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sent Shikellimy (a Six Nation chief who resided at Shamokin) to the Six
Nations to press them to come down. It was well known that the Six
Nations had great authority over the Delawares ; it was therefore thought
sufficient to engage them to interpose their authority over the Delawares
and force them to quit the Forks."®

The authority of the Six Nations over the Delawares was acknow-
ledged and invoked. The complaints to the governor and the magistrate
were regarded by the Penns as impertinent and insulting, and at the

7"The Wilderness Trail," Charles A. Hanna; Vol I, p. xia
^''Alienation, etc.," Thomson, p. 42.

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Philadelphia council the Delawares were not only reprimanded but pun-
ished for taking upon themselves so much authority. Shikellimy was
the Iroquois over-lord at Shamokin. His name occurs in many forms in
Pennsylvania history— Shicalamy, Shakallamy, Shickelimo and Sheca-
limy are found.

Dr. Brinton's work on the Lenape contains a narrative of the "Long
Walk" which he obtained from Hazard's "Register." These are the
accounts of John Watson, father and son, of Buckingham, Bucks county.
The junior Watson said that his father's story, written in 1815, was read
before the American Philosophical Society in 1822. Both had known
Moses Marshall, son of the walker of 1737, who had been interviewed
when at least eighty years of age. Dr. Brinton quotes largely also from
Thomson's book.^

The elder Watson attests that handsome dinners were served the dele-
gations from the Six Nations at the council in Philadelphia; that the
Indians made a great show of finery, and that the health of King George
and the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania were drunk in high good humor,
and "at one of these Canticos the subject of the walk was introduced, and
several deeds and writings shown and explained by way of appeal to the
high authority of the Six Nations against the conduct of their cousins
the Delawares."

The purpose of the council can be truthfully said to have been made
known to the Six Nations before they came to Philadelphia. Watson
proceeds to say that the Iroquois then went into a private council among
themselves, and "these mighty Caesars of the lakes and woods determined
to chastise and humble their dependents, which they did in a decisive

The first arrival of the Six Nations chiefs was June 30, 1742, but no
council was held until July 2nd, and thereafter held daily until the 12th.
No speeches are recorded except Governor Thomas', and those made by
Cannassatego. Among the Indians present not Iroquois, Golden enumer-
ates the Shawanese ; the "Canestogo (Conestogo) Indians that speak the
Onayiuts (Oneidas) language;" the Canoyias or Nanticokes of Canas-
togo; the Delawares of Shamokin, Olumapies (also called Sassanoon),
the principal chief ; and Delawares from the Forks. Later in the minutes
the name and record change to "Sassanoon and the Delawares, and
Nutimus and the Fork Indians;" and Shikellimy's name occurs below
Cannassatego's, sometimes just "Gannassatego and sundry chiefs of the
Six Nations;" always, "Gonrad Weiser, Interpreter," and at times, "a
great number of the Inhabitants of Philadelphia." Weiser interpreted
into English and into the Iroquois tongues, and Gornelius Spring, a

<>''The Lenape and Their Legends;" D. G. Brinton: p. 115. "Narrative of Long
Walk," "Register of Pennsylvania;" Samuel Hazard; Vol V (1830), p. 209; repro-
duced also by W. W. Beach; see his "Indian Miscellany," pp. 90-94.

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Delaware warrior from the Forks, into Delaware. The spectacular
climax occurred on July 12th, when Cannassatego upbraided the Dela-
wares roundly and in most insulting language. He said the Iroquois had
been informed of the misbehavior of their cousins with respect to their
continuing to claim and refusing to move from some land on the Dela-
ware, notwithstanding that their ancestors had sold it and deeded it as
the Delawares had ratified. The Six Nations, he said, saw with their own
eyes that the Delawares had been an unruly people and were altogether
in the wrong ; that they had concluded to remove them, and oblige them
to go over the River Delaware and quit all claims to any lands on this
side in the future, since they had received pay for them, and they had
eaten it up. (Only the chief used a very vulgar simile). Turning to the
Delawares and holding a belt of wampum in his hand, he said :

Let the belt serve to chastise you. You ought to be taken by the hair of the head
and shaken severely till you recover your senses and become sober. You don't know
what ground you stand on, nor what you are doing. Our Brother Onas' cause is very
just and plain, and his intentions are to preserve friendship. On the other hand, your
cause is bad; your heart far from being upright; and you are maliciously bent to
break the chain of friendship with our Brother Onas and his people. We have seen
with our eyes deeds signed t^ nine of your ancestors about fifty years ago for this very
land, and a release signed not many years since by some of yourselves and chiefs now
living to the number of fifteen or upwards ; but how came you to take upon you to sell
land at all.

In fiery eloquence he thundered :

We conquered you; we made women of you; you know you are women, and can
no more sell land than women, nor is it fit you should have the power of selling land,
since you would abuse it. You have been furnished with clothes, meat and drink, by
the goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are. But
what makes you sell land in the dark? Did you ever tell us that you had sold this land?
Did we ever receive any part, even to the value of a pipeshank for it? You have told us
a blind story that you sent a messenger to us to inform us of the sale, but he never came
amongst us, nor we never heard anything about it This is acting in the dark, and very
different from the conduct our Six Nati<»is observe in the sales of land. On such occa-
sions they give public notice and invite all the Indians of their United Nation and give
them a share of the presents they receive for their land. This is the behaviour of the
wise United Nation, but we find you are none of our blood. You act a dishonest part,
not only in this but in other matters. Your ears are ever open to slanderous reports
about your brethren. You receive them with greediness. For all these reasons we
charge you to remove instantly. We don't give you liberty to think about it You are
women. Take the advice of a wise man and remove immediately. You may return to
the other side of Delaware where you came from; but we do not know whether, con-
sidering how you have demeaned yourselves, you will be permitted to live there; or
whether you have not swallowed that land down your throats as well as the land on
this side. We therefore assign you to two places to go— either to Wyoming or Shamo-
Idn. You may go to either of these places and then we shall have you more under our
eye and see how you behave. Don't deliberate, but remove away, and take this belt of
wampum. (In old time printing these last words would be put in italics or small capi-
tals to emphasize them. — Editor.)

Cannassatego was not only an orator, but an actor. After Weiser had
interpreted his words into English, and Spring into the Lenape tongue.

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Cannassatego proceeded with his remarks, in the midst of which he enacted
the dramatic scene described by Watson. Sassanoon is said to have been
the other actor in the drama, whom the fiery Onondaga seized by the
hair and thrust out, and then stood in the door, while the cowed Dela-
wares sullenly followed. Taking a string of wampum, Cannassatego
added to the words quoted above:

After our reproof and absolute order to depart from the land, you are to take
notice that we have further to say. This string of wampum serves to forbid you, your
children and grandchildren, to the latest posterity, forever meddling in land affairs;
neither you, nor any that shall descend from you, are ever hereafter to presume to seU
any lands, for which purpose you are to preserve this string in memory of what 3rour
uncles have this day given you in charge. We have some business to transact with our
brethren, and therefore depart the council and consider what has been said to you.

Mr. Watson's story reads at this point :

When this terrible sentence was ended, it is said the unfeeling political philosopher
walked forward, and taking strong hold on the long hair of the King of the Delawares.
he led him to the door and forcibly sent him out of the room, while all the trembling
inferiors followed him. He (Cannassatego) then walked back again to his place like
another Cato, and calmly proceeded to another subject as if nothing of the kind had
happened. The poor fellows, in great and silent grief, went directly home, collected
their families and goods, and burning their cabins to signify they were never to return,
marched reluctantly to their new home beyond the Susquehanna.

The finding of the Iroquois was a foregone conclusion. They had
sold their pretended claim to the region, they were flattered by the invita-
tion to act as arbitrators, and they could satisfy their vindictive hatred
without personal cost. Can we imagine anything more supremely arro-
gant, more despotic, than the behavior of Cannassatego on this occa-
sion? We can see the lordly Onondaga, towering in his vigorous man-
hood, strong in the pride of his venerated ancestry, boastful of the tri-
umphs of his Confederacy, with raised hand and menacing finger, cry out
in all the power of the Iroquoian master tone: "Stand not upon the
order of your going, but go at once. We do not give you the liberty to
think about it, Go!"^^ The betrayed natives, beset behind and before,
had no other course to pursue than to obey. Some went to the places
assigned them by Cannassatego, and some to the Ohio, and here they
made history for us.

It was apprehended at the time that the "walk" would lead to trouble,
for subsequent actions were ominous. Buck remarks :

lOHanna, Craig and Parkman have each found the speech of Cannassatego in the
minutes of the Indian Council of 1742. The pamphlet, published in London in 1759,
by Charles Thomson, entitled "Causes of the Alienation of the Delawares and Shaw-
anese Indians from the British Interests," details much of the history of the council
as above recited. Cf, Also, "History of the Five Indian Nations, etc;" Colden;
Vol II (1902 ed.}, pp. 104, €i seq, "Colonial Records of Pennsylvania,'^ Vol IV, p. 559.
et seq. "History ot Pennsylvania," Thos. F. Gordon; p. 253, and Appendix H, pp.

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This walk was the cause of jealousies and heartburnings among the Indians that
eventually broke out in loud complaints of injustice and atrocious acts of savage ven-
geance. It is supposed that Thomas and John Penn, the proprietaries, with William
Allen, were the prime leaders in this nefarious business. Allen by his land speculations
became at the time the wealthiest man in the province. The method resorted to by the
proprietaries cannot but excite our pity and abhorrence, by employing the distant and
powerful Iroquois to come and forcibly dispossess the Ddawares from their native
lands. Thus disappeared the Lenni-Lenapes from amongst us, who so long in peace
had been our friends, but in war our most desperate enemies.^!

Pursuing the Watson narrative further, there is corroborative testi-
mony as follows :

This shameful imposition was equally reprobated by all distinguished and candid
men in the province, and it was seriously apprehended Uiat mischief would some time
grow out of it. But no doubt there were some land speculators and those who had con-
ducted the business to such an issue, who enjoyed the triumph with unfeeling satisfac-
tion. Some families of thode Indians continued to come down every summer and cabin
in the woods among their former friends, and go back in the fall. But when war
began between England and France in 1754, and Washington and Braddock were suc-
cessively defeated, there can be no doubt that aggressions upon Indian rights by force
and fraud and, in general, the extension of the settlements by the whites, became popu-
lar subjects of inquiry and explanation at their great council fires. Even the history of
the running walk might then be patiently listened to, and it is said that leave was given
by the Six Nations to their cousins the Delawares and Shawanees, to strike the white
people off the lands they had been wronged out of. They therefore fell upon the back
inhabitants of Northampton county in all the inhuman and cruel manner of Indian war-
fare, these terrible depredations continuing for eighteen months, and strange as it may
appear to many in retrospect, notwithstanding the evident cause of the war, a reward
of one hundred pounds was offered by the governor in the public papers for the head of
Captain Jacobs, and fifty pounds for the head of Captain Shingask, two Indian

A just vengeance was wreaked on Captain Jacobs, for he was killed
in the attack on.Kittanning by Armstrong in 1756. Shingask is better
known in our history as Shingiss, as his name has been commemorated in
a Pittsburgh street. Heckewelder, who knew him, says that Shingask
was his proper name in the Lenape language. He says also that Shingiss
was a complete savage, ''small in stature, but in point of courage and
activity and savage prowess, he was said never to be excelled by any
one, and were his war exploits all on record, they would form an inter-
esting though shocking one.^'

Washington met Shingiss on the Ohio while on his mission in 1753,
and in his journal calls him King Shingiss. Hanna says he was one of
three brothers — the Beaver, or King Beaver; and Pisquetomen, Post's
companion, the other. Croghan in his journal refers to Shingiss fre-
quently as "Shirigass." Post dined with Shingiss at Saukunk, and trav-
eled with him when Post was on his first mission to the Ohio in 1758.

""History of Bucks County," William J. Buck; p. 12.
laScc "Register of Pennsylvania," Hazard; Vol. V, p. 211.

i«"Narrativc, etc/' John Heckewelder; p. 64; quoted by Craig, "History of Pitts-
burgh, (Ed. 1917) ; P* 8.

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Shingiss said he knew the English had set a great price on his head,
though he had never thought to revenge himself; he had always been
kind to any prisoners that were brought in, and he assured the governor
that he would do all in his power to bring about an established peace,
and wished he could be certain of the English being in earnest. Shingiss
protected Post from some drunken Indians, and his care of Post saved
Post when in great peril, and by so doing made successful Post's task
of withholding the Delawares from going over completely to the French.
However, all the story of Post and his mission pertains most particularly
to the capture of Fort Duquesne and the founding of Pittsburgh in
November, 1758, and will find place in the account of Gen. Forbes' opera-
tions of that time, in proper order of sequence of events. The other
Delaware chiefs who belong to the Colonial and Revolutionary periods of
our history will receive mention as their deeds and associations may

Post was diplomatic to great degree. He hs^d a delicate mission to
perform, and a crisis to avert. He sought, as will be shown, to restrain
the Delawares and Shawanese from further alliance with the French and
to keep them at least neutral. He could not have safely told Shingiss

There was more importance attached to the story of "the Long Walk"
a century ago, than of late years. John Watson, Jr., writing in Septem-
ber, 1822, in concluding his article, said :

I have for several years past been anxious that a correct history should be written
of the first settlement of the United States as that settlement was connected with the
history of and interested the Indian Nations, the true original cause and consequence to
them bf the wars that ensued between them and the white people, not as they have been
related by interested or prejudiced historians professing to live Under the Gospel of
Peace and proud of the advantages of civilization, but as they would be narrated by
intelligent Indians, and I have been the more anxious to see sudi a history written, as I
apprehend many important facts necessary thereto, even now only linger in the recol-
lections of a few old men, and in a short time, unless collected at present, will be lost

A prominent fact of this description in my view, is what has been called the long
walk, and the foregoing contains perhaps as true au account of it as is now possible to
collect It is important as being the cause of the first uneasiness with the Indians in
Pennsylvania, and the first murder committed by them in the province being on the
very land they believed themselves thus cheated out of, and it appears this is yet remem-
bered as one of the wrongs committed on them by the white men of which they

The deed given for the land included in the boundaries of the ''Long
Walk", is recorded in Philadelphia. It is signed by four sachems of the

i^ConsuIt Post's Journals under date August 28, 1758: "We set out from Saucunk
in company with twenty for Kushcushkee. On the road Shingas addressed himself to
me and asked if I did not think that if he came to the English they would havci htm,
as they had offered a great reward for his head. He spoke in a very soft and easy
manner. I told him that was a great while ago and wiped dean away; that the Eng-

lish would receive him very kindly."

i»"Register of Pennsylvania;" Hazard; Vol. V,

p. 213.

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Delawares, among them Nutimus and Teeshacomin, with a long list of
witnesses, including James Hamilton, Edward Shippen and James Logan,
president of the Provincial Council, and was acknowledged before Wil-
liam Allen, Chief Justice of the Colony. The deed is entered in the office
of the recorder of deeds "for ye City and County of Philadelphia in Book
G, Vol. 1st, page 283, Yr. the 8th May, 1741," and is endorsed "Release
from Delaware Indians, August 25, 1737." It can be found in Vol. I,
first series, Penna. Archives, p. 541, there headed "Deed for Lands on

Dr. Brinton, commenting on the various sales of land by the Dela-
wares, remarks that none of their land in New Jersey and none of the
Susquehanna lands purchased by Penn in 1699, were subject to con-
firmation by the Six Nations. Between that date and 1742 the Iroquois
yoke seems to have been tightened. We shall see later who passed title
for all the Pennsylvania region west of the Alleghenies.

There remains the Shawanese, frequently called the Shawnees, always
to be considered allies of and properly so as congeners of the Delawares.
In the Indian wars on the Pennsylvania border beginning in 1755, the
story of the part of the Shawanese must be written with that of the
Delawares, and it is much the same, as was also their ultimate fate. In
writing of the Shawanese at this stage of this historical work, it is neces-
sary to record some facts that must be recurred to later, for it is a fact
of their history, and one necessary to record, that fierce savages as these
Indians were, the heel of the Iroquois trod on them, and they too wore
the Iroquois yoke. Theirs is a strange story — the story of a nomad
nation. If the Iroquois deserved the title of "Romans" — ^and no one dis-
putes it — the Shawanese as justly could have been called "Bedouins."

"Bold, roving, adventurous spirits," says Parkman, "their eccentric
wanderings, their sudden appearances and disappearances, perplex the
antiquary, and defy research." Early at war with the Iroquois, they fled
to the South to avoid utter destruction. Some went to the East and set-
tled among the Lenape, at the headquarters of the Delaware. Wherever
the Shawanese went, they became embroiled in war with their neighbors,
and, driven from place to place with the coming of the white man into
Pennsylvania, they were found in the Ohio valley hereabouts, and, asso-
ciated with the Lenapes, both tribes having been for years subject to
the power and authority of the Iroquois; both, in common language,
mere tenants at will. The Shawanese, in spite of this noted subserviency,
have given to history the name Tecumseh, and all for which that name

Besides the well known designations mentioned, this tribe had several
others. Parkman prefers the form Shawanoes. The French called them
Chauouanons; the form of spelling sometimes varied. The Iroquois gave

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them the name Satanas, so noted by Golden in his vocabulary of the
names of Indian tribes and places. Schoolcraft states that the term
SatancLS was first applied to the Shawanese in 1747, and that it is expres-
sive, for it means devils. In the comparative tables of 1736, obtained
from France and published by Schoolcraft in his "History of the Indian
Nations" (Vol. Ill, p. 553), they are called Ghauenons, and are vaguely
said to inhabit the south shore of Lake Erie towards Garolina. "To Gar-
olina and Florida, indeed, their own traditions carry them," he proceeds,
"and they are never heard of at early periods in the West. They came
into the Ohio Valley about 1640 from the Appalachian range, through
the Kentucky river (which is claimed to be a Shawnee word), while
others of the tribe who were defeated by the Gatawbas and Gherokees in
Garolina, had settled previously in the hunting grounds of their kindred,
the Delawares, in Pennsylvania,"^* In another volume Schoolcraft
records: \i [S

The Shawnees, friends and relatives of the Delawares, had been from the first a
revengeful, warlike, roving people. Originating in the extreme south, they had flitted
over half the continent^ fighting with every tribe they met until they reached the extreme
shores of Lake Erie, where under the ominous name of Satanas they were defeated by
the Iroquois, and thence fled to the Delaware and subsequently to the Ohio Valley.
From an early period they were avowed enemies of the colonies, and this enmity never
ceased until after the overthrow in 1814 of the widespread conspiracy of Tecumseh.
Both tribes, in lineage as well as language, were Algonquins, and adopted their policy
from first to last, being cruel enemies in war; in peace, treacherous friends.17

Dr. Brinton says of the Shawanese :

The wanderings of the unstable and migratory Shawnees have occupied the atten-
tion of several writers, but it cannot be said that either their history or their affiliations
have been satisfactorily worked out. Their dialect is more akin to the Mohegan than
to the Delaware, and when in 1692 they first appeared in the area of the Eastern Algon-
quin Confederacy, they came as the relatives and friends of the former.

They were divided into four bands as follows: Piqua— properly, Pikeweu, 'lie
comes from the ashes ;? Mecquachake, "a fat man filled." This band had the privilege
of the hereditary priesthood; the significance of the name was completion, or perfec-
tion; Kiscapocoke and Chilicothe. Of these, the Pennsylvania tribe was the Piqua,
who have given their name to a valley in Lancaster county.

The Assiwikales, a band of about fifty families of joo souls including 100 warriors,
are stated to have come from South Carolina to the Potomac in 1731, and settled partly
on the Susquehanna and partly on the Upper Ohio or Allegheny. Their chief was
named Aqueioma, or Achequeloma. Their name appears to be a compound of assin-
stone — ^wikwam house, and they were probably Algonquin neighbors of the Shawnees
in their southern homes, and united with them in their northern migratbns. These
Assiwikales find frequent mention in Pennsylvania history. Their chief, Aqueioma,
Davenport and LeTort, the traders in 1731, reported "true to the English."

Among a band of strange Indians who came to Maryland in 1692,
was a lone Frenchman, Martin Chartier. These Indians proved to be
Shawanese who afterwards settled in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania,

le^'History of the Indian Nations," H. R. Schoolcraft; Vol. IV, p. 225.
i7"History of the Indian Nations," Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 219.

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