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and of their sagamores, and their number of men and
strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we
cast a horseman's coat about him ; for he was stark
naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe
about a span long or little more. He had a bow and
two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded.
He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black,
long behind, only short before, none on his face at all.
He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water,
and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding,
and a piece of mallard ; all which he liked well, and
had been acquainted with such amongst the English.
He told us the place where we now live is called
Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabi-
tants died of an extraordinary plague,^ and there is

boldness in coming directly to more intercourse with the natives,

them. says, " As for the language, it is

' Moratiggon. I know not what very copious, large, and difficult,
part of the country this was meant As yet we cannot attain to any
to designate. Perhaps it is an great measure thereof, but can un-
error for Monhiggon. Samoset derstand tbem, and explain our-
evidently was desirous of magni- selves to their understanding by
fying his own importance, in giv- the help of those that daily con-
ing the Pilgrims to understand verse with us."
that he was a sagamore. ^ All the early writers on New

^ It is difficult to conceive how England agree, that for three or

they could converse together so as four years previous to the arrival

to/be mutually understood. Ed- of the Pilgrims, a deadly pestilence

ward A¥inslow, in his Good News had raged all along the seaboard,

from New England, written two from the Penobscot to Narraganset

years afterwards, when they had had Bay. The two tribes dwelling at



184



THE INDIAN PLAGUE,



CHAP, neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed

A.



we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our

5 21. possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon

16. we spent in communication with him. We would

gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not

willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry



these extremes, as well as the Nau-
set Indians, on Cape Cod, escaped,
whilst the intermediate inhabitants
were almost entirely swept off.
Some tribes were nearly extinct ;
the Massachusetts, in particular,
are said to have been reduced from
30,000 to 300 fighting men. Capt.
Dermer, who was here in 1619,
says, " I passed along the coast
where I found some ancient plan-
tations, not long since populous,
now utterly void. In other places
a remnant remains, but not free of
sickness ; their disease the plague,
for we might perceive the sores of
some that had escaped, who de-
scribed the spots of such as usually
die." Higginson, in his New Eng-
land's Plantation, printed in 1629,
says, " their subjects above twelve
years since, were swept away by a
great and grievous plague that was
amongst them, so that there are
very few left to inhabit the coun-
try." Morton, in his New English
Canaan, b. i. ch. 3, says, " some
few years before the English came
to inhabit at New Plymouth, the
hand of God fell heavily upon the
natives, with such a mortal stroke,
that they died on heaps. In a place
where many inhabited, there hath
been but one left alive to tell what
became of the rest ; and the bones
and skulls upon the several places
of their habitations made such a
spectacle after my coming into
these parts, that as I travelled in
that forest, near the Massachusetts,
it seemed to me a new-found Gol-
gotha. This mortality was not
ended when the Brownists of New
Plymouth were settled at Patuxet,
and by all likelihood the sickness



that these Indians died of was the
plague, as by conference with them
since my arrival and habitation in
these parts I have learned." John-
son, in his Wonderworking Provi-
dence, b. i. ch. 8, says, " about the
year 1618, a little before the remo-
val of that church of Christ from
Holland to Plymouth, in New
England, as the ancient Indians
report, there befell a great mortality
among them, chiefly desolating
those places where the English
afterwards planted ; their disease
being a sore consumption, sweep-
ing away whole families, but chiefly
young men and children, the very
seeds of increase." " What this
disease was," says Gookin, who
wrote in 1674, " that so generally
and mortally swept away the Indi-
ans, I cannot well learn. Doubt-
less it was some pestilential dis-
ease. I have discoursed with some
old Indians, that were then youths,
who say that the bodies all over
were exceeding yellow, describing
it by a yellow garment they showed
me, both before they died, and
afterwards." " There are some old
planters," says Increase Mather,
writing in 1677, " surviving to this
day, who helped to bury the dead
Indians, even whole families of
them all dead at once." See Pur-
chas, iv. 1778 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i.
122, 148, xii. 66 ; Hutchinson, i. 34.
In the Great Patent of New Eng-
land, granted Nov. 3, 1620, the des-
olating effects of this pestilence
are assigned by King James as a
reason for granting it. " We have
been further given certainly to
know, that within these late years
there hath, by God's visitation,



THE NAUSITES.



185



reigned a wonderful plague amongst
the savages there heretofore inha-
biting, in a manner to the utter
destruction, devastation, and de-
population of that whole territory,
so as there is not left, for many
leagues together, in a manner, any
that do claim or challenge any kind
of interest therein ; whereby we, in
our judgment, are persuaded and
satisfied that the appointed time is
come in which Almighty God, in
his great goodness and bounty to-
wards us and our people, hath
thought fit and determined, that
these large and goodly territories,
deserted as it were by their natural
inhabitants, should be possessed
and enjoyed by such of our subjects
and people as shall by his mercy
and favor, and by his powerful
arm, be directed and conducted
thither." Plymouth Colony Laws,

Hutchinson, in his Hist, of Mass.
i. 35, remarks, " Our ancestors sup-
posed an immediate interposition
of Providence in the great mortal-
ity among the Indians, to make
room for the settlement of the Eng-

24



lish. I am not inclined to credulity,
but should not we go into the con-
trary extreme if we were to take
no notice of the extinction of this
people in all parts of the continent ?
In some the English have made
use of means the most likely to
have prevented it ; but all to no
purpose. Notwithstanding their
frequent ruptures with the English,
very few comparatively have pe-
rished by wars. They waste, they
moulder away, and, as Charlevoix
says of the Indians of Canada, they
disappear."

' See note ^ on page 126.

^ The English, not understand-
ing Samoset perfectly, supposed
that by Massasoit he meant an
Indian tribe ; but this was the
name of the great sagamore, as
appears afterwards. F.

^ See the Life of Sir Ferdinando
Gorges in Belknap's Am. Biog. i.
346 — 393, and his Brief Narration,
in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 45 — 93.
In this work, p. 63, he mentions an
attack that was made in July, 1620,
by the Indians of Martha's Vine-
yard on Capt. Dernier and his cora-



17.



him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, chap.
and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and - — ^
the water scant, that it could not return back. We 1621,
lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins's house,^ and
watched him.

The next day he went away back to the Masasoits,^ Mar.
from whence he said he came, who are our next bor-
dering neighbours. They are sixty strong, as he saith.
The Nausites are as near southeast of them, and are
a hundred strong ; and those were they of whom our
people were encountered, as we before related. They
are much incensed and provoked against the English ;
and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen,
and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon.
They were Sir Ferdinando Gorge's ^ men, as this sav-



186 HUNT, THE KIDNAPPER.

CHAP, age told us ; as he did likewise of the hiiggery, that
— v-^ is, fight, that our discoverers had with the Nausites,
1621. and of our tools that were taken out of the woods,
which we willed him should be brought again ; other-
wise we would right ourselves. These people are ill
affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt,'
a master of a ship, who deceived the people and got
them, under color of trucking with them, twenty out of
this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from
the Nausites, and carried them away, and sold them
for slaves, like a wretched man (for twenty pound a
man,) that cares not what mischief he doth for his
profit.
Mar. Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the salvage,
■ and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He
promised within a night or two to come again and to
bring with him some of the Massasoyts, our neigh-
bours, with such beavers' skins as they had to truck
with us.
18. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this
day came again the savage, and brought with him five
other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's



pany, whom he had sent over to a difference in the accounts of the

New England. Dernier lost all number of the natives which he

his men but one, and received four- thus seized and carried off". The

teen wounds in this encounter; President and Council of New

which took place just eight months England, in their Brief Relation of

before ; and there can hardly be a its Discovery and Plantation, state

doubt that these were the "Sir the number as 24; Gorges men-

Ferdinando Gorge's men," men- tions 30 ; whilst Capt. John Smith,

tioned in the text. Dermer had says 27, agreeing with the number

previously been at Nautican, or mentioned in the text. Hunt car-

Nauset. See Prince's Annals, p. ried these Indians to Spain, where

157, 186. they were humanely rescued and

* The name of this Captain Hunt set at liberty by the monks of Mal-

has come down to us loaded with nga. Several of them got over to

deserved infamy, as the first kid- England, and proved of essential

napper and slave-dealer on the service to Gorges. See Mass. Hist,

coast of North America. There is Coll. xix. 6, xxvi. 58, 61, 132.



DESCRIPTION OF THE INDIANS.



187



skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild cat's chap.
skin, or such Hke, on the one arm. They had most of -^^—
them long hosen ^ up to their groins, close made, and 162 1.
above their groins to their waist another leather ; they is.
w^ere altogether like the Irish trousers.^ They are of
complexion like our English gipseys ; no hair or very
little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their
shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before
with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan ; another a fox
tail, hanging out. These left (according to our charge
given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a
mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as
we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally
of our English victuals. They made semblance unto
us of friendship and amity. They sang and danced
after their manner, like antics. They brought with
them in a thing like a bow-case, (which the principal of
them had about his waist,) a little of their corn pounded
to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat.^



' Leggins.

' Morton, in his New English
Canaan, b. i. ch. G, says, "of such
deer's skins as they dress bare, they
make stockings, that come within
their shoes, like a stirrup stocking,
and is fastened above at their belt,
which is about their middle. When
they have their apparel on, they
look like Irish, in their trousers,
the stockings join so to their
breeches." Wood, in his New
England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 5,
says, " in the winter time the more
aged of them wear leather draw-
ers, in form like Irish trousers, fast-
ened under their girdles with but-
tons."

^ " The Indians make a certain
sort of meal of parched maize.
This meal they call noJcake. It is
so sweet, toothsome, and hearty,
that an Indian will travel many



days with no other food but this
meal, which he eateth as he needs,
and after it drinketh water. And
for this end, when they travel a
journey, or go a hunting, they carry
this nokake in a basket or bag, for
their use." Gookin, in Mass. Hist.
Coll. i. 150. — "AWc/i?c/i, parched
meal, which is a ready, very whole-
some food, which they eat with a
little water, hot or cold. I have
travelled with near two hundred
of them at once, near a hundred
miles through the woods, every
man carrying a little basket of this
at his back, and sometimes in a
hollow leather girdle about his
middle, sufficient for a man three
or four days. With, this ready pro-
vision, and their bows and arrows,
are they ready for war, and travel
at an hour's warning. With a
spoonful of this meal, and a spoon-



188



THE INDIANS' USE OF TOBACCO.



CHAP. He had a little tobacco in a bae; ; but none of them
-^v^- drank ^ but when he liked. Some of them had their
1621. faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four

Mar.

18. or five fingers broad; others after other fashions, as
they liked. They brought three or four skins ; but we



ful of water from the brook, have I
made many a good dinner and sup-
per." Roger Williams's Key, in
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 208. — "If
their imperious occasions cause
them to travel, the best of their
victuals for their journey is nocahc,
(as they call it,) which is nothing
but Indian corn parched in the hot
ashes. The ashes being sifted from
it, it is afterwards beat to powder,
and put into a long leathern bag,
trussed at their backs like a knap-
sack, out of which they take thrice
three spoonfuls a day, dividing it
into three meals. If it be in win-
ter, and snow be on the ground,
they can eat when they please,
stopping snow after their dusty
victuals. In summer they must
stay till they meet with a spring or
brook, when they may have water
to prevent the imminent danger of
choking. With this strange via-
ticum, they will travel four or five
days together, with loads fitter for
elephants than men." Wood's
New England's Prospect, part ii.
ch. 6.

' That is, smoked. This was
formerly a common expression.
Thus Brereton, in his Journal of
Gosnold's Voyage, says, " they gave
us also of their tobacco, which they
drink green, but dried into powder,
very strong and pleasant." Rosier,
in his account of Weymouth's
Voyage to New England, in 1605,
printed in Purchas's Pilgrims, iv.
1662, says, " We drank of their ex-
cellent tobacco, as much as we
would, with them ; but we saw not
any great quantity to truck for, and
it seemed they had not much left of
old, for they spend a great quantity
yearly by their continual drinking."



Johnson, in his Wonderworking
Providence, b. i. ch. 41, mentions a
lusty man (doubtless Underbill)
who held forth to his pastor before
the whole congregation, that the
spirit of revelation came to him as
he was drinking a pipe of tobacco."
In the Records of Plymouth Colo-
ny, under the year 1646, is the fol-
lowing entry. " Anthony Thacher
and George Pole were chosen a
committee to draw up an order
concerning disorderly drinking to-
bacco." This use of language was
probably descriptive of the manner
in which the weed was formerly
inhaled, and which still prevails in
the East. Lane, in his account of
the Manners and Customs of the
Modern Egyptians, i. 187, says,
" In smoking, the people of Egypt,
and of other countries of the East,
draw in their breath freely, so that
much of the smoke descends into
the lungs; and the terms which
they use to express ' smoking to-
bacco ' signify ^drinking smoke,' or
' drinking tobacco.' "

Winslow, in his Good News
from New England, says, " the
men take much tobacco." Roger
Williams, in his Key, chs. ii. and
XX. says, "they generally all take
tobacco, and it is the only plant
which men labor in, the women
managing all the rest. They say
they take tobacco for two causes ;
first, against the rheum, which
causeth the toothache, which they
are impatient of; secondly, to re-
vive and refresh them, they drink-
ing nothing but water. Their to-
bacco bag hangs at their neck, or
sticks at their girdle, and is to them
instead of an English pocket."



INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 189

would not truck with them at all that day/ but wished chap.
them to bring more, and we would truck for all ; which -— v^^
they promised within a night or two, and would leave ^^^^•
these behind them, though we were not willing they 18.
should ; and they brought us all our tools again, which
were taken in the woods, in our men's absence. So, be-
cause of the day, we dismissed them so soon as we could.
But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick or
feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and
stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we
sent him to them, to know the reason they came not
according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a
pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth
to tie about his waist.

The Sabbath day, when we sent them from us, we
gave every one of them some trifles, especially the prin-
cipal of them. We carried them, along with our arms,
to the place where they left their bows and arrows ;
whereat they were amazed, and two of them began to
slink awav, but that the other called them. When
they took their arrows we bade them farewell, and
they were glad ; and so, with many thanks given us,
they departed, with promise they would come again.

Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We digged 19, 20.
our grounds and sowed our garden seeds.

Wednesday a fine warm day. We sent away Sa- 21.
moset.

That day we had again a meeting to conclude of
laws and orders for ourselves, and to confirm those
military orders that were formerly propounded, and
twice broken off by the savages' coming. But so we
■u^ere again the third time ; for after we had been an

* It was Sunday.



190



SQUANTO.



CHAP, hour together, on the top of the hill ' over against us
-^^^^ two or three savages presented themselves, that made
1 6 2 1. sei^l3]ance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain
Standish with another, with their muskets, went over
to them, with two of the master's mates that follows
them without arms,^ having two muskets with them.
They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings,
and made show of defiance ; but when our men drew
near them, they ran away. Thus were we again
interrupted by them. This day, with much ado, we
got our carpenter, that had been long sick of the scur-
vy, to fit our shallop to fetch all from aboard.

Thursday, the 22d of March, was a very fair, warm
day. About noon we met again about our public bu-
siness. But we had scarce been an hour together,
but Samoset came again, and Squanto,^ the only native



Mar
22.



^ The same hill on which the
two Indians appeared, Feb. 17. See
note on page ISO.

^ By anns must be here meant
side arms, swords, &c., as it is slated
they had muskets.

* Also called Squantum, or Tis-
quantum. There is some discre-
pancy in the early accounts of
Squanto's captivity. Gorges, in
his Brief Narration, ch. 2, says that
" there happened to come into the
harbour of Plymouth, where I then
commanded, one Captain Wey-
mouth, who happened into a river
on the coast of America, called
Pemmaquid, (the Penobscot,) from
whence he brought five of the na-
tives, three of whose names were
Manida, Sketwarroes, and Tas-
quantum, whom I seized upon.
They were all of one nation, but of
several parts and several families."
This was in 1605. But the Gov-
ernor and Council for New Eng-
land, in their Relation, printed in
1622, say, " it pleased God to send
into our hands Tasquantum, one of



those savages that formerly had
been betrayed by this unworthy
Hunt before named. But this sav-
age being at that time in New-
foundland, Master Dermer, who
was there also, found the means to
give us intelligence of him, and his
opinion of the good use that might
be made of his employment." Der-
mer took Tisquantum with him to
England, and on his return to New
England in the spring of 1619,
brought him back to his native
country. In a letter dated Dec. 27,
of that year he says, " when I ar-
rived at my savage's native coun-
try, finding all dead, I travelled
almost a day's journey westward
to a place called Nummastaquyt,
(Namasket,) where finding inhabit-
ants, I despatched a messenger a
day's journey further west to Po-
conaokit, which bordereth on the
sea ; whence came to see me two
kings, attended with a guard of
fifty armed men, who being well
satisfied with that my savage and
I discoursed unto them, being de-



MASSASOIT.



191



of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of chap.
the twenty captives that by Hunt were carried away, -'^^—
and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with 1621.

° ' Mar.

Master John Slanie,^ a merchant, and could speak a 22.
little English, with three others ; and they brought
with them some few skins to truck, and some red her-
rings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and sig-
nified unto us, that their great sagamore, Masasoyt,^
was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother, and all
their men. They could not well express in English
what they would ; ^ but after an hour the king came to
the top of a hill ^ over against us, and had in his train
sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they
us. We were not willing to send our governor to
them, and they were ^ unwilling to come to us. So



sirous of novelty, gave me content
in whatsoever I demanded." These
two kings were undoubtedly Mas-
sasoit and Quadequina. On going
to Virginia, in June, Dermer left
'Tisquantum at Sawahquatooke,
now Saco, whence he probably re-
turned to Patuxet and Namasket.
In another letter, dated June 30,
1620, Dermer says, " Squanto can-
not deny but that the Pocanokets
would have killed me when I was
at Namassaket, had he not entreat-
ed hard for me." See Mass. Hist.
Coll. xxvi. 50, 62, xix. 7, 10, 13;
Purchas, iv. 1778; Morton's Me-
morial, pp. 55 — 59.

The beautiful promontory in Dor-
chester, near Thomson's island,
will perpetuate the name of this
early friend of the Pilgrims. They
probably called it after him in their
first expedition to the Massachu-
setts in 1621, when he accompanied
them as interpreter. This is pro-
bably the same place which is called
S/juanto's Chapel, by Morton, in
his New English Canaan, b. ii.
chs. 6 and 8.
" ' The worshipful John Slany, of



London, merchant," was one of the
undertakers of the Newfoundland
plantation, and treasurer of the
Company. He probably sent
Squanto to Newfoundland. See
Whithourne's Newfoundland, p.
V. and Purchas, iv. 1876, 1888.

2 Prince says, in his Annals, p.
187, " the printed accounts gene-
rally spell him Massasoit ; Gov.
Bradford writes him Massasoyt and
Massasoyet; but I find the ancient
people, from their fathers in Ply-
mouth Colony, pronounce his name
Ma-sas-so-it." It will be seen
hereafter that Winslow writes it
"Massassowat. The sachem, in
conformity with a prevailing cus-
tom among the Indians, afterwards
changed his name, and took that of
Owsamequin or Woosamequen.
See his Life in B. B. Thacher's
Indian Biography, i. 117 — 140, and
in S. G. Drake's Book of the Indi-
ans, b. ii. 17 — 29.

^ See note ^ on page 183.

^ Watson's hill, mentioned twice
before on pages 180 and 190.

^ The word were was accident-
ally omitted in the original.



192 WINSLOW'S PARLEY WITH MASSASOIT.

CHAP. Squanto went again unto him, who brought word
— v-^ that we should send one to parley with him, which we
1621. (Jidj wliich was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind,
22. and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which
was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to
the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a
jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife,
and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of
strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some but-
ter ; which were all willingly accepted.

Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King
James saluted him with words of love and peace, and
did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that our
governor desired to see him and to truck with him,
and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neigh-
bour. He liked well of the speech, and heard it atten-
tively, thouo;h the interpreters did not well express it.



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