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There exists a document, in the cipher of Throckmorton, English
Ambassador in France, purporting to be a copy of a letter from the Regent
to the Duc and Cardinal de Guise, dated Edinburgh, March 27, 1560. {280f}
The Regent, at that date, was in Leith, not in Edinburgh Castle, where
she went on April 1. In that letter she is made to say that de Seurre
has "very evil misunderstood" the affair of the letter attributed to
Chatelherault. She had procured "blanks" of his "by one of her servants
here" (at Leith) "to the late Bishop of Ross"; the Duke's alleged letter
and submission of January 25 had been "filled up" on a "blank," the Duke
knowing nothing of the matter.

This letter of the Regent, then, must also, if authentic, have been
somehow intercepted or procured by Throckmorton, in France. It is
certain that Throckmorton sometimes, by bribery, did obtain copies of
secret French papers, but I have not found him reporting to Cecil or
Queen Elizabeth this letter of the Regent's. The reader must estimate
for himself the value of that document. I have stated the case as fairly
as I can, and though the evidence against the Regent, as it stands, would
scarcely satisfy a jury, I believe that, corrupted by the evil example of
the Congregation, the Regent, in January 1560, did procure a forgery
intended to bring suspicion on Chatelherault. But how could she be
surprised that de Seurre did not understand the real state of the case?
The Regent may have explained the true nature of the affair to de
Noailles, but it may have been unknown to de Seurre, who succeeded that
ambassador. Yet, how could she ask any ambassador to produce a confessed
forgery as genuine?




Footnotes


{0a} Inventories of Mary, Queen of Scots, p. cxxii., note 7.

{0b} Hume Brown, John Knox, ii. 320-324.

{2a} Probably Mrs. Knox died in her son's youth, and his father married
again. Catholic writers of the period are unanimous in declaring that
Knox had a stepmother.

{2b} Knox, Laing's edition, iv. 78.

{4} See Young's letter, first published by Professor Hume Brown, John
Knox, vol. ii. Appendix, 320-324.

{5} Laing, in his Knox, vi. xxi. xxii.

{6} Knox, i. 36-40. The facts are pointed out by Professor Cowan in The
Athenaeum, December 3, 1904, and had been recognised by Dr. Hay Fleming.

{7} Beza, writing in 1580, says that study of St. Jerome and St.
Augustine suggested his doubts. Icones Virorum Doctrina Simul ac Pietate
Illustrium.

{9} Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Stuart, 428-430, 522, 524, 528.

{10} Knox, vi. 172, 173.

{12} Letter of Young to Beza. Hume Brown, John Knox, ii. 322-24.

{15a} Cf. Life of George Wishart, by the Rev. Charles Rodger, 7-12
(1876).

{15b} Maxwell, Old Dundee, 83, 84.

{17} M'Crie's Knox, 24 (1855).

{18a} "Letter to the Faithful," cf. M'Crie, Life of John Knox, 292.

{18b} Knox, vi. 229.

{19} M'Crie, 292.

{20} Dr. Hay Fleming has impugned this opinion, but I am convinced by
the internal evidence of tone and style in the tract; indeed, an earlier
student has anticipated my idea. The tract is described by Dr. M'Crie in
his Life of Knox, 326-327 (1855).

{22} Most of the gentry of Fife were in the murder or approved of it,
and the castle seems to have contained quite a pleasant country-house
party. They were cheered by the smiles of beauty, and in the treasurer's
accounts we learn that Janet Monypenny of Pitmilly (an estate still in
the possession of her family), was "summoned for remaining in the castle,
and assisting" the murderers. Dr. M'Crie cites Janet in his list of
"Scottish Martyrs and Prosecutions for Heresy" (Life of Knox, 315). This
martyr was a cousin, once removed, of the murdered ecclesiastic.

{23a} Knox, Laing's edition, i. 180.

{23b} Knox, i. 182. "The siege continued to near the end of January."
"The truce was of treacherous purpose," i. 183.

{24} Knox, i. 203-205.

{25a} Thorpe's Calendar, i. 60; Register Privy Council, i. 57, 58;
Tytler, vi. 8 (1837).

{25b} State Papers, Scotland, Thorpe, i. 61.

{25c} Bain, Calendar of Scottish Papers, 1547-69, i. I; Tytler, iii. 51
(1864).

{26a} Bain i. 2; Knox, i. 182, 183.

{26b} For the offering of the papal remission to the garrison of the
castle before April 2, 1547, see Stewart of Cardonald's letter of that
date to Wharton, in Bain's Calendar of Scottish Papers, 1547-69, i. 4-5.

{27a} John Knox, i. 80.

{27b} State Papers, Domestic. Addenda, Edward VI., p. 327. Lord Eure
says there were twenty galleys.

{27c} Odet De Selve, Correspondence Politique, pp. 170-178.

{28} Knox, i. 201.

{30a} Leonti Strozzio, incolumitatem modo pacti, se dediderunt, writes
Buchanan. Professor Hume Brown says that Buchanan evidently confirms
Knox; but incolumitas means security for bare life, and nothing more.
Lesley says that the terms _asked_ were life and fortune, salvi cum
fortunis, but the terms _granted_ were but safety in life and limb, and,
it seems, freedom to depart, ut soli homines integri discederent. If
Lesley, a Catholic historian, is right, and if by discederent he means
"go freely away," the French broke the terms of surrender.

{30b} Knox, i. 206, 228.

{33a} Lorimer, John Knox and the Church of England, 261.

{33b} Ibid., 158.

{33c} Ibid., 156, 157.

{35} Compare the preface, under the Restoration, to our existing prayer
book.

{36a} Lorimer, John Knox and the Church of England, 98-136.

{36b} Knox, iii. 122.

{37a} Knox, iii. 297.

{37b} Ibid., iii. 122.

{38a} Knox, iii. 280-282.

{38b} Lorimer, i. 162-176.

{39} But, for the date, cf. Hume Brown, John Knox, i. 148; and M'Crie,
65, note 5; Knox, iii. 156.

{40a} Knox, iii. 120.

{40b} Laing, Knox, vi. pp. lxxx., lxxxi.

{40c} Pollen, The Month, September 1897.

{43} Knox, iii. 366.

{45} Lorimer, John Knox and the Church of England, 259.

{47a} Original Letters, Parker Society, 745-747; Knox, iii. 221-226.

{47b} M'Crie, 65 (1855); Knox, iii. 235.

{48} Knox, iii. 184.

{49a} Knox, iii. 309.

{49b} Ibid., iii. 328, 329.

{49c} Ibid., iii. 194.

{54} cf. Hume Brown, ii. 299, for the terms.

{56} John Knox, i. 174, 175; Corp. Ref., xliii. 337-344.

{58} For the Frankfort affair, see Laing's Knox, iv. 1-40, with Knox's
own narrative, 41-49; the letters to and from Calvin, 51-68. Calvin, in
his letter to the Puritans at Frankfort, writes: "In the Anglican
Liturgy, _as you describe it_, I see many trifles that may be put up
with," Prof. Hume Brown's rendering of tolerabiles ineptias. The author
of the "Troubles at Frankfort" (1575) leaves out "as you describe it,"
and renders "In the Liturgie of Englande I see that there were manye
tollerable foolishe thinges." But Calvin, though he boasts him "easy and
flexible in mediis rebus, such as external rites," is decidedly in favour
of the Puritans.

{60} Knox i. 244.

{62a} Knox, i. 245, note I.

{62b} Ibid., iv. 245.

{66} I conceive these to have been the arguments of the party of
compromise, judging from the biblical texts which they adduced.

{67} Knox, i. 247-249.

{71a} Knox, i. 92.

{71b} Ibid., iv. 75-84.

{73} Knox; iv. 238-240.

{74} We shall see that reformers like Lord James and Glencairn seem, at
this moment, to have sided with Mary of Guise.

{76a} Knox, i. 267-270.

{76b} Corpus Reformatorum, xlvi. 426.

{77a} More probably by Calvin's opinion.

{77b} Knox, iv. 248-253; i. 267-273.

{78} Stevenson, Selected MSS., pp. 69, 70 (1827); Bain, i. 585; Randolph
to Cecil, January 2, 1561.

{80a} Knox, iv. 255-276.

{80b} Ibid., i. 273, 274.

{81a} Knox, i. 275, 276.

{81b} Ibid., i. 273, 274.

{83} Knox, iv. 501, 502.

{84} Knox, iv. 358. Zurich Letters, 34-36.

{85} Knox, iv. 486, 488.

{87a} Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i.

{87b} Here the "Historie of the Estate" is corroborated by the
Treasurer's Accounts, recording payment to Rothesay Herald. He is
summoning George Lovell, David Ferguson (a preacher, later minister of
Dunfermline), and others unnamed to appear at Edinburgh on July 28, to
answer for "wrongous using and wresting of the Scriptures, disputing upon
erroneous opinions, and eating flesh in Lent," and at other times
forbidden by Acts of Parliament (M'Crie, 359, note G). Nothing is here
said about riotous iconoclasm, but Lovell had been at the hanging of an
image of St. Francis as early as 1543, and in many such godly exercises,
or was accused of these acts of zeal.

{87c} "Historie of the Estate of Scotland," Wodrow Miscellany, i. 53-55.

{88a} Knox, i. 301.

{88b} Knox appears (he is very vague) to date Calder's petition _after_
Willock's second visit, which the "Historie of the Estate of Scotland"
places in October 1558. Dr. M'Crie accepts that date, but finds that
Knox places Calder's petition before the burning of Myln, in April 1559.
Dr. M'Crie suggests that perhaps Calder petitioned twice, but deems Knox
in the right. As the Reformer contradicts himself, unless there were two
Calder petitions (i. 301, i. 307), he must have made an oversight.

{88c} Hume Brown, John Knox, ii. Appendix, 301-303.

{88d} Knox, i. 301-306

{89a} Knox, i. 294, 301-312. On p. 294 Knox dates the Parliament in
October.

{89b} Knox, i. 309-312.

{90a} Knox, i. 312-314.

{90b} See Laing's edition, i. 320, 321.

{91} Wodrow Miscellany, i. 55.

{92a} M'Crie, Knox, 359, 360.

{92b} Knox, i. 306, 307.

{93a} Knox, i. 307.

{93b} "Historie," Wodrow Miscellany, i. 55, 56.

{93c} Knox, i. 312-314.

{94a} "Historie," Wodrow Miscellany, 56.

{94b} Melville, 76, 77 (1827).

But Professor Hume Brown appears to be misled in saying that Bettencourt,
or Bethencourt, did not reach Scotland till June (John Knox, i. 344i note
i), citing Forbes, i. 141. Bethencourt "passed Berwick on April 13"
(For. Cal. Eliz., 1558-59, 214) to negotiate the Scottish part in the
peace, signed at Upsettlington (May 31). Bethencourt would be with the
Regent by April 15, and he may have confirmed her in summoning the
preachers who defied her proclamations, though, with or without his
advice, she could do no less.

{95a} Pitscottie, ii. 523.

{95b} State Papers, Borders, vol. i. No. 421 MS.

{96a} Affaires Etrangeres, Angleterre, vol. xv. MS.

{96b} Forbes, 97; Throckmorton to Cecil, May 18.

{96c} For. Cal. Eliz., 1558-59, 272.

{97} Melville, 80.

{98a} Statuta, &c. Robertson, vol. i. clv-clxii.

{98b} Book of Discipline. Knox, ii. 253, 254.

{99a} M'Crie, 360.

{99b} The Regent's account of the whole affair, as given by Francis and
Mary to the Pope, is vague and mistily apologetic. (Published in French
by Prof. Hume Brown, ii. 300-302.) The Regent wrote from Dunbar, July
1559, that she had in vain implored the Pope to aid her in reforming the
lives of the clergy (as in 1556-57). Their negligence had favoured,
though she did not know it (and she says nothing about it in 1556-57),
the secret growth of heresy. Next, a public preacher arose in one town
(probably Paul Methuen in Dundee) introducing the Genevan Church. The
Regent next caused the bishops to assemble the clergy, bidding them
reform their lives, and then repress heresy. She also called an assembly
of the Estates, when most of the Lords, hors du conseil et a part,
demanded "a partial establishment of the new religion." This was
refused, and the Provincial Council (of March 1559) was called for reform
of the clergy. Nothing resulted but scandal and popular agitation.
Public preachers arose in the towns. The Regent assembled her forces,
and the Lords and Congregation began their career of violence.

{100} As to Knox's account of this reforming Provincial Council (Knox,
i. 291, 292), Lord Hailes calls it "exceedingly partial and erroneous . .
. no zeal can justify a man for misrepresenting an adversary." Bold
language for a judge to use in 1769! Cf. Robertson, Statuta, i. clxii,
note I.

{101} Knox, v. 15-17.

{102a} Knox, v. 207, 208.

{102b} Ibid., v. 229.

{102c} Ibid., v. 420, 421.

{102d} Ibid., v. 495-523. [This footnote is provided in the original
book but isn't referenced in the text. DP.]

{104} John Knox and the Church of England, 215-218.

{105} Knox, ii. 460, 461. We return to this point.

{107} Bale, Scriptorum Illustrium Majoris Brit. Catalogus Poster., p.
219 (1559). Knox, i. 258-261.

{108a} Dieppe, April 10-April 22, 1559. Knox, vi. 15-21.

{108b} Desmarquets, Mem. Chronol. Jour. l'Hist, de Dieppe, i. 210.

{109a} Corp. Ref., xlv. (Calv., xvii.) 541.

{109b} Naissance de l'Heresie a Dieppe, Rouen, 1877, ed. Lesens.

{111} Knox, i. 321-323.

{112} Knox, vi. 23.

{113a} Corpus Reformatorum, xlvi. 609, xlvii. 409-411, August 13, 1561.

{113b} The learned Dr. M'Crie does not refer to this letter to Mrs.
Locke, but observes: "None of the gentry or sober part of the
congregation were concerned in this unpremeditated tumult; it was wholly
confined to the lowest of the inhabitants" (M'Crie's Life of Knox, 127,
1855). Yet an authority dear to Dr. M'Crie, "The Historie of the Estate
of Scotland," gives the glory, not to the lowest of the inhabitants, but
to "the brethren." Professor Hume Brown blames "the Perth mob," and says
nothing of the action of the "brethren," as described to Mrs. Locke by
Knox. John Knox, ii. 8.

{117} Theses of Erastus. Rev. Robert Lee. Edinburgh, 1844.

{120} Knox, i. 341,342; vi. 24. Did the brethren promise nothing but
the evacuation of Perth?

{121a} "Historie," Wodrow Miscellany, i. 58.

{121b} Knox, i. 343, 344. The Congregation are said to have left Perth
on May 29. They assert their presence there on May 31, in their Band.

{122} Edinburgh Burgh Records.

{123a} But see Knox, i. 347-349. Is a week (June 4 to June 11)
accidentally omitted?

{123b} Writing on June 23, Knox dates the "Reformation" "June 14." His
dates, at this point, though recorded within three weeks, are to me
inexplicable. Knox, vi. 25.

{124} Keith, i. 265, note.

{125a} Lesley, ii. 443, Scottish Text Society.

{125b} For. Cal. Eliz., 1558-59, 367.

{126a} Knox, vi. 26.

{126b} Ibid., i. 355.

{126c} Wodrow Miscellany, i. 60.

{127a} Knox, vi. 26.

{127b} See Scottish Historical Review, January 1905, 121-122, 128-130.

{131} Bain, i. 215.

{133a} For. Cal. Eliz., 1558-59, 278. Erroneously dated "May 24" (?).

{133b} Bain, i. 216-218; For. Cal. Eliz., ut supra, 335, 336.

{133c} Archives Etrangeres, Angleterre, vol. xv. MS.

{133d} For. Cal. Eliz., 336; Knox, i. 359, 360.

{134} Knox, i. 360-362.

{135a} Knox dates the entry of the Reformers into Edinburgh on June 29.
But he wrote to Mrs. Locke from Edinburgh on June 25, probably a
misprint. The date June 29 is given in the "Historie." Knox dates a
letter to Cecil, "Edinburgh, June 28." The Diurnal of Occurrents dates
the sack of monasteries in Edinburgh June 28.

{135b} Wodrow Miscellany, i. 62; Knox, i. 366, 367, 370.

{135c} Knox, i. 363; cf. Keith, i. 213, 214; Spottiswoode, i. 280, 281.

{136a} Knox, i. 363-365; For. Cal. Eliz., 337.

{136b} Teulet, i. 338-340.

{137a} Bain, i. 218; For. Cal. Eliz., 1558-59, 339. 340.

{137b} Knox, vi. 45.

{138} In Dr. Hay Fleming's The Scottish Reformation (p. 57), he dates
the Regent's proclamation July 1. He omits the charge that, as proof of
their disloyalty, "they daily receive Englishmen with messages, and send
the like into England" (Knox, i. p. 364). "The narrative of the
proclamation, Knox says, is untrue," Dr. Hay Fleming remarks; but as to
the dealing with England, the Reformer confessed to it in his "History,"
Book III., when he could do so with safety.

{139a} Knox, i. 365.

{139b} Spottiswoode, i. 282.

{139c} Teulet, i. 331. The Regent's instructions to Du Fresnoy.

{141} Teulet, i. 334, 335, citing Archives Etrangeres, Angleterre, xiv.
(xv.?), f. 221 (see the English translation), For. Cal. Eliz., 1558-59,
406, 407; Keith, i. 220, 221; Spottiswoode, i. 285, 286.

{142a} Extracts from Edinburgh Town Council Records, July 29, 1559;
Keith, i. 487-489.

{142b} Cf. Hume Brown, John Knox, ii. 30.

{143a} Knox, i. 376-379. The italicised articles are not in the other
versions of the terms as finally settled; cf. "Historie," Wodrow
Miscellany, i. 55-57.

{143b} Ibid., i. 379.

{144a} Knox, i. 380.

{144b} Sloane MSS., British Museum, 4144, 177b, 4737f, 100b. For. Cal.
Eliz. 1558-59, 411.

{145a} Knox, i. 381.

{145b} My italics.

{146} (Kyrkcaldy to Croft.)

"Theis salbe to certiffy you vpon monday the xxiii of Jully the quene and
the lordis of the congregation are agreit on this maner as followeth. The
armies beying boythe in Syghte betuix Eddingburght and Lietht or partye
adversaire send mediatoris desyring that we sall agree and cease frome
sheddinge of blude yf we wer men quhilkis wold fulfill in deid that thing
quhilk we proffessit, that is the preachyng of godis worde and furth
settyng of his glorye. Me lordis of the congregation movet by thare
offres wer content to here commonyng. So fynallye after long talke, It
is appointted on this maner. That the Religion here begoon sall proceid
and contenew in all places wt owt impedement of the quenes authoretie,
thare minesters sall neyther be trubillit nor stopped and in all places
whare ydolletre is put downe sall not be cett vp agane. And whill the
parlement be haldin to consele vpon all materes wch is fixit the x day of
Januarye nixt, every man sall leive to his conscience not compellit be
authoretye to do any thyng in religion yt his conscience repugnes to. And
to this said parlement ther sall no man of or congregation be molested or
trobillit in thair bodeis landis goodis possessions what someevir.
Further wt all dilligent spede ther frenche men here present salbe send
awaye. And sall no other cum in this Realme w owt consent of the hole
nobilite. The towne of Eddingburght salbe keipit fre by the inhabitantes
thairof and no maner of garnission laid or keip thair In, neyther of
frenche nor scottis. For our part we sall remove of Eddingburght to or
awne houssis, yt the quene may come to hir awne palyce, wch we tuke of
before and hathe left it voyde to hir G. We have delyvered the prentyng
yrunes of the coyne agayne wch we tuke becaus of the corruption of monye
agaynst our laws and commonwealthe. Off truthe we believe nevir worde to
be keipit of thir promises of her syde. And therfore hath tane me lord
duke the erll of Huntlye and the rest of the nobillitye beying vpon hir
syde bound to the performance hereof wt this condition yf sche brekkes
any point heirof they sall renunce hir obeysance and joyne them selfis wt
vs. In this meane-tyme we contenew or men of warr to gydder wt in or
boundis of Fyfe, Angus, Stretherin and Westland, in aduenture the
appointtment be broken, and dowtes not to mak vs daily stronger for by
the furthe settying of religion and haittred of the frenche men we gett
the hartis of the hole commonalties. Nowe to conclude yf it had not bene
for some nobillmens causis who hes promised to be owres we hade not
appointted wt the quene at this tyme. From hens forwardis send to the
lard of Ormiston who will se all saifly conveyed to me. Thvs I commit
you to god from Eddingburght the xxiiii of Jully

yoris at power

(W. KYRKCALDY)." {147}

{147} MS. Record Office; cf. For. Cal. Eliz., 1558 59, 408, 409.

{148a} Knox, i. 379, 380.

{148b} Ibid., i. 381.

{149a} Knox, vi. 53.

{149b} Ibid., i. 397-412. The Proclamation, and two Replies.

{149c} My italics.

{150} Knox, i. xxvi.; vi. 87.

{151a} Knox, i. 392, 393.

{151b} Ibid., i. 382.

{152a} Knox, ii. 15-38.

{152b} Ibid., vi. 56-59.

{153} S. P. Scotland, Elizabeth, MS. vol. i. No. 80; cf. Bain, i. 236,
237. Croft to Cecil, Berwick, August 3, 1559.

{154a} For. Cal. Eliz., 470.

{154b} I assume that he was the preacher at Edinburgh in d'Oysel's
letter of June 30-July 2, 1559. Teulet, i. 325.

{155} Sadleir to Cecil, September 8, 1559. For. Cal. Eliz., 543, 1558-
1559. The fortification, says Professor Hume Brown, "was a distinct
breach of the late agreement" (of July 24), "and they weir not slow to
remind her" (the Regent) "of her bad faith." The agreement of July 24
says nothing about fortifying. The ingenious brethren argued that to
fortify Leith entailed "oppression of our poor brethren, indwellers of
the same." Now the agreement forbade "oppression of any of the
Congregation." But the people of Leith had "rendered themselves" to the
Regent on July 24, and the breach of treaty, if any, was "constructive."
(John Knox, ii. 47; Knox, i. 413, 424-433.)

{158a} The evidence as to these proceedings of the brethren is preserved
in the French archives, and consists of testimonies given on oath in
answer to inquiries made by Francis and Mary in November 1559.

{158b} We have dated Lethington's desertion of the Regent about October
25, because Knox says it was a "few days before our first defeat" on the
last day in October. M. Teulet dates in the beginning of October a Latin
manifesto by the Congregation to all the princes of Christendom. This
document is a long arraignment of the Regent's policy; her very
concessions as to religion are declared to be tricks, meant to bring the
Protestant lords under the letter of the law. The paper may be thought
to show the hand of Lethington, not of Knox. But, in point of fact, I
incline to think that the real author of this manifesto was Cecil. He
sketches it in a letter sent from the English Privy Council in November
15, 1559. This draft was to be used by the rebels in an appeal to
Elizabeth.

{159} Knox, vi, 89, 90; M'Crie, 143.

{160a} Bothwell states the amount at 3000 ecus de soleil. French
Archives MS.

{160b} Knox, i. 472.

{161a} Sadleir to Cecil, Nov. 15, 1559. For. Cal. Eliz., 1559-60, 115.

{161b} Labanoff, vii. 283.

{163} Knox, vi. 105-107.

{164} See Appendix B.

{165a} Corp. Ref., xlv. 645 (3118, note I).

{165b} Calvinus Sturmio, Corp. Ref., xlvi. 38, 39, March 23, 1560.
Sturmius Calvino, ibid., 53-56, April 15.

{166a} Bain, i. 389, 390; For. Cal. Eliz., 1559-60, 604.

{166b} Knox, ii. 68; cf. the Regent's letter. Bain, i. 389.

{167a} The date may be part of an interpolation.

{167b} This account is from the French Archives MS., Angleterre, vol.
xv.

{168} Knox, ii. 72.

{169} It is an inexplicable fact that, less than a month before
Glencairn and Lord James signed the first godly Band (December 3, 1557),
these two, with Kirkcaldy of Grange, "were acting with the Queen-Dowager
against Huntly, Chatelherault, and Argyll," who in December signed with
them the godly Band. The case is thus stated by Mr. Tytler, perhaps too
vigorously. It appears that, after the refusal of the Lords to cross
Tweed and attack England, in the autumn of 1557, the Regent, with the
concurrence of Glencairn, Lord James, and Kirkcaldy of Grange, proposed
to recall from exile in England the Earl of Lennox, father of Darnley.
He, like the chief of the Hamiltons, had a claim to the crown of
Scotland, failing heirs born of Mary Stuart. Lennox, therefore, would be
a counterpoise to Hamilton and his ally in mutiny, Argyll. Thus Lord
James and Glencairn, in November 1557; support the Regent against the
Hamiltons and Argyll, but in December Glencairn, reconciled to Argyll,
signs with him the godly Band. We descry the old Stewart versus Hamilton
feud in these proceedings.

{170} Knox, ii. 87, note.

{172} Knox, ii. 89-127.

{174a} Randolph to Cecil, September 7; Bain, i. 477, 478.

{174b} Knox, vi. 83, 84.

{174c} Knox, vi. lxxxii.

{175} M'Crie, Life of John Knox, 162 (1855).

{177a} Keith, iii. 4-7.

{177b} Bain, i. 461.

{177c} Cf. Edinburgh Burgh Records.

{182} Knox, ii. 193.

{186} Queen Mary's Letter to Guise, p. xlii., Scottish History Society,
1904.

{191a} Lesley, ii. 454 (1895).

{191b} See Lord James to Throckmorton, London, May 20, a passage quoted
by Mr. Murray Rose, Scot. Hist. Review, No. 6, 154. Additional MSS.
Brit. Mus., 358, 30, f. 117, 121. Lord James to Throckmorton, May 20-
June 3, 1561.

{191c} Bain, i. 540, 541.

{191d} Lord James to Dudley, October 7, 1561, Bain, i. 557.

{192} Pollen, Papal Negotiations, 62.

{193a} Knox, ii, 266.

{193b} Bain, ii. 543.

{194} Bain, ii. 547.

{195} Knox, ii. 276, 277.

{196} Knox, vi. 131.

{197} Knox, ii. 279, 280.

{199} Tracts by David Fergusson, Bannatyne Club, 1860.


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