botin words, and placed th6 dii*
oovary of the Terra firma of America in 14i97, pracisaly therefore in ikud jm
80 critical to Amerigo Vespucci's reputation (Examen crit. T« v. p. 196 — SM*
The entire guiltlessness of the Florentine navigator^ who never attempted to
•ttiuih his name toVat^av Uaktiuaul, bol who hud iha jyatooaBu by hiiiMf

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itiloqiieiieeiiiihe aecointgiUldfeesedfa^titeGopfdiioiiayPk^
l^raiioesco de' Id^ediei, and to Duke B^^oa H, oi Lonaloe, t» dnur «pMi
llimgelf ^iie 'iitenUoa of pogtenfy more tiban iui dettfyed. is mait 4Qcisivi^
shewn by the kinw^ whieh the iscsl aQtii0BtSes wadxuM from IftOB W
X527 agsiB»t the heirs of Columhcis, for the purpose oi mUbiigmm^ from
tiiem the rights sod pritileges which had beea ceded bj tiie«ra«i&ftQ4]i«
Admiral in 1492. Amerigo eatefed the senrice of the siste ss Bh^ JM|wr
la the same year that the kwsait was eommeaoed. He Uved at Sevitte Aifiag
four years of Hs proceedings, in whieh it was to he decided what }NaFtt of th«
New Continent were first seen by Colombits, llie most miserable xeporti
foxmdi a hearing, and were made matter of aocossdoa by the £seal ; witneaaet
were sought for at St. Domingo and all '^e Spamdi poets, it Mogiur« Palos
tnd Seville^ and all this oader the eyes of Amerigo Veipacei and bis tkOfkem
^QflSk. The Mandns Novus, printed by Johaan Otmer at Ai^baig, 16(Mi,^—
iheRaccoltadi Vieenza (Hondo noro e paosi novamente retnnral^da Alberieo
Vespozio Fior^tino, of Aleesandro Zorzi, 1507,) osoaUy attrMralad to Aok
eaneio di Montalboddo,'-'aBd the Quatuor Naviga^ones of Martia Waidaeo^*
muUer (Hylacemylos) had alreac^ appeared ; sinee 1520 mags wtan extant
luuring m them the name of America, whidii had been proposed by Hyiaoomylni
in 1507, and praised by Joachim Vadios in a letter addressed to Badol|^uis
Agricola from Vienna in 1&12 ; and yet l^e person to whom (v^enabe^ tk*
«fdated writings in Germaiiy, Fnmee, and ioly, attributed the di s e om i y in
1497 of the Torra firma of Faria, was neither cited by the fiscal ^ a vttoesf
isL the proceedings which had began ia 1508, and were contiaued iot 19 yearsj
ncnr was he even spoken of as o^wsed to Calumbus, ia as having preeeded
Mm, Why, after the death of Amvigo Ye^ucci (22d Feb. 1512 in Sevill«)
was not his nephew Juan Vespocd called opon to give evidoioe, (as wera Mar-
tin Alonso and Vicente Yafiez Pinzon, Juan de la Cosa and Alonsode Hojeda,)
Uiat he might testify that the coast of Paria» to whi<^ great valne was at-
tached not as " part of the main land of Asia," but on account of the prodne-
tlve pearl fishery in its vicinity, had been already landed on before Golumbuii,
before August (1498) by Amerigo ? The disregard of this most important tea-
.timony would be inexplicable if Amerigo Vespucci had ever boasted of having
Blade avoyage of discoveryin 1497* or if any serious value had at that time
been attached to the confused dates and misprints of tJie '* Quatuor Navi|^
tiones." The different parts of the great and still unprinted work of a friend
of Cdnmbus, Era Barthelomi^ de las Casas (the Historia general de laa In-
;dSi6)« weie aa we know with certain<ar written at veiy difCefent poripda* U

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on i^oms*

ivBS not oommenoed until 1627» 15 yean after tlie death of Amerigo, and
was eompleted in 1559, 7 years before the death of the aged author in his 92d
year. Praise and bitter censore are mingled iu it in an extraordinary manna:.
We see that dislike and suspicion augmented progressively as the fame of the
Florentine navigator spread. In the preface (Prologo) which was written
first, Las Casas says, " Amerigo rdates what he did in two voyages to our
Indies, but he appears to me to have passed over many circumstances in silence^
whether advisedly (4 saviendas) or because he did not attend to them ; this
has led some to attribute to him that which is due to others, and which ought
not to be taken from them." The sentence pronounced in the 1st book (chap«,
14iO) is still equally moderate : " Here I must notice the ii^justice towards
the Admiral which appears to have been committed by Amerigo, or perhaps by
those who printed Qbs que imprimi^n) his Quatuor Navigationes. To hint
alone, without naming any other, the discovery of the continent is attributed.
He is also said to have placed in maps the name of America, thereby sinfully
fuUng towards the Admiral. At Amerigo was eloquent, and an elegant
writer (era latino y eloquente), he makes himself appear in the letter to
King Benatus like the leader of Hojeda's expedition : yet he was only one of
the pilots, although experienced in seamanship and learned in cosmography
(hombre entendido en las cosas de la mar y docto en oosmographia) . . , . In
the world the belief prevails that he was the first at the main land. It Ite
purposely gave currency to this belief, it was great wickedness ; and if it was
not really intentionally done, yet it looks like it (dara pareze hi felsedad: y
81 fu^ de industria hecha, maldad grande fu^ ; y ya que no lo fuese, al menot

parezelo) Amerigo is represented as having sailed in the year 7 (1497) c

which se^ns indeed to have been only an error of the pen and not an inten-
tional false statement (pareza aver avido yerro de pendola y no malida), be«
cause he is made to have returned at the end of 18 months. The foreiffM
writers call the country America. It ought to be Columba." This passage
thews clearly that up to that time Las Casas had not accused Amerigo
having himself brought the name America into usage. He says, "aa
tomado los escriptores extrangeros de nombrar la nuestra Tierra firme America,
como si Americo solo y no otro con H y antes que todos la oviera descabier*
to.'* Farther on in the work, lib. i. cap. 164—169, and lib. iL cap. %
violent animosity breaks out : nothing is now attributed to erroneous dateit
or to the partiality of foreigners for Amerigo ; all is intentional deceit of
which Amerigo himself is gdlty (" de industria lo hizo . . . pertistid en al
*>>geflo . • « de fidsedad etU daramente convenddo"). Bartholom^ de Itt

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NOt£S. ciii

Ctoas 'labours also in two passages to shew more particularly that Amerigo
in his accoants falsified the trae saccessioa of the occurrences of his first two
voyages, placing in the first voyage many things which belonged to the second,
i«id vice versft. It is strange that the accuser does not seem to have felt how ^
maoh the wdght of his accusations is diminished by what lie himself says of th&^
yposite opinion, and of the indifference of the person who would have been most
terested in attacking Vespucci, if he had believed him guilty and adverse to his
ther and himself. " I cannot but wonder," says Las Casas (cap. 164), '' that
He«iando Colon, a clear-sighted man, who as I certainly know had in his hands
Amerigo's accounts of his travels, should not have remarked in them any deceit
4ir injustice towards the Admiral." Having had a few months ago a fresh
opportunity of examining the rare manuscript of Bartholom^ de las Casas, I
have been led to embody in this long note what I had not already employed
ia 1839 in my Eiamen critique, T. v. p. 178—217. The conviction which
I then expressed, in the same volume, p. 217 and 224, has remained \m«
shaken. " Quand la denomination d'un grand continent, gen^ralemenft
adoptee et consacree par I'usage de plusieurs siecles, se presente comme vm
monument de Tinjustice des hommes, il est naturel d'attribuer d*abord la
cause de cette injustice Ik celui qui semblait le plus int^rresse Ik la commettre.
li'^nde des documens a prouve qu*ancun fait certain n'appuie cette supposition,
et qne le nom d'Jmerique a pris naissance dans un pays eloigne (en France
et en Allemagne), par un conoours d'incidens qui paraisseut ^carter jusqu'an
80up9on d'une influence de la part de Yespuce. C'est ]k que s*arr6te la cri-
tique historique. Le champ sans homes des causes inconnues on des combi-
luaisons morales possibles^ n'est pas du domaine de I'histoire positive. Un
homme qui pendant nne longue carri^ a joui de Testime des plus illustres de
ses contemporains, s'est deve« par des connaissances en astronomie nautiqne,
distingnees pour le temps oil il vivait, Ik un emploi honorable. Le concoura
de circonstances fortuites lui a donne une od^rit^ dont le poids, pendant
trois sidles, a pese sur sa m^oire, en foumissant des motifs pour avilir son
caractere. Une telle position est bieu rare dans Thistoire des infortnnes hn-
maines : c*est Texemple d'uAe fl^trissure morale croissant aveo Tillustratioa
dn nom. II valait la peine de scruter ce qm, dans ce melange de succ^ et
d*adversites, appartient au navigateur m^e, anx hazards de la redaction pre-
cipitee de ses ecrits, on It de maladroita et dangereox amis." Even CopemicoB
contributed to this dangerous celebrity ; for he also ascribes the discovery of
ihe new part of the globe to Vespucci. In discussing the *' centrum gravis
tiiis" and ''centrum magoitudiiua" of the continent, he adds; *' magis i4

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. ent darom, a addentor iniul* vtate noftn tvb HispBiuaram Loaltaimfii^
Principibos reperte et pnetertim America ab iarentore denomiiiaU aavirai
pnefecto, quern, ob iBOompertam ejus adhoc magmtadinraa, alteram orbem
terrarom patant." (Nicdai Copernici da EevolutioaUma orbium 06elertiii%
libri 8ef» 1548, p. 3 a.)

(^ p. 800.— Compare my Szamea arit do THiat. de la Geqgrapbics, IV
iM. p. 154— 16B, aad 225—227.
(«^ p. 802.— Compare Kosmos, Bd. i. B. 8C (Bogl titma. Vol L p. 73.)
(^ p. 808. — " The telescopea whieh Galileo conatracted himself, and okhcKV
whidi he used for obaerving Japiter'a satellites^ the phasea of Yenas, and tliB
aolar spots, magnified 4, 7» and 82 times in linear dimensions, never moi*.''
(Irago, in the Annnaire du Bureau des Longitudes pour Tan 1842, p. 268)»
O p. 804.— Westphal, in his Biography of Copernicus (1822, S. 8%
dedicated to the great astronomer of Konigsberg, Bessel, like Gassendi, oollf
Ifae Bishop of Ermland Lucas Watzehrodt ¥on Allen* According to explaa*-
ttona very recently obtained, and for which I am indebted to the learned hit*
torian of Pmaaia* Archiv-Birector Yoigt, the &mily of the mother oL
Gopemicna k called in original documents Weiaselrodt, Weisselrot, Weiao^
l»odt, and moat usually Waisselrode. His mother was imdi^uhtedly of
German descent, and the family of Waisselrode, who were originally distiae^
from that of tod Allen, which had flourished at Thorn from the hegjnning oi
tke 15th centiuy, probably took the name of von Alien iu addition to thei^
own, through adoption or connection. Sniadeoki and Ci^nski (Kopenuk
et aes Travauz, 1847, p. 26) call the mother of the gre^t Copernicus Barhan
Wasselrode, married, m 1464, at Vaom, to his father, whose £»mily Uwf
bring from Bohemia. The name of tiie astronomer, who Gassendi designate»
as Tomsus Bomssns, is written by Westphal and Czynski, Kopemik« and 1^
Krzyzianowski, Kopimig. In a letter of tho Bishop of Brmland, Martui
Cromer of Heilsberg, dated Nov. 21, 1580, it is said, " Cum Jo. (Nicolan^
CopernicQS viyena ornamento (berit, atque etiam nuoA post fata sit^ non
. solum huic ecdesie, verum etiam toti Prassiss patri» suas, inignym esse pnU^
enm post obitum carera konone aepvlchri siva monnmenti.'*

(^ p. 804.— Thus Gaasendi, in Nioolai Coparnici Yita^ appended to Idi
iHogiri^hy of Tycho CTy^nia Biahei Yita» 1655, Hage-Comitnm, p. 8d0 s
^eodcm die et horis non multis priasqiiam aniniam efSaret." It is oa^
Sehubert, in hia Aatronooay, Hu i. 8. 115, and Robert Small* ui tho net/
inistmctive Aocoont U the Aatr^nomical Biaooveriaa of Ki^ler^ 1804, p. 9^
'^ ftate that Coparoiiw died "a &w di^ aftsr the ^pearaoM of lb

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ifoik." TMs is also the x)piiiioii of the Ardl^iv-DirectoF Voigt at K.i>iiigs1)eig ;
beeause in a letter whidi George Bonner, Canon of Ermli^id, wrote to tbs
poke of Prussia after the death of Copemicna, it is said, that *' the estimahlo
a^d worthy Doctor Nicolans Koppernick sent Ibcth his work, like the sweet
long of the swan, a short time before his departure frow this life of s(»'rows«'*
According to the x)rdinaril7 reeeired opinion (Wes^hal, Nikolans Kopemikni,
1822, S. 73 and 82), the work was begun in 1507, and in 1580 was nlrea^
•0 far completed that only a few corrections were subsequently added. Tlie
publication was hastened by a letter from Cardinal Schonberg, written from
Kome in 1536. The cardinal wishes to have the manuscript copied and senrit
to him by Theodor von Beden. Copernicus himself, in his dedication ip



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