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dividing Une between these latter and the Abenaki
was somewhere between the Piscataqua and the
Kennebec, and cites Governor Sullivan as authority .
for placing it at the Saco River. He also calls at-
tention to what he calls a confirmation of this by
French writers who mention a tribe which they
call the Sakokies, adjacent to the Abenaki and
the New England Indians, and which was originally
in alUance with the Iroquois, but were converted by
the Jesuits and withdrew into Canada. Other
writers locate the Tarratines definitely east of the
Penobscot, which would bring them between the
Passamaquoddies and the Penobscots unless they
were, indeed, roving members of one or both of these
tribes. Gallatin makes no other mention of them
as a tribe than to quote from Gookin, who speaks of
the "Abenakis or Tarrateens, as they are called by
the New England Indians." The two names are
used by Gookin to designate all the Indians east of


the Pawtuckets, and Schoolcraft accepts this classi-
fication. Gallatin further says: "The tribes of
Nova Scotia in the Bay of Fundy were first called
by the French Souriquois. They are now known
as Micmacs. The French adopted the names given
by the Souriquois to the neighboring tribes. The
Etchemins, stretching from the Passamaquoddy
Bay to St. John's Island and west of the Kennebec
River as far as Cape Cod, they called the Almou-

Etchemins means canoe men, and may well have
been applied to the bold canoe men of all the shore
tribes who navigated the deep waters of the sea,
and Almouchiquois would then mean the same. If
we attempt to give it any other meaning we are
forced to the conclusion that the French or the Mic-
macs, whichever first defined their limits as above,
knew very little about the people to the southwest,
or that every one else is very much mistaken. Con-
tinuing Gallatin says: "The Indians at the mouth
of the Kennebec planted nothing according to
Champlain, but those further inland or up the river
planted maize. These inland tribes were the Abe-
nakis, consisting of several tribes, the principal of
which were the Penobscots, the Norridgewocks and
the Ameriscoggins, and it is not improbable that the
Indians at the mouth of both rivers were con-
founded by Champlain with the Etchemins belong-
ing to the same nation. The Etchemins comprise
the Passamaquoddies in the United States and the
St. John's in New Brunswick." In another para-
graph he says that Champlain found no cultivation


of the soil from Passamaquoddy Bay to the Kenne-
bec River.

The French writers' reference to a tribe between
the Abenaki and the New England Indians is inter-
esting from two points. They were in alliance with
the Iroquois, which leads to the inquiry whether
they may not have been a branch of that group,
sprung from some of their war parties who overcame
the tribe occupying the location where the French
found them, slaughtered the warriors, and took the
women to their own wigwams, and settled down
upon the conquered territory. Were they the Tar-
ratines? The warlike propensity of the Iroquois
manifests itself in the Tarratine raids; but against
this theory is the fact that the Iroquois were ad-
vanced agriculturalists, and the ''Tarratines raised
no corn"; and the further fact that the region where
nothing was planted was at the mouth of the Ken-
nebec and east of it, while this mysterious tribe,
which appears to have escaped the notice of the
EngUsh writers, lived west of that river. I do not
advance any opinion, but simply call attention to
this matter as an interesting subject for speculation.

If we attempt to reconcile all the apparently con-
flicting statements concerning these people, we are
forced to the conclusion that the Etchemins or Al-
mouchiquois were the dwellers along the coast,
experts in handling their frail barks, daring navi-
gators of various tribes, but not a distinct tribe;
that Abenaki was a term applied generally to a large
group of tribes covering Maine, New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia, the name undoubtedly being de-


rived from the same root as *'Wabanaki" which as
aheady noted means hght; that Tarratine was not
the name of any tribe but a term appHed to the raid-
ing parties which visited the Massachusetts coast;
and if the statement in the Planter's Plea that they
planted no corn is correct, and Champlain's definite
location of the people who planted nothing is re-
liable, then the Tarratines were Abenaki, living
east of the Kennebec River or at its mouth; they
were Etchemins, or bold navigators; they planted
nothing, not as said in the Planter's Plea ''on ac-
count of the climate," for the tribes '' farther inland
cultivated maize"; but because they preferred to
secure their supply of corn by reaping their neigh-
bors' harvest.

The Pennacooks. — Gookin, Drake and School-
craft speak of the federation, sometimes called Pen-
nacooks, as Pawtuckets, but in his last speech,
Passaconaway, their sachem, uses the term Penna-
cooks in such a way as to indicate that this was the
name applied to all his people. It may, however,
be that Passaconaway or some of his predecessors,
was originally the sachem of the Pennacooks, and
that this was the dominant tribe in the Pawtucket
federation, just as appears to have been the situa-
tion with relation to the Pokanokets and the Wam-
panoags. As we shall not have occasion again to
refer particularly to the Pennacooks, a word about
its aged sachem, Passaconaway, and his son and
successor, Wonolancet, may well be written here in
passing. Passaconaway resided at Pawtucket Falls
(Lowell), had an alliance with the Penobscots, and


was a friend of Eliot, tlie celebrated preacher among
the Indians, but did not appear to be particulary
interested in the religion he preached until 1648.
It appears that in 1642, the settlers, becoming dis-
trustful of Passaconaway in consequence of rumors
that he was stirring up discord among the Indians,
sent men to arrest him and his son Wonolancet.
Passaconaway succeeded in evading them through
the intervention of a storm that raged with con-
siderable violence, but they took Wonolancet and
led him away with a rope around his neck, for by
such acts they sought to inspire terror in the hearts
of the natives rather than, by acts of consideration,
to inspire confidence. Wonolancet escaped but was
retaken and brought to Boston. This act made
Passaconaway suspicious of the English and of their
motives, and undoubtedly served to widen the
breach between the two races that had already re-
sulted from some arbitrary acts on the part of the
English, and which finally culminated in King
PhiUp's war; and it is given by some early writers
as a reason for Passaconaway 's refusal to see Eliot
when he made a visit to the Falls in the fishing
season of 1647. The following year, however, he
heard him preach, and publicly announced his belief
in the God of the English.

In 1660 he turned over the active direction of the
affairs of his tribe to Wonolancet, his son, and soon
after died, it is said at the age of one hundred and
twenty years. Wonolancet wielded the sceptre until
1667 and maintained friendly relations with the
whites during all that time. In 1660, probably on


the occasion of his surrendering the tomahawk of
authority to Wonolancet, a great feast was given at
Pawtucket Falls in his honor, which was attended
not only by his own people but by chiefs and war-
riors from other tribes. On this occasion, he de-
livered his farewell address as reported by early
writers as follows:


"Hearken to the words of your father! I
am an old oak that has withstood the
storms of more than a hundred winters.
Leaves and branches have been stripped
from me by the winds. My eyes are dim;
my limbs totter; I must soon fall. When
young, no one could bury the hatchet in the
sapling before me. My arrows could pierce
the deer at a hundred rods. No wigwam
had so many furs, no pole had so many
scalplocks as Passaconaway's. Then I de-
hghted in war. The whoop of the Penna-
cooks was heard on the Mohawk, and no
voice as loud as Passaconaway's. The
scalps upon the pole in my wigwam told
the story of Mohawk suffering. The Eng-
lish came; they seized the lands; they fol-
lowed upon my footpaths. I made war
upon them but they fought with fire and
thunder. My young men were swept down
before me when no one was near them. I
tried sorcery against them but they still in-


creased, and prevailed over me and mine; I
gave place to them and retired to my beau-
tiful island, Naticook. I, who can take the
rattlesnake in my palm as I would a worm
without harm — I, that have had com-
munication with the Great Spirit, dream-
ing and awake — I am powerless before
the pale faces. These meadows they shall
turn with the plow; these forests shall fall
by the axe; the pale faces shall live upon
your hunting grounds and make their vil-
lages upon your fishing places. The Great
Spirit says this and it must be so. We are
few and powerless before them. We must
bend before the storm. Peace with the
white men is the command of the Great
Spirit and the wish — the last wish — of

I have already referred to the Leni Lenapee as
the parent stock of the Algonquins; and to the fact
of their subjugation by the Five Nations at some
time between 1649 and 1672; but as I did not call
attention to the depth of their degradation, this chap-
ter would hardly be complete without furthur ref-
erence to it. So complete was their defeat and
submission to their conquerors, that they were com-
pelled to forego the use of arms and to assume the
name of ''women." So when Penn made his fa-
mous treaty with them in 1682, he treated with
"women" and not with warriors.

When the Five Nations afterwards allotted land


to them, and they were crowded by the encroach-
ments of settlers, they moved even further west
than they were ordered, and espoused the cause of
the French in their wars with the EngUsh.

At the outbreak of the revolution they declared
their independence of their conquerors, and a few
years later at a pubUc council, the Five Nations con-
fessed that the Lenapee were no longer women but
men; and thus the stock that had peopled nearly
all the north-eastern part of the continent came
into its own again. At the time of which we write
they had not been reduced to a state of vassalage,
but were still the grandfather of the other tribes of
the Algonquin family and hved in their ancient
hunting grounds, a free people, just as their de-
scendants hved in all the vast territory the limits
of which I have already outlined.

Here they and their children of the other tribes
fished the streams whose banks are now fined with
the cities of the strangers from across the great
waters whom they welcomed with open arms, and
who repaid their hospitafity by waging upon them
a perpetual war of extermination. Here they hunted
the primeval forests, which the settlers' axe has laid
low that the giant trees might contribute to the re-
quirements of a people to whom the Indian methods
of fiving were but a tradition of the past. Here,
too, their war whoops resounded as they waged
their internecine war upon each other; and here,
when the tomahawk had been buried, they smoked
the pipe of peace, and its smoke ascending wafted
their prayers to the Great Spnit, whose existence


revealed itself to them in every object that came
within range of their observation.

The Wampanoags, Narragansetts, Pequots and
Mohicans were so closely associated with the vari-
ous affairs growing out of the first contact of the
whites with Massasoit and his Wampanoags that I
shall consider them further in subsequent chapters,
which will also contain occasional reference to the
Massachusetts; and, as the individuality of the sa-
chems was a potent factor in the attitude of their
tribes, due attention will be given to the prominent
leaders of their people.


DECEMBER 7, 1620 (December 17, new style)
found the Mayflower lying inside of Cape
Cod. This locahty, and particularly "the place
that on Captain John Smith's map is called Pli-
moth," had been highly recommended to them as a
suitable location for the establishment of a perma-
nent settlement. They had been on shipboard for
a long time, the Hfe was becoming irksome, and
they were desirous of effecting a landing before the
Sabbath which was approaching, and on which, in
their religious zeal, there could be no question of
work. So they sent their shallop ashore in search
of a suitable spot. The shallop made a landing at
Nauset, now Eastham, a place which derived its
name from that of the tribe of Indians located there,
which we find mentioned frequently in the writings
of the early chroniclers. The boat's crew spent the
night there, and in the early morning they were
alarmed by the sentry whom they had posted, and
who announced the presence of Indians. This
alarm was followed by a demonstration against the
camp. The natives were soon driven off by the
discharge of the muskets of the English, who then
returned to their ship. After this, their first en-


counter with the aboriginal inhabitants of the land,
they were not further annoyed by them until the
following February, when they began to show them-
selves from time to time about the settlement at
Plymouth, always holding themselves aloof, how-
ever, until the sixteenth of March, when Samoset
made his memorable visit with the details of which
every reader of American history is famiUar.

Colonel Robert B. Caverly in his account of the
early Indian wars speaks of Aspinet, who was sa-
chem of Nauset at that time, as a Mohandsick.
The people of this name were located on Long
Island and the question naturally arises, how came
this detached tribe of Mohandsicks, whose war
strength in 1621 was said to be one hundred warriors,
to be so separated from the rest of their kindred?
The Mohandsicks, like the Manhattans of lower
New York, probably were Mohicans, or at least
more closely related to the latter than to any other
of the numerous branches of the Algonquin family;
and, while it does not appear that there had been
any hostility between the Mohicans and the Wam-
panoags, perhaps because of the fact that their
hunting grounds were separated by those of the
Narragansetts, it seems rather out of the ordinary
course that we would expect migrations to take for
this tribe to separate itself from the remainder of
its people and isolate itself down on the end of
Cape Cod in Wampanoag territory. There would
be but two ways for them to have reached that
point, one by water, which with their limited facili-
ties for making such long journeys seems imprac-


ticable, though not impossible, and the other by
crossing Narragansett and Wampanoag territory,
which could be done only if they were on friendly
terms; unless, indeed, they were a detached body of
Mohandsicks, who had settled on the mainland very
early in the period of migration and had been swept
down to the extreme end of the Cape by succeeding
waves, and had there been able to maintain them-
selves, or had been allowed to remain unmolested.

None of these theories is impossible, as we have
seen the Tuscaroras separating themselves from the
other nations of the Iroquois and, either crossing
leagues of Algonquin territory, or following the
coast in their frail canoes, setthng on the coast of
the Carolinas.

Whatever may have been the most intimate
racial connection of the Nausets, there can be no
doubt that at the time of which I am writing, they
were subjects of the Great Sachem of the Wampa-
noags, although, as we shall see hereafter, they did
not hesitate at times to engage in conspiracies
against the whites without the sanction of their
great chief. It may be that other tribes in the
eastern part of the Wampanoag domain, such as the
Manomets, Monamoyicks, Paomets, Sawkattuckets,
Matakes, Nobsquossets, and Sokones, and perhaps
the Nantuckets and the Capawacks, were more
closely related to the Nausets than to the western
tribes of the Wampanoag federation, which seem to
have centered about the Pokanokets. They were
all Algonquins, and probably, originally all of the
Totem of the Wolf, the various subdivisions result-


ing from the spreading out process by which a group
became separated from the parent stock, thus form-
ing a nation within the family, and eventually ac-
quiring a distinct dialect; and no doubt, in many
instances, absorbing tribes that had originally
formed a part of some other wave of migration, and
so belonged to some other nation.

In any event, the Nausets, with all the other
tribes on the cape and the islands, were, to all in-
tents and purposes, Wampanoags at the time of
their demonstration against the crew of the shallop
on December 8, 1620; and so it was the Wampa-
noags who first greeted the Pilgrims, though the
greeting was far from being a welcome, the actual
welcome being extended nearly three months later
by a sagamore of Monhigan 'Hwo days' sail with a
strong wind" to the northeast.

If our conclusion as to the reasonable inferences
to be drawn from the writings of early historians is
correct, this would place him in the group desig-
nated by Gookin, Drake, and Schoolcraft as Abe-

Reference has already been made in general terms
to the location of the Wampanoags as described by
Gookin and Drake, but some doubt exists as to the
exact extent of their territory. All are agreed that
they held sway from the Islands and Cape Cod to
Narragansett Bay and Providence River, and from
the Atlantic Ocean north to the southern boundary
of the Massachusetts, who as we have seen lived
around the bay that bears their name. Just where
that boundary ran is not clear, but it is certain that


the counties of Nantucket, Dukes, Barnstable, Ply-
mouth, Bristol, and a considerable part of Norfolk,
in Massachusetts, together with all of Bristol and
Newport counties and the town of East Providence
in Rhode Island have been carved out of the ancient
hunting grounds of the Wampanoags.

Colonel Caverly, who has written a very interest-
ing account of the early Indian wars in New Eng-
land, seems to extend the territory or dominion of
the Wampanoags much further than any other
writer with whose works I am familiar, and further,
I fear, than there is any well grounded warrant for,
as he speaks of the Massachusetts as being of that
federation, as though the fact were established be-
yond peradventure, and at least suggests that
Massasoit's rule extended to and covered the Pen-
nacooks, speaking of Passaconaway as holding sway
'^ under, from and after Massasoit, from the Penob-
scot to the Merrimack." As we have already seen,
Gookin, who wrote only fifty-three years after the
landing of the Pilgrims, speaks of the Massachusetts
and the Pawtuckets or Pennacooks as independent
federations, and it is probable that their relations
with the Wampanoags were nothing more than
those of allies.

Great as is the uncertainty concerning the exact
limits of their territory, their numerical strength at
the time of the landing of the Pilgrims is wrapped
in even greater obscurity and doubt. Two recent
events, however, had reduced them to a mere ves-
tige of their former power. The first of these was
a raid of the Tarratines, the conflicting opinions of


whose identity and location I have attempted to
reconcile in part in the preceding chapter.

The exact location of the Tarratines is of interest
at this time only as it directs our attention to the
distances which they traveled in making their raids
upon the Massachusetts coast; one hundred and
fifty to one hundred and eighty miles by water, and
much further by land. If the raids were made by
water, as seems probable, it certainly shows the
Tarratines to have been daring navigators, when
one considers the character of their craft, as far as
known. It is recorded by men who received their
information at first hand that they swept down on
the coast tribes of eastern Massachusetts in 1615 or
1616 and inflicted severe losses upon them. These
tribes were of the Massachusetts and Wampanoags,
and while the extent of the ravages of the invaders
is not certainly known, there is no doubt that this
raid considerably weakened these two federations,
as it is claimed by some that they swept clear across
the Wampanoag country and attacked the Narra-
gansetts. This method of securing a livelihood by
wresting from their neighbors the fruits of their toil
rather than by relying exclusively upon their own
systematic efforts to sustain themselves by the pur-
suit of the usual vocations of their kind, hunting,
fishing and the crude cultivation of the soil, appears
to have been characteristic of them, for Bradford
records the fact that on September 18, 1621, the
Pl^Tnouth settlers sent out their shallop with ten
men, and Squanto as guide to trade with the
Massachusetts, and to explore the bay; that they


accomplished their purpose and "found kind en-
tertainment. The people were much afraid of the
Tarrentines, a people to the eastward which used
to come in harvest time and take away their corne,
and many times kill their persons."

The second, and by far more disastrous visitation
that ravaged the land of the Wampanoags, was a
devastating pestilence which followed close on the
heels of the Tarratine raid, and worked such havoc
among the natives, who had no skill to combat it,
that the early visitors from Plymouth to Massasoit's
town Sowams, speak of seeing their bones in large
numbers scattered along the route, the living not
being able to bury the dead. The Patuxet tribe
which had occupied the territory around Plymouth,
was almost entirely wiped out by this plague, the
exact character of which has never been definitely
determined. While there is no doubt that the Wam-
panoags were reduced by these two agencies to a
mere shadow of their former strength and power,
there is so much conflict between the writers of old
times concerning their numbers at the time of the
landing of the Pilgrims that we are left almost en-
tirely to conjecture concerning the matter. Certain
facts, however, have been handed down upon such
reliable authority, that perhaps a careful considera-
tion of those indisputable facts will justify us in
making our own estimate; and this leads us to an
examination of the extreme claims. I am unable to
find that any contemporary writers have left any
word from which we would be justified in assuming
that anything Uke an accurate estimate of their


numbers was ever made or attempted by the early
colonists; so perhaps we may fairly conclude that
the truth of the matter lies somewhere between the
two extremes. Some authors, who put out their
works with the intent to convey exact information
to their readers, tell us that this federation num-
bered not more than three hundred in 1620, having
been reduced to this state from a former strength
variously estimated at anywhere from eighteen
thousand to thirty thousand, their five thousand
warriors mentioned by some, leaning towards the
higher rather than the lower of these two figures.
This three hundred may be construed in so many
ways that before rejecting it as an absurdity, it may
be well to consider to what the number may have
referred. If by it is meant the entire numerical
strength of the federation, it seems to be capable
of complete refutation, and, on the other hand, if
it is limited to the warriors rather than the entire
tribal membership, it is open to grave doubt. An-
other view is that it may have been intended to be
confined to the village where their Great Sachem
maintained his lodge, or to the three villages between
which he seems to have divided a large part of his
time. Before proceeding to a more general discus-
sion of the numerical strength of the tribe or federa-
tion, let us look for a moment at these three villages.
We find Massasoit sometimes spoken of as the Sa-
chem of the Pokanokets. Pokanoket is or was the
geographical name of all that territory now in-
cluded in the towns of Bristol, Warren, Barrington
and East Providence, Rhode Island, and parts of


Swansea, Rehoboth and Seekonk, Massachusetts.
The Great Sachem seems to have had a more inti-

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