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mentioned in Scripture.

So elate was he that he shortly set about devising
another "petrified man" which would defy the world.
It was of clay baked in a furnace, contained human
bones, and was provided with "a tail and legs of the ape
type"; and this he caused to be buried and discovered
in Colorado. This time he claimed to have the aid of
one of his former foes the great Barnum; and all went
well until his old enemy, Professor Marsh of Yale, ap-
peared and blasted the whole enterprise by a few minutes
of scientific observation and common-sense discourse.

Others tried to imitate Hull, and in 1876 one William
Euddock of Thornton, St. Clair County, Michigan manu-
factured a small effigy in cement, and in due time brought
about the discovery of it. But, though several country
clergymen used it to strengthen their arguments as to the
literal, prosaic correctness of Genesis, it proved a failure.
Finally, in 1889, twenty years after "the Cardiff Giant"
was devised, a "petrified man" was found near Bathurst
in Australia, brought to Sydney, and exhibited. The re-

THE CAEDIFF GIANT -1869 -1870 485

suit was, in some measure, the same as in the case of the
American fraud. Excellent people found comfort in
believing, and sundry pseudo-scientific men of a cheap
sort thought it best to pander to this sentiment; but a
well-trained geologist pointed out the absurdity of the
popular theory, and finally the police finished the matter
by securing evidences of fraud. 1

To close these annals, I may add that recently the in-
ventor of * ' the Cardiff Giant, ' ' Hull, being at the age of
seventy-six years, apparently in his last illness, and anx-
ious for the glory in history which comes from suc-
cessful achievement, again gave to the press a full ac-
count of his part in the affair, confirming what he had
previously stated, showing how he planned it, executed it,
and realized a goodly sum for it; how Barnum wished
to purchase it from him; and how, above all, he had his
joke at the expense of those who, though they had man-
aged to overcome him in argument, had finally been ren-
dered ridiculous in the sight of the whole country. 2

1 For the Ruddock discovery see Dr. G. A. Stockwell in the " Popular
Science Monthly " for June, 1878. For the Australian fraud see the London
" Times " of August 2, 1889.

2 For Hull's "Final Statement" see the "Ithaca Daily Journal," January
4, 1898.



A MONG those who especially attracted my youthful ad-
r\ miration were authors, whether of books or of
articles in the magazines. When one of these personages
was pointed out to me, he seemed of far greater stature
than the men about him. This feeling was especially
developed in the atmosphere of our household, where
scholars and writers were held in especial reverence, and
was afterward increased by my studies. This led me at
Yale to take, at first, much interest in general literature,
and, as a result, I had some youthful successes as a writer
of essays and as one of the editors of the * ' Yale Literary
Magazine ' ' ; but although it was an era of great writers,
the culmination of the Victorian epoch, my love for
literature as literature gradually diminished, and in place
of it came in my young manhood a love of historical and
other studies to which literature was, to my mind, merely
subsidiary. With this, no doubt, the prevailing atmo-
sphere of Yale had much to do. There was between Yale
and Harvard, at that time, a great difference as regarded
literary culture. Living immediately about Harvard were
most of the leading American authors, and this fact
greatly influenced that university ; at Yale less was made
of literature as such, and more was made of it as a means
to an end as ancillary in the discussion of various mili-
tant political questions. Yale had writers strong, vigor-
ous, and acute : of such were Woolsey, Porter, Bacon, and
Bushnell, some of whom, and, above all, the last, had


- PLANS AND PROJECTS- 1838 -1905 487

they devoted themselves to pure literature, would have
gained lasting fame ; but their interest in the questions of
the day was controlling, and literature, in its ordinary
sense, was secondary.

Harvard undoubtedly had the greater influence on lead-
ing American thinkers throughout the nation, but much
less direct influence on the people at large outside of
Massachusetts. The direct influence of Yale on affairs
throughout the United States was far greater; it was
felt in all parts of the country and in every sort of enter-
prise. Many years after my graduation I attended a
meeting of the Yale alumni at Washington, where a
Western senator, on taking the chair, gave an offhand
statement of the difference between the two universities.
' ' Gentlemen, ' ' said the senator, * l we all know what Har-
vard does. She fits men admirably for life in Boston
and its immediate neighborhood; they see little outside
of eastern Massachusetts and nothing outside of New
England; in Boston clubs they are delightful; elsewhere
they are intolerable. And we also know what Yale does :
she sends her graduates out into all parts of the land,
for every sort of good work, in town and country, even
to the remotest borders of the nation. Wherever you find
a Yale man you find a man who is in touch with his fellow-
citizens; who appreciates them and is appreciated by
them; who is doing a man's work and is honored for
doing it. ' '

This humorous overstatement indicates to some extent
the real difference between the spirit of the two uni-
versities : the influence of Harvard being greater through
the men it trained to lead American thought from Boston
as a center; the influence of Yale being greater through
its graduates who were joining in the world's work in all
its varied forms. Yet, curiously enough, it was the utter-
ance of a Harvard man which perhaps did most in my
young manhood to make me unduly depreciate literary
work. I was in deep sympathy with Theodore Parker,
both in politics and religion, and when he poured contempt


over a certain class of ineffective people as "weak and
literary," something of his feeling took possession of me.
Then, too, I was much under the influence of Thomas
Carlyle: his preachments, hortatory and objurgatory,
witty and querulous, that men should defer work in litera-
ture until they really have some worthy message to de-
liver, had a strong effect upon me. While I greatly ad-
mired men like Lowell and Whittier, who brought exqui-
site literary gifts to bear powerfully on the struggle
against slavery, persons devoted wholly to literary work
seemed to me akin to sugar-bakers and confectionery-
makers. I now know that this view was very inadequate ;
but it was then in full force. It seemed to me more and
more absurd that a man with an alleged immortal soul,
at such a time as the middle of the nineteenth century,
should devote himself, as I then thought, to amusing
weakish young men and women by the balancing of
phrases or the jingling of verses.

Therefore it was that, after leaving Yale, whatever I
wrote had some distinct purpose, with little, if any, care
as to form. I was greatly stirred against the encroach-
ments of slavery in the Territories, had also become
deeply interested in university education, and most of
my thinking and writing was devoted to these subjects;
though, at times, I took up the cudgels in behalf of various
militant ideas that seemed to need support. The lecture
on * ' Cathedral Builders and Mediaeval Sculptors, ' ' given
in the Yale chapel after my return from Europe, often
repeated afterward in various parts of the country, and
widely circulated by extracts in newspapers, though ap-
parently an exception to the rule, was not really so.
It aimed to show the educational value of an ethical
element in art. So, too, my article in the "New Eng-
lander" on "Glimpses of Universal History" had as its
object the better development of historical studies in our
universities. My articles in the "Atlantic Monthly"
on "Jefferson and Slavery," on "The Statesmanship of
Richelieu," and on "The Development and Overthrow of

PLANS AND PROJECTS-1838-1905 489

Serfdom in Russia" all had a bearing on the dominant
question of slavery, and the same was true of my Phi
Beta Kappa address at Yale on "The Greatest Foe of
Modern States." Whatever I wrote during the Civil
War, and especially my pamphlet published in London as
a reply to the ' * American Diary ' ' of the London * * Times ' '
correspondent, Dr. Russell, had a similar character. The
feeling grew upon me that life in the United States during
the middle of the nineteenth century was altogether too
earnest for devotion to pure literature. The same feeling
pervaded my lectures at the University of Michigan, my
effort being by means of the lessons of history to set
young men at thinking upon the great political problems
of our time. The first course of these lectures was upon
the French Revolution. Work with reference to it had
been a labor of love. During my student life in Paris,
and at various other times, I had devoted much time to
the study of this subject, had visited nearly all the places
most closely connected with it not only in Paris but
throughout France, had meditated upon the noble begin-
nings of the Revolution in the Palace and Tennis-court
and Church of St. Louis at Versailles; at Lyons, upon
the fusillades; at Nantes, upon the noyades; at the Ab-
baye, the Carmelite monastery, the Barriere du Trone,
and the cemetery of the Rue Picpus in Paris, upon the
Red Terror; at Nimes and Avignon and in La Vendee,
upon the White Terror; had collected, in all parts of
France, masses of books, manuscripts, public documents
and illustrated material on the whole struggle : full sets
of the leading newspapers of the Revolutionary period,
more than seven thousand pamphlets, reports, speeches,
and other fugitive publications, with masses of paper
money, caricatures, broadsides, and the like, thus form-
ing my library on the Revolution, which has since been
added to that of Cornell University. Based upon these
documents and books were my lectures on the general
history of France and on the Revolution and Empire.
Out of this came finally a shorter series of lectures upon


which I took especial pains namely, the "History of the
Causes of the French Revolution. ' ' This part of the whole
course interested me most as revealing the strength and
weakness of democracies and throwing light upon many
problems which our own republic must endeavor to solve ;
and I gave it not only at Cornell, but at Johns Hopkins,
the University of Pennsylvania, Stanford, Tulane, and
Washington. It still remains in manuscript: whether it
will ever be published is uncertain. Should my life be
somewhat extended, I hope to throw it into the form of a
small volume ; but, at my present age and with the work
now upon me, the realization of this plan is doubtful.
Still, in any case, there is to me one great consolation : my
collection of books aided the former professor of modern
history at Cornell, Mr. Morse Stevens, in preparing what
is unquestionably the best history of the French Revolu-
tion in the English language. Nor has the collection been
without other uses. Upon it was based my pamphlet on
' ' Paper Money Inflation in France : How It Came, What
It Brought, and How It Ended," and this, being circu-
lated widely as a campaign document during two differ-
ent periods of financial delusion, did, I hope, something
to set some controlling men into fruitful trains of thought
on one of the most important issues ever presented to the
American people.

Another course of lectures also paved the way possibly
for a book. I have already told how, during my college
life and even previously, I became fascinated with the his-
tory of the Protestant Reformation. This led to further
studies, and among the first courses in history prepared
during my professorship at the University of Michigan
was one upon the "Revival of Learning" and the "Refor-
mation in Germany." This course was developed later
until it was brought down to our own times ; its continu-
ance being especially favored by my stay in Germany, first
as a student and later as minister of the United States.
Most of my spare time at these periods was given to this
subject, and in the preparation of these lectures I conceived

PLANS AND PROJECTS-1838-1905 491

the plan of a book bearing some such name as ' ' The Build-
ing of the German Empire, " or ' ' The Evolution of Mod-
ern Germany." As to method, I proposed to make it al-
most entirely biographical, and the reason for this is very
simple. Of all histories that I have known, those relating
to Germany have been the most difficult to read. Events
in German history are complicated and interwoven, to a
greater degree than those of any other nation, by strug-
gles between races, between three great branches of the
Christian Church, between scores of territorial divisions,
between greater and lesser monarchs, between states and
cities, between families, between individuals. Then, to in-
crease the complication, the center of interest is constantly
changing, being during one period at Vienna, during an-
other at Frankf ort-on-the-Main, during another at Berlin,
and during others at other places. Therefore it is that
narrative histories of Germany become to most foreign
readers wretchedly confusing: indeed, they might well
be classed in Father Bouhours's famous catalogue of
' ' Books Impossible to be Read. ' ' This obstacle to histori-
cal treatment, especially as regards the needs of American
readers, led me to group events about the lives of various
German leaders in thought and action the real builders
of Germany ; and this plan was perhaps confirmed by Car-
lyle 's famous dictum that the history of any nation is the
history of the great men who have made it. Impressed
by such considerations,! threw my lectures almost entirely
into biographical form, with here and there a few histor-
ical lectures to bind the whole together. Beginning with
Erasmus, Luther, Ulrich von Hutten, and Charles V, I
continued with Comenius, Canisius, Grotius, Thomasius,
and others who, whether born on German soil or not, exer-
cised their main influence in Germany. Then came the
work of the Great Elector, the administration of Fred-
erick the Great, the moral philosophy of Kant, the influ-
ence of the French Revolution and Napoleon in Germany,
the reforms of Stein, the hopeless efforts of Joseph II and
Metternich to win the hegemony for Austria, and the sue-


cessful efforts of Bismarck and the Emperor William to
give it to Prussia. My own direct knowledge of Germany
at different dates during more than forty-five years, and
perhaps also my official and personal relations to the two
personages last mentioned, enabled me to see some things
which a man drawing his material from books alone
would not have seen. I have given much of my spare time
to this subject during several years, and still hope, almost
against hope, to bring it into book form.

Though thus interested in the work of a professor of
modern history, I could not refrain from taking part in
the discussion of practical questions pressing on thinking
men from all sides and earnestly demanding attention.

During my State senatorship I had been obliged more
than once to confess a lack, both in myself and in my
colleagues, of much fundamental knowledge especially
important to men intrusted with the legislation of a great
commonwealth. Besides this, even as far back as my
Russian attacheship, I had observed a similar want of
proper equipment in our diplomatic and consular service.
It was clear to me that such subjects as international law,
political economy, modern history bearing on legislation,
the fundamental principles of law and administration, and
especially studies bearing on the prevention and cure of
pauperism, inebriety, and crime, and on the imposition of
taxation, had been always inadequately provided for by
our universities, and in most cases utterly neglected. In
France and Germany I had observed a better system, and,
especially at the College de France, had been interested
in the courses of Laboulaye on "Comparative Legis-
lation." The latter subject, above all, seemed likely to
prove fruitful in the United States, where not only the
national Congress but over forty State legislatures are
trying in various ways, year after year, to solve the mani-
fold problems presented to them. Therefore it was that,
while discharging my duties as a commissioner at the
Paris Exposition of 1878, 1 took pains to secure informa-
tion regarding instruction, in various European countries,

PLANS AND PROJECTS-1838-1905 493

having as its object the preparation of young men for the
civil and diplomatic service. Especially was I struck by
the thorough equipment for the diplomatic and consular
services given at the newly established Ecole Libre des
Sciences Politiques at Paris ; consequently my report as
commissioner was devoted to this general subject. On
my return this was published under the title of "The
Provision for Higher Instruction in Subjects bearing
directly on Public Affairs," and a portion of my mate-
rial was thrown, at a later day, into an appeal for the
establishment of proper courses in history and political
science, which took the final form of a commencement
address at Johns Hopkins University. It is a great
satisfaction to me that this publication, acting with other
forces in the same direction, has been evidently useful.
Nothing in the great development of our universities
during the last quarter of a century has been more
gratifying and full of promise for the country than the
increased provision for instruction bearing on public
questions, and the increased interest in such instruction
shown by students, and, indeed, by the community at large.
I may add that of all the kindnesses shown me by the trus-
tees of Cornell University at my resignation of its presi-
dency, there was none which pleased me more than the
attachment of my name to their newly established College
of History and Political Science.

During this same period another immediately practical
subject which interested me was the reform of the civil
service; and, having spoken upon this at various public
meetings as well as written private letters to various pub-
lic men in order to keep them thinking upon it, I pub-
lished in 1882, in the "North American Review," an ar-
ticle giving historical facts regarding the origin, evolu-
tion, and results of the spoils system, entitled, "Do the
Spoils Belong to the Victor?" This brought upon me
a bitter personal attack from my old friend Mr. Thur-
low Weed, who, far-sighted and shrewd as he was, could
never see how republican institutions could be made to


work without the anticipation of spoils; but for this I
was more than compensated by the friendship of younger
men who are likely to have far more to do with our
future political development than will the old race of
politicians, and, chief among these young men, Mr.
Theodore Roosevelt. I was also drawn off to other
subjects, making addresses at various universities on
points which seemed to me of importance, the most suc-
cessful of all being one given at Yale, upon the thirtieth
anniversary of my class, entitled, ''The Message of the
Nineteenth Century to the Twentieth." It was an en-
deavor to strengthen the hands of those who were laboring
to maintain the proper balance between the humanities
and technical studies. To the latter I had indeed devoted
many years of my life, but the time had arrived when the
other side seemed to demand attention. This address,
though the result of much preliminary meditation, was
dictated in all the hurry and worry of a Cornell com-
mencement week and given in the Yale chapel the week
following. Probably nothing which I have ever done, save
perhaps the tractate on "Paper Money Inflation in
France, ' ' received such immediate and wide-spread recog-
nition: it was circulated very extensively in the New
York "Independent," then in the form of a pamphlet, for
which there was large demand, and finally, still more
widely, in a cheap form.

Elsewhere in these reminiscences I have given an ac-
count of the evolution of my "History of the Warfare
of Science with Theology. ' ' It was growing in my mind
for about twenty years, and my main reading, even for
my different courses of lectures, had more or less con-
nection with it. First given as a lecture, it was then ex-
tended into a little book which grew, in the shape of new
chapters, into much larger final form. It was written
mainly at Cornell University, but several of its chapters
in other parts of the world, one being almost wholly pre-
pared on the Nile, at Athens, and at Munich; another at
St. Petersburg and during a journey in the Scandinavian

PLANS AND PROJECTS-1838-1905 495

countries ; and other chapters in England and France. At
last, in the spare hours of my official life at St. Petersburg,
I made an end of the work ; and in Italy, during the winter
and spring of 1894-1895, gave it final revision.

For valuable aid in collecting materials and making
notes in public libraries, I was indebted to various
friends whose names are mentioned in its preface; and,
above all, to my dear friend and former student, Profes-
sor George Lincoln Burr, who not only aided me greatly
during the latter part of my task by wise suggestions^
and cautions, but who read the proofs and made the

Perhaps I may be allowed to repeat here that my pur-
pose in preparing this book was to strengthen not only
science but religion. I have never had any tendency to
scoffing, nor have I liked scoffers. Many of my closest
associations and dearest friendships have been, and still
are, with clergymen. Clergymen are generally, in our
cities and villages, among the best and most intelligent
men that one finds, and, as a rule, with thoughtful and
tolerant old lawyers and doctors, the people best worth
knowing. My aim in writing was not only to aid in free-
ing science from trammels which for centuries had been
vexatious and cruel, but also to strengthen religious teach-
ers by enabling them to see some of the evils in the past
which, for the sake of religion itself, they ought to guard
against in the future.

During vacation journeys in Europe I was led, at
various historical centers, to take up special subjects
akin to those developed in my lectures. Thus, during my
third visit to Florence, having read Manzoni's "Pro-
messi Sposi," which still seems to me the most beautiful
historical romance ever written, I was greatly impressed
by that part of it which depicts the superstitions and legal
cruelties engendered by the plague at Milan. This story,
with Manzoni 's ' ' Colonna Inf ame ' ' and Cantu 's * ' Vita di
Beccaria, ' ' led me to take up the history of criminal law,
and especially the development of torture in procedure


and punishment. Much time during two or three years
was given to this subject, and a winter at Stuttgart in
1877-1878 was entirely devoted to it. In the course of
these studies I realized as never before how much dog-
matic theology and ecclesiasticism have done to develop
and maintain the most frightful features in penal law. I
found that in Greece and Rome, before the coming in of
Christianity, torture had been reduced to a minimum and,
indeed, had been mainly abolished ; but that the doctrine
in the mediaeval church as to "Excepted Cases"
namely, cases of heresy and witchcraft, regarding which
the theological dogma was developed that Satan would
exercise his powers to help his votaries had led to the
reestablishment of a system of torture, in order to baffle
and overcome Satan, far more cruel than any which pre-
vailed under paganism.

I also found that, while under the later Roman emper-
ors and, in fact, down to the complete supremacy of Chris-
tianity, criminal procedure grew steadily more and more
merciful, as soon as the church was established in full
power yet another theological doctrine came in with such
force that it extended the use of torture from the "Ex-
cepted Cases" named above to all criminal procedure,
and maintained it, in its most frightful form, for more
than a thousand years. This new doctrine was that since

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