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NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES



3 3433 08176456 9



,.xl



Triumphant Democracy



OR



FIFTY YEARS' MARCH OF



THE REPUBLIC



ANDREW CAR N E G 1 E




NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1887



THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC LIBRARY

587006

ASTOR. LENOX A«D
TICO N FOUNDATIONS.

R 1913 I



' ^ '(^OK^r.'iGHr, 1886,
By AND^V): .CARNEGIE.



t c c t t .
c .» '



Press of J. J. Little & Co.
Astor Place. New York.



TO THE

BELOVED REPUBLIC

UNDER WHOSE EQUAL LA^Vb I AM

MADE THE PEER OF ANY Mi»N, ALTHOUGH DENIED

POLITICAL EQUALITY- ^^\ Mi^ NATIVE LAND,

I DEDICATE 'THIS BOOK

WITH AN INTENSITY OF GRATITUDE , '•;

AND ADMIRATION WHICIi- '"^iflE NATIVE-BORN CITIZEN ;*■';> '
CAN NEITHER ?E€L NOR UNDERSTAND. - '

" ' ANDREW CAHNKGIE.'



^^\ •=avn.^



PREFACE.



Born a subject of the Monarchy, adopted a citizen
of the Republic, how could it be otherwise than that I
should love both lands and long to do whatever in me
lay to bring their people to a Hke affection for each
other ! The lamentable ignorance concerning the new
land which I have found even in the highest political
circles of the old first suggested to me how delightful
the task would be to endeavor to show something
of what the Republic really is, and thus remove, at
least in part, the misconceptions which still Hnger in
the minds of many good people of Britain. I believed,
also, that my attempt would give to Americans a better
idea of the great work their country had done and is
still doing in the world. Probably few Americans
will read this book without being astonished at some
of the facts elicited. During its progress I have been
deeply interested in it, and it may truly be regarded
as a labor of love — the tribute of a very dutiful and
grateful adopted son to the country which has removed
the stigma of inferiority which his native land saw
proper to impress upon him at birth, and has made
him, in the estimation of its great laws as well as in his



^ <b



vi P^^eface,

own estimation (much the more important considera-
tion), the peer of any human being who draws the
breath of Hfe, be he pope, kaiser, priest or king — hence-
forth the subject of no man, but a free man, a citizen !

It is to the people, the plain, common folk, the De-
mocracy of Britain, that I seek to show the progress,
prosperity, and happiness of their child, the Republic,
that they may still more deeply love it and learn that
the government of the people through the republican
form and not the government of a class through the
monarchical form is the surest foundation of individual
growth and of national greatness.

To the whole body of Americans I have been anx-
ious to give a juster estimate than prevails in some
quarters of the political and social advantages which
they so abundantly possess over the people of the older
and less advanced lands, that they may be still prouder
and even more devoted if possible to their institutions
than they are ; and I have, also, been no less anxious that
the influence of every page of this book might be to in-
cline the American to regard with reverence and affection
the great parent people from whom he has sprung, from
whose sacrifices in the cause of civil and religious lib-
erty he has reaped so rich a harvest, and to whom he
owes a debt of gratitude which can never be adequately
repaid.

The work once decided upon, I naturally obtained
all preceding books bearing upon the subject. As the



Preface. vil

pile of reference books, census reports and statistical
works lay around upon tables and shelves, the ques-
tion suggested itself, '' Shall these dry bones live ? " I
hope, therefore, indulgent readers, that you will not
be warranted in accusing me of giving too much
solid information. I have tried to coat the wholesome
medicine of facts in the sweetest and purest sugar of
fancy at my command. Pray you, open your mouths
and swallow it in small doses, and like the sugar even if
you detest the pill. One word, however, to the critical
statistician, and let this be very clearly understood : al-
though designedly written in as light a style as I am
master of, mark me, no liberties have been taken with
facts, figures or calculations. Every statement has been
carefully verified and re-verified ; every calculation has
been gone over and over again. My readers may safely
rely upon the correctness of every quantitative state-
ment made. Considered as a book of reference, what
is herein stated is under-stated rather than over-stated.
I acknowledge with great pleasure the almost indis-
pensable aid received in the preparation of this work
from my clever secretary, Mr. Bridge. I am also in-
debted to Mr. John D. Champlin, Jr., for many valuable
suggestions and for careful supervision as it went
through the press.

The books and documents arid official reports con-
sulted have been legion ; I cannot, therefore, undertake
to mention them, but I have received more data from



viii Preface.

that marvellous work — " Scribner's Statistical Atlas " —
than from any other source or, indeed, from any several
sources combined.

And now, if I have succeeded in giving my country-
men on either or both sides of the Atlantic even a
small amount of information about the Republic of my
love, or brought them nearer together in the bonds of
genial affection, or hastened by one hour the day in
which my native land shall stand forth with my adopted
land under the only noble political creed — that which
proclaims the equality of the citizen — I shall have re-
ceived an ample reward.

The Author.



CONTENTS.



CHAPTER I.

PAGE

The Republic i

CHAPTER n.
The American People 23

CHAPTER in.
Cities and Towns 46

CHAPTER IV.
Conditions of Life 74

CHAPTER V.
Occupations 109

CHAPTER VI.
Education 131

CHAPTER VII.
Religion 152

CHAPTER VIII.
Pauperism and Crime 165

CHAPTER IX.
Agriculture 180

CHAPTER X.
Manufactures 211



X Contents,

CHAPTER XL

PAGE

Mining < 241

CHAPTER XII.
Trade and Commerce 265

CHAPTER XIII.
Railways and Waterways 283

CHAPTER XIV.
Art and Music 316

CHAPTER XV.
Literature 342

s CHAPTER XVL
The Federal Constellation 364

CHAPTER XVII.
Foreign Affairs 398

CHAPTER XVIII.
The Government's Non-political Work 414

CHAPTER XIX.
The National Balance Sheet 446

CHAPTER XX.
General Reflections 471



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PROPERTY OF THE
^' ^ ^ ^lEVJ YORK.



TRIUMPHANT DEMOCRACY.



CHAPTER I.

THE REPUBLIC,



'* Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing
herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks ;
methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling
her undazzled eyes at the full mid-day beam ; purging and unsealing her
long-abused sight at the fountain itself of heavenly radiance ; while the
whole noise of timorous and flocking birds, with those also that love the
twilight, flutter about, amazed at what she means." — Milton.

The old nations of the earth creep on at a snail's
pace ; the Republic thunders past with the rush of the
express. The United States, the growth of a single
century, has already reached the foremost rank among
nations, and is destined soon to out-distance all others
in the race. In population, in wealth, in annual sav-
ings, and in public credit ; in freedom from debt,
in agriculture, and in manufactures, America already
leads the civilized world.

France, with her fertile plains and sunny skies,
requires a hundred and sixty years to grow two
Frenchmen where one grew before. Great Britain,
whose rate of increase is greater than that of any



c*



Rranc\>,'^ \\



2 Triumphant Demoa^acy.

other European nation, takes seventy years to double
her population. The Republic has repeatedly doubled
hers in twenty-five years.

In 1 83 1, Great Britain and Ireland contained twenty-
four millions of people, and fifty years later (1881)
thirty-four millions. France increased, during the
same period, from thirty-two and a half to thirty-
seven and a half millions. The Republic bounded
from thirteen to fifty millions. England gained ten,
France five, the United States thirty-seven millions !
Thus the Republic, in one half-century, added to her
numbers as many as the present total population of
France, and more than the present population of the
United Kingdom. Think of it ! A Great Britain
and Ireland called forth from the wilderness, as if by
magic, in less than the span of a man's few days upon
earth, almost

"As if the yawning earth to heaven,
A subterranean host had given."

Truly the Republic is the Minerva of nations ; full-
armed has she sprung from the brow of Jupiter Britain.
The thirteen millions of Americans of 1830 have now
increased to fifty-six millions — more English-speaking
people than exist in all the world besides ; more than
in the United Kingdom and all her colonies, even were
the latter doubled in population !

Startling as is this statement, it is tame in com-
parison with that which is to follow. In 1850 the



The Republic, 3

total wealth of the United States was but $8,430,000,-
000 (;^ 1,686,000,000), while that of the United King-
dom exceeded $22,500,000,000 (;^4, 500,000,000), or near-
ly three times that sum. Thirty short years sufificed
to reverse the positions of the respective countries.
In 1882 the Monarchy was possessed of a golden load
of no less than eight thousand, seven hundred and
twenty millions sterling. Just pause a moment to
see how this looks when strung out in cold figures ;
but do not try to realize what it means, for mortal
man cannot conceive it. Herbert Spencer need not
travel so far afield to reach the ^'unknowable!" He
has it right here under his very eyes. Let him try
to ''know" the import of this — $43,600,000,000 (i^8,-
720,000,000) ! It is impossible. But stupendous as
this seems, it is exceeded by the wealth of the Re-
public, which in 1880, two years before, amounted to
$48,950,000,000 (^9,790,000,000). What a mercy we
write for 1880; for had we to give the wealth of one
year later another figure would have to be found, and
added to the interminable row. America's wealth to-
day greatly exceeds ten thousand millions sterling.
Nor is this altogether due to her enormous agricultural
resources, as may at first glance be thought ; for all
the world knows she is first among nations in agricul-
ture. It is largely attributable to her manufacturing
industries, for, as all the world does not know, she, and
not Great Britain, is also the greatest manufacturing



4 Triumphant Democracy.

country. In 1880 British manufactures amounted in
value to eight hundred and eighteen milHons sterHng ;
those of America to eleven hundred and twelve mil-
lions^ — nearly half as much as those of the whole of
Europe, which amounted to twenty-six hundred mil-
lions. Thus, although Great Britain manufactures for
the whole world, and the Republic is only gaining,
year after year, greater control of her own markets,
Britain's manufactures in 1880 were not two-thirds the
value of those of the one-century-old Republic, which
is not generally considered a manufacturing country

at all.

In the savings of nations America also comes first,
her annual savings of two hundred and ten millions
sterling exceeding those of the United Kingdom by
fifty-six millions, and those of France by seventy mil-
lions sterling. The fifty million Americans of 1880
could have bought up the one hundred and forty mil-
lions of Russians, Austrians, and Spaniards ; or, after
purchasing wealthy France, would have had enough
pocket money to acquire Denmark, Norway, Switzer-
land, and Greece. The Yankee Republican could even
buy the home of his ancestors — the dear old home with
all its exquisite beauty, historical associations, and glor-
ious traditions, which challenge our love — and hold it
captive,

* British returns do not include flour-mills and saw-mills, but sixty
millions sterling, a sura far beyond their possible value, have been al-
lowed for these in the above estimate.



The Republic, 5

•' The cloud-capp'd towers, the gorgeous palaces,
The solemn temples,''

aye, every acre of Great Britain and Ireland could he
buy, and hold it as a pretty little Isle of Wight to his
great continent ; and after doing this he could turn
round and pay off the entire national debt of that
deeply indebted land, and yet not exhaust his fortune,
the product of a single century ! What will he not be
able to do ere his second century closes ! Already
the nations which have played great parts in the world's
history grow small in comparison. In a hundred years
they will be as dwarfs, in two hundred mere pigmies
to this giant ; he the Gulliver of nations, they but Lili-
putians who may try to bind him with their spider
threads in vain.

The shipping of the Republic ranks next to that of
the world's carrier, Britain. No other nation approaches
her for second place. In 1880, the carrying power
of Great Britain was eighteen millions of tons; that of
the Republic nine millions, being about one-half the
mother-land's commercial fleet, but more than that of
France, Germany, Norway, Italy, and Spain combined,
these being the five largest carrying powers of Europe
after Britain. The Western Republic has more than
four times the carrying capacity of its European sister
France, and quite four times as mufh as Germany.
Her ships earned nearly twenty per cent, of the total
shipping earnings of the world in 1880. France and



6 Triu7nphant Democracy.

Germany each earned but a shade over five per cent.
The exports and imports of America are aheady equal
to those of either of those countries — about ;^300,ooo,ooo
sterHng. Nothwithstanding those facts, which are cor-
roborated by Mulhall, and are known to be correct, the
general impression is that the Republic, gigantic as she
is on land, has very little footing upon the water. This
is one of many popular delusions about the ''kin beyond
sea." But while she is next to Britain herself as a mari-
time power, it is when we turn to her internal com-
merce — her carrying power on land — that she reverses
positions with her great mother. The internal com-
merce of the United States exceeds the entire foreign
commerce of Great Britain and Ireland, France, Ger-
many, Russia, Holland, Austria-Hungary, and Belgium
combined. For railway freight over a hundred and ten
millions sterling are annually paid, a greater sum than the
railway freightage of Great Britain, France, and Italy
collectively, and more than is earned by all the ships in
the world, exclusive of America's own earnings from
ships. The Pennsylvania Railroad system alone trans-
ports more tonnage than all Britain's merchant ships.

In military and naval power the Republic is at once
the weakest and the strongest of nations. Her regular
army consists of but twenty-five thousand men scattered
all over the continent in companies of fifty or a hun-
dred. Her navy, thank God ! is as nothing. But twenty
years ago, as at the blast of a trumpet, she called into



The Republic, 7

action two millions of armed men, and floated six hun-
dred and twenty-six war-ships. Even the vaunted
legions of Xerxes, and the hordes of Attila and Timour
were exceeded in numbers by the citizen soldiers
who took up arms in 1861 to defend the unity of the
nation, and who, when the task was done, laid them
quietly down, and returned to the avocations of peace.
As Macaulay says of the soldiers of the Commonwealth :
" In a few months there remained not a trace indicating
that the most formidable army in the world had just
been absorbed into the mass of the community." And
the character of the Republic's soldiers, too, recalls his
account of this republican army of Cromwell's. " The
Royalists themselves confessed that, in every depart-
ment of honest industry, the discarded warriors pros-
pered beyond other men, that none was charged with
any theft or robbery, that none was heard to ask for
alms, and that if a baker, a mason, or a wagoner at-
tracted notice by his diligence and sobriety, he was in
all probability one of Oliver's old soldiers." This was
when the parent land was free from hereditary rulers
and under the invigorating influence of republican insti-
tutions. Thus do citizens fight on one side of the At-
lantic as on the other, and, grander far, thus return to
the pursuits of peace. Not for throne, for king, or for
privileged class, but for Country. For a country which
gives to the humblest every privilege accorded to the-
greatest, one says instinctively.



8 Triu77tphaitt Democracy,

" Where 's the coward that would not dare
To fight for such a land ! "

Britons as republicans were of course invincible. What
chance in the struggle has a royalist who cries, " My
king ! " against the citizen whose patriotic ardor glows
as he whispers, '' My country ! " The " God save the
King " of the monarchist grows faint before the nobler
strain of the republican,

" God bless our native land ! "

Our king, poor trifler, may be beneath consideration.
Our country is ever sure of our love. There be words
to conjure and work miracles with, and " our country "
is of these. Others, having ceased to be divine, have
become ridiculous, and '' king " and '* throne " are of
these.

The twenty thousand Englishmen who met in Bing-
ley Hall, Birmingham, to honor the sturdiest EngHsh-
man of all, John Bright, dispersed not with the paltry
and puerile " God save the Queen," but with these glor-
ious words sung to the same tune :

" God bless our native land,
May heaven's protecting hand

Still guard her shore ;
May peace her fame extend.
Foe be transformed to friend,
And Britain's power depend

On war no more."

Worthy this of England, blessed mother of nations



The Reptiblic, g

which now are, and of others yet to be. To hear it was
worth the voyage across the Atlantic. Never crept the
thrill of triumph more wildly through my frame than
when I lifted up my voice and sang with the exultmg
mass the coming national hymn which is to live and
vibrate round the world when royal families are as
extinct as dodos. God speed the day ! A royal
family is an insult to every other family in the land.
I found no trace of them at Birmingham.

The Republic wants neither standing army nor navy.
In this lies her chief glory and her strength. Resting
securely upon the love and devotion of all her sons, she
can, Cadmus-like, raise from the soil vast armed hosts
who fight only in her defence, and who, unlike the seed
of the dragon, return to the avocations of peace when
danger to the Republic is past. The American citizen
who will not fight for his country if attacked is un-
worthy the name, and the American citizen who could
be induced to engage in aggressive warfare is equally
so.

Of more importance even than commercial or
military strength is the Republic's commanding posi-
tion among nations in intellectual activity ; for she
excels in the number of schools and colleges, in the
number and extent of her libraries, and in the num-
ber of newspapers and other periodicals published.

In the application of science to social and indus-
trial uses, she is far in advance of other nations.



lo Triumphant Democracy.

Many of the most important practical inventions
which have contributed to the progress of the world
during the past century originated with Americans.
No other people have devised so many labor-saving
machines and appliances. The first commercially suc-
cessful steamboat navigated the Hudson, and the
first steamship to cross the Atlantic sailed under the
American flag from an American port. America gave
to the world the cotton-gin, and the first practical
mowing, reaping, and sewing machines. In the most
spiritual, most ethereal of all departments in which
man has produced great triumphs, viz. : electricity,
the position of the American is specially noteworthy.
He may be said almost to have made this province his
own, for, beginning with Franklin's discovery of the
identity of lightning and electricity, it was an Ameri-
can who devised the best and most widely used sys-
tem of telegraphy, and an American who boldly un-
dertook to bind together the old and the new land
with electric chains. In the use of electricity for
illuminating purposes America maintains her posi-
tion as first wherever this subtile agent is invoked.
The recent addition to the world's means of commu-
nication, the telephone, is also to be credited to the
new land.

Into the distant future of this giant nation we
need not seek to peer ; but if we cast a glance for-
ward, as we have done backward, for only fifty



The Republic, ii

years, and assume that in that short interval no
serious change will occur, the astounding fact star-
tles us that in 1935, fifty years from now, when
many in manhood will still be living, one hundred
and eighty milHons of English-speaking repubHcans
will exist under one flag and possess more than
two hundred and fifty thousand millions of dollars, or
fifty thousand millions sterling of national wealth.
Eighty years ago the whole of America and Eu-
rope did not contain so many people ; and, if
Europe and America continue their normal growth,
it will be little more than another eighty years
ere the mighty Republic may boast as many loyal
citizens as all the rulers of Europe combined, for
before the year 1980 Europe and America will
each have a population of about six hundred mil-
lions.

The causes which have led to the rapid growth
and aggrandizement of this latest addition to the
family of nations constitute one of the most in-
teresting problems in the social history of mankind.
What has brought about such stupendous results —
so unparalleled a development of a nation v/ithin
so brief a period ! The most important factors in
this problem are three : the ethnic character of the
people, the topographical and climatic conditions under
which they developed, and the influence of political
institutions founded upon the equality of the citizen.



12 Triumphant Democracy,

Certain writers in the past have maintained that the
ethnic type of a people has less influence upon its
growth as a nation than the conditions of life under
which it is developing. The modern ethnologist knows
better. We have only to imagine what America would
be to-day if she had fallen, in the beginning, into the
hands of any otlier people than the colonizing British, to
see how vitally important is this question of race.
America was indeed fortunate in the seed planted upon
her soil. With the exception of a few Dutch and
French it was wholly British ; and, as will be shown in
the next chapter, the American of to-day remains true
to this noble strain and is four-fifths British. The spe-
cial aptitude of this race for colonization, its vigor and



Online LibraryAndrew CarnegieTriumphant democracy; or, Fifty years' march of the republic → online text (page 1 of 33)