Baron William Conyngham Plunket Plunket Peter Burrowes.

The anti-union.. online

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danger; but accompanied^ as that develpptment wske,
with proofs that the danger is yet imminent, - you muft
now more than ever be occupied with the mj9men-

- totis anfd anxious queflion how it ihall be aveited ? Mo-
mentous indeed it is I far too gceai for one mind todif-
cufs or decide on. But though it be not for the indivi-
dual to diQate 00 a qodlion whiobieemsio belong ex*
clufively to the nation, or rather to that conflitiuional
organ of the nation's wilf, which has^ on this occafion,
fo loi^dly and faithfully fpoken^the fenfe of Ireland ; yet

' in this free (late, eveVy man not only has a right, at fuch
u time as this, but is bound to communicate to his
countrymen the invpreifions which he feels* I avail my-
felfof this privilede, then, while yetl may, toeafethe

- throbbings of an heart burfting with the indignant fcel-
^ ings of an Irilhman, Who fees his country and all the

bleilingi it contains, his friends, his family, his pffTpring,
expofed in proftraie weaknefs to the uplifted dagger of
an avowed and perfevering enemy who bears eternal
war declared againft the conflitution which he has bled
to defend, and which jufti6es him in the proud boaft of
being the free fubjeft of a free ftate !

Is this the fituation of Ireland at this hour? I refer
tbole who doubt, to the infolent and hypocritical pream-
ble with which the Britifti minifter has prefaced the-deed .
of fale which, if We refift not, is to transfer for CiVer the
kingdom of Ireland and its people into the power of^ the
Britilh parhament. I know not what impreffion that
fpeech m^y have made on others, but to mc it appears a
piece of bafe and black fophiflry, comprehending at
' once a premeditated infult on the people of this country,
• and a denunciation of eternal hoftility againft its confli-
tution.^ How does it infult us ? I anfwer, irk every way
in which a country can be infulted : It calumniates oar
morals— it derides our intelle£l— it laughs at our weak-
nefs— it mocks our poverty^-sand it charges the legifla-
ture which governs us, not with venial errors, but with a
radical incapacity, from its ignorance and its corruption,
to difcharge it9 fun^ons* Every argument by whi^h



It attempts to recommend al) Cnibn is founded on the
igfforance, the barbarifm, the vice$, of the people of
> Ireland, their pretended dependanoe on Britifh genero-
.iity forexiftence as a nation, and on their altedged inca-
pacity to fubfift without Briti(b protedion. And why is
' It that we do not accede to the foroe of thefe argo-
ments ? We are told it is becaufe, barbarous and unci-
viUziCd as we dte, we rejeQ from prxjudice a profcr-
ed boon V Is it then prejudice 19 rejcBt a propofal whtth
extingoiihes for ever the fovereignry' of our country ?
Is it prejudice to love indepcndenci^, to uphold a cohfti-
furion. which we obtained with difficulty and have de-
fended with our blood ? Is it prejudice m Ireland I0 fpurn
-the yoke and to refufe unconditional fubiniiSon to the
iegtilature of a country, which, when We werr fubjed
tptbem, treated us with cfuthy, with injuftice, which
cfventiow the friends of that country, the advocates of
t|ie propefed meafure can neither dehy, nor juflify, nor
extenuate, nay, which they do not wifh to extenuate, -
huf a£kually boaft of as the only tond which kept the
countries together? But the days of darkoefs, it'isfaid,
are paft, and the en lightened' policy of Great Britain now
perceives that the interefti of the two countries afe oxle, ^
and that the profpbrity of Ireland muft encreafe the
wealth of Britain. How does this appear ? U it proved
by the prefent condu£l of Great Britain, or by the
avowed priiKiples of her policy in . this very inftance ?
No, certainly. On the contrary, ihe explicitly declar^es
that whtk Ireland retains ' her feporate independanoe,
the profperity of this country^ is a juftcaufe ot fear and
jealoufy in tiat. For^ is not this the principle upon
which this proj^ of an Union refts^— that in order to
make the intercfts of Ireland compatible with thofeof
Britain, Ireland muft forego all diftinfi exiftence, and
fubmit herfclf and her concerns to the dire^ion of the
Britifti legiflature ? And why is this jpeccftiiry but be-
caufe, even yet, with all her pretences to liberality.
Great Britain fees in Ireland a rival, whofe exiftence is
jlicfcuififtent with her eafe and fafety ? Thus the very
propofal of an Union proves the continiied exiftence
of former prejudices, and involves a declaration of the
old principle of hoftility under a new name— The deleoda
eftCsrthag9 is tranflated by it into plain. Enjglifli, atid
becomes " Ireland nmft unite with Britain or be put
down r

But would even an Union fave Ireland from the opera-
tion of this dcftruQive principle ? To anfwer this, let
usconfider what are the evils which the minifter reforts
to an Union tocorrefik. The principal of thefe is ♦< the
divifion of feds in the remnant of antient hoftilrty
between the old inhabitants and the fettlers.** Now, I
alk bow caa an Union terminate thofe diviiions unlcfs



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by the equal compfeffure of fla^erj' npcn 4»1J pirtic*,
that prclTure which reduces what is high to the loweft
level, and finks what is now loweft lower, which Is in
faft iheprirrciple of hoftility to Ireland carried to its ex-
treme I know but one way in which Britidi power can ob-
viate the hoftility between the ** old inh«bhanmmd fet-
tlers," if that di{lin6kion yet exifts after they have been
JMC<>rporated ifbr fo many centuries : I fee but ond way
•I fay in which Bfinfh power can appeafelriTh jealouTies,
namely, thot in which a ptnimount (late generally trart-
qatllrtesa fubjeft one, pitting down one party by another,
«nd then extinguifhing that which furvives, Bar-
. baroui and inocrrrgible* as the British minifter thinks
u*> what more gentle treatment could we expcS than
♦Hhcffi in the (ime circumftances "have eiperitnccd?
But who are fhefe fettlers ?-^-4»ve they not been F.ng-
lifhmen, overflowing withthat valoirr, virtue, and civili-
2ationi which we are told will rufti m upon us after an
Union find r^g^erate our country ? Now, if thefe

* (ime Englifh fettlers have hitherto produced fo little ef-
fefitin reclaiming our "Old inhabitants" from their invete-
rate bart«rifm, What hope can be entertained that tlie
new comers will be more fuccefsfut? A!a»I it is bbt
too true, I fear, that tlicre is not now a greater H^jck of
this valour and virtue in England than there was

. two ot three centuries back J^a new importation,
therefore, if our ports were open for it, would not l^^ii^

. prehend be much more copious or tflPeftive than fomler
ones. How then wouM the tranquillifmg and ci? ilifing

' fpcciihition proceed ? I wiH notihock the feelings or
*larm the fears of ^the oW Milefitn, by pointing out to
him what jothr modes might be put in praftice to in-
form htm, be(tde« ihe exaiUple of BritiAi virtue, but
ltd at a fbtnre day his patience and fortitude (houldhe
|Hit to the trial, I wiHit/ggeft to him (if he be civilized
enough to know that partial evrl muft be foflFered for the
|?tncral good) that ^ ** many lamentable but neceffary
infli£Hon9" wiH perhaps then have become indifpenfable
for the general fecurity of the BrrtKh empire-^r the
removal " of that ignorance and want of civiKzation
which exift in Ireland in a greater degree than in any
other country"— for the extinflion of ^* religious and
satiOMil feuds and -animofities,*' and to make way ior

' the *• infttfion of Bririlh valotir and Britifli vhtue'* irtio
hit native country ! But let not the old irifh be alarmcfd,
their harbcrifm wiH ntjt'be fo Wbftinate as to fofoe the
civilizing power of Britain to focfh extreme ex pedierlts.
The importation of Britifli viriourand virtue will be at-
tended with the ^* introdiiSion isf a more ntlli'oaPed
intcfllear— The Windnefs -of Ireland which is at pre-

* fertt fuchas a Britifli minifter "coiild have noconcJepti-
«n oP* will be removed— rThe hebetude of Irifh facjil-
fies wiH .be flrarpened— And the moft barbarOu* co«ntry
in the world will catch by fynrpathy the ihofub, the

. f Par tbit aad fbe ofber paftiges iMrlidd ivTltH {** 'O ^^«rled
CMflaua vkle Mr. Fi^ fpeecb tn the Britifli Houfe.of CosmIWdI ^n
the J (ft o£ Jamiskiy, as published m tlic Moroinf Poft*



tfiemahneVs, and the indiiftry, of the<iivillz5ng flate !
It was impudent of France to talk of giving hberty to
Europe ; but let the world jtidge whether the tnfolence
of the Britifli minifter does not outftrip France when he
talks of giving, not liberty, but inleilefl to a country.

But we/irp to have the Brltifti conftitution ! I call on
every man who wifties well to the conne£tion between
the two coufltries to fay who it is that- now endangers
that conneaion — Mr. Pitt, who tells Ireland that flie is
not free, becaufe her crown > ort the head of a Britifli
King; or thofe who oppofe an Union, becaufe Ireland
already poflliTcs the conftitution of England ? But
granting for |i moment that we have 'it not, and that
we enjoy but a mockery of freedom ; is -it from >Mr.
Pitt—is it, I aflt, from Britain herfelf that *we are to
beg or buy a conftitution ? Is liberty oxcliifivcly the
growthot Britilh foil ? Does it participate of quali-
ties which, like thofe of noxious animals, cannot exift
in an atmofphere purely Irifli, a^id moft wp incorporate
with England before it will live in our ifland ?. JJol
countrymen; believe me, liberty and a free-opftftitu-
tlon may<be obtained by any cmmtry whdfe inhabriants
are MtN ; and the fecurity and continuance of that'll-
berty depeHds^^ upon their own virtue, if you can-
not be free without the patronage and proteaion of
Britain^ you oannot be free with it :— -Your liborry and
yoi/r conftitution muft be fclf-exiftent, or fhty are
nothing. You may as weWtaHtofcieaiing ftiadoW with-
out Kghr or ftfbftahce, as of giving liberty to thofe who
wartt ftrensfthof virtue to acqilire it. The liberty of a
ftate i« like the ftrength'of an individual, both muft flow
from an inherent principle— both are incottmanioabl^

But how nrt the Cathalics to be aflfedcd by an
Union? The majority of the" old inhabiiants^ of
Ireland areC^olios, and they have been the merchan-
dize of party for a ^ntury back. Lt*t it not he fu^-
pofcd that i mean to bribe the Catholic to defeild t*e
conftitution of hi> oouhtry apinft the aggreflion of aa
infolent aflfailant; the fervicts whitih are botight in:fu^h
a cafe are worthleft, for they are iriftncere and <5apri€t.
oiTs: I -CJtH. on himbut to open bis eyes— to view his
pref^nt fituation, artd to weigh well the offers whi^h
are made to temfit hi#n to betray his rrift tO hid ^tutx-
try and his poftei^ity. Wliat does MK Pitt ofcr to
hrtbe the Cathollfc \ His oflfer, if it cail b* calHed otit,
is comprehended ift thi* memorable fertterioej-*" If
rv«R the day evrrtes *«t the Catholics flill I .gtv0 V<^t
of their principle!^^ that it is fkfe to «ddiit tHem fo
every privilege, fttch a meafure, in an unitod parlta-
menr, wouM he free from all thofe Ang era wh'toh -would
' threaten Ire^artd if it wetecoiifidered ai a fepw^ata and
diftmaiegfflathrfe.'' How I fay that this f«nt*nce,
framed as it is in *h* evafiv^ and ouontngTptruwlhwh
mjrt-ks the cof^ipofirion of thri dealer in wortfs is y^l
flifficien^lf eti^kjit m prove tcr any mah cif «lmmoa
underftandiri^that the C-athtrfici^r »ai^J*t*cJ ^c'^-
pea from art Viwort, whwh, while ttJeave^ *i«ashe
ftood, woiild ittydlve f bereft of the icoamry tn hopctefs
dei^ndancd^attfflitfrfil>tedifgi«w;'*'ifw«rthc A«y cornea



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that the CaihoIIcs fliull cjlve proof of their principles!?
It is evident then that ifie probatioii of a century Jnss
not proved to Mr Vhx ih.it the CathoFics nnay be aH-
mittedto every privile^?^-i-Whon then will he be f^tis-
fied ? — At the end of anothet centUry, flioufd he, or
^f^a minifter, then cxiil? it is dpubtful wliether he
wiio has thought a trial 6f one eentui-y Insufficient,
would be convinced at the end of another ; but it i$
not doubtful that an advantage fb rtmoi^, eyeh if It
were certain, can but little influence the a£lJons of the
prefent generation ; and the c.lthblics, I conceive, wfll
not be much inclined to confide in th6 future poYidy of
that man who declares that at prefent he does riot think
it SAFE to truft them, l conclude then, tJiat from
Mr. Pitt, (hould he fucceed in his plan of fubjugating
the country, the Catholic has nothing to hope. What
does he fee on the orhier fide ? At prefent he is e;c-
cluded, ceitainly, from fortie of the privifegcs of the
conftitution; but it cannm efcdpe his dtfcntion thak he
is in progrei5on toward* a'//// enjoyment of all its bene-
fits. It is yet little more than twenty year^ rtnice he
began his career from ^ point which, happily, is Very
remote indeed from thit ar which he now ftands :
His progrefs, for fome years, was flow j , he acl-

vanced, his velocity endreafed, ^iyA Ka lucd to

cncreafe with rapid 'aCfcrferadoh till t\ it hour,

when the ^oal appears not onty withirtV t alwbft

within his reach. Do I promifchittt th^ rJI re«ch

it? No; it is not mine to profhife-^fl _i evertt

which, like the effcQ of Ji phyfical <*aute, dej>epds not
on the will of the inciividUa!, but oiti the immutable
laws which govern the motal World-^fol* it iis riot to the
fpirit of Caiholicclainfis— tothe n
tholic body— nor to the (ibefality 3E
Protcftant that I attribute his eleval
man which he now hold*. 1 qbnficl(
ncceflary efFe£t of a w'ife, temper
on his parr, and thee)[pandln^ ehergy ©€ our frce.con-
ftitution on the other. ' While te, thtn, continues ^>
aS with wifdom, temp^fahce arid loyalty ^^and while
wfi continue to poflefs a titt fcortftltuticn* ihote caufes
will continue to produce the fame effeSs," and muft,*
eventually, raife him to that higheft potnt itt' the fcule
of freedom for which his virtue ftiall have fitted him.
But let him ftart afide from the honourable courfe he
has hitherto purfued ; let him for the bafe bribe which
an infjdions minifter ho^Js up to his view, but does
KOT promife him^^\QX him for this become a deadly in-
ftrument in the hands of thatminifler to flab the confti-
tution of his native land ;— he will find himfelf fliorn of
his ftrength, and inftead of being raifed to the dignity
which he courted, will be funk to that lowcft flate of hu-
man degradation— that of a difappointed traitor ; laughed
at by the knave who duped him, and txecrated bv all
mankind^ He will learn, when too late, that perfonal
freedpm cannot be obtained by felling the liberties of
his country !
In offenng to my countrymen thefe few thoughts on



the fpcechof theBriti0i Minifler, I have oot torched
on tite (ju'eflion now fo commibn-^** Is the Unibh

S* iveh up } Will the Minifler J>t-efs the hiejifure i^" If
ie (Jueftibn w^r^ aflted of hne, I wguld fay to the peo-
ple of IreUn(^-r^'. It depends brt Yt)u whether the Mt-
niftor wilt. Or \Vin not, prefi an Unign :*• lb ftr as ex»»
^rinfic etrcutnnanccs can ^ffe£t v6u, ybur fiibhigatixm
is already complete; the bontraa for j'oor dcHvery i|
alrcJidy fiffrtcd, (ealed and defivered X6 the Britith t^ar-
liament • It remains only that the Ouin*-** Mercnat^t
who has riiade ^r, fhouldeet poltl-ffiort o/y'oit Ip order to
fulfil! his bargain;" 'i'his is not i ftnciJbl allufiert ;
aod it is .uartb obferving, perhaps, that the rey-
fons Which are ofltred to induce you to an
Union are exaftly thofc by which the trader in
human flefti extenuates the barbarous traffic— ** he ref-
ciles the haptcfs African from the turbulence, t1ie blood,
the barbarity, the ignorance, which made his freedom
a curfe— and he confer^ pn fcifn all the bleflings of tran-
quil, civilized, induftrious slavlrI*'!" He reftrains
his tuibulence, but it is by fetters ! He teaches him
morality, but k is with«ftiipe« 1 Ht; indicates chriftian-
itjr, but it is by the driver's whip ! The Biitifli Mi-
niftertco, ofF^fs to tranquillize, to inftrufi, to civilixe
Ireland ; but the thrice q\ tuition nidft be her liberty !
Let us take care that if we rive up.fireedom for Britiih
morals, and indepcnde;nce,for her civilization, IriC^nien
will not be taught by^the fame jjrocefs ! . '

But if theMiniftcr be refolved tocarry im UiTion*, cart
wcprevent him ? I'i'Ay, Yes. Yet I ^flb^r the talk
may be difficult. The fitUanon \r\ whfeh>e ftind, is,
no doubt, moft arduous-^it calhfor inceflant vigilance,
and indefatigable aSiviiy. ,But I have rjo doubt that
if we fet about the work. We' are fiiH^ equal to ft. The
people of Ireland know not thbtt- otx^ti f^vct, 4f l^iey
doubt it. In the moral,, as wt^ll as the. natural world,
there cxift poweis df thde6nite fofbe,' itifubjeSi^ appa-
rently feeble— and wbi<*. w^ht but ^p'hc tjoneentercd,
to be irrcfiftiblfc— 'Ajdrdp of watein,' reduced ttr fteam,
and properly cohfined irtd *di redid, ittnif bum -a rock.
One j)iinciplc faidv urged* JTiay .overfet a Miniftcr,
tho* for uRcd. by fill the patron^g6 of an empire, and
difcrimimbererf df ^11 the clogs of hoi\cfly and honour.
But what is that principle which muft l>e inculcated to
fave Ireland ? It is this, " That national liTjerty and
independence are the only true fources of found mo-
rals, of civilization, of wealth, of ftrength, and of com-
merce— that liberty and independence, are the conftitu-
tion of Ireland ; and that the people of Irelanc*, (I mean
its property, not its population) are its guardians.'* I (hall
not now enter into a detail of thofe mcafu res, which,
as guardians of their conftitutjon, I thmk they ought to
take at this momentous crifi*—- happily, the integrity,
the fpirit of its reprefentatives, have, made it the left
neceflTary. I ftiall, therefore, only fug^cfttothem that
they acquired that conftitmion by Boldly foeaking out,
and that by the fame explicit dec1«l«tfion of their fcnfe,
by the manly, bold avowal that they arc determined



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to maintain the independence they have aflertcd, they
will preferve it I Such a declaration^ the Britifh Minif-
ter, rafli and prefumptuous as he is, will not dare tp
controvert. Should, however, that meafure fail, the
means of Ireland are not yet exhaufted— other modes
will occur, by which a legal refiftanoe may be made to
a proje£kthat endangers the connexion of the empire.
But (houldeven thefe remedies fail alfo, I am told there
remains yet another— one deeply hidden in
the bofom of the conftitution ; and which is to be
revealed but with its expiring breath ! It is not for me
to difclofe it I

AN IRISHMAN.



/



SONG,



Twit^* Moggy LawJer^



J.ERNE once the Premier fought.

With Johnny Bull to wed, nr.
And to his Royal Matter brought,

Propofals on that head, fin
And^ bcgg'd his Majefiy would take

Into confideration,
If by their Union he could make

Oiie greaty imperial nation.

The council fun^monM by the king.
Debated on the fcheme, fir.

And foon they all approved the thing.
Well knowing whence it came, iir.



Young Billy much rejoic'd to fee

His plan met approbation.
And whifper'd to old Hawke(bury^

" Good funds for new taxation.** ,

To work, then flyly Billy went.

Well fkill'd in proftitulion.
To bribe the Irifli Parliament,

To fell their Conftitution. "
The bafeft means of e/ry kind.

Were ufed by this projedor.
But one apoftate could he find,

A hearth-money collc&or.

Let*s fiigmatize with mark'd con tempt.

And fcorn the fordid knave, fir.
Whom private intVeft thus could tempt.

His country to enflave, fir.
Our liberties we will maintain.

Nor tamely them furfender.
But each fliall firmly ftill remain.

Hit country's bold defender.

'Gainft Traitors and Defipotifm,

Our kingdom we'll defend, fir.
And henceforth all domeftic fchifm.

For ever let us end, fir.
In one great caufe let all unite.

To -guard the Irifli nation,^
In independence, her birth-right,

'Gainft Britifli ufurpation.

In bumpers all diftin£kion8 drown.

And in their place let's toaft then,
terne's Parliament and Crown,

And may flie ever boaft them.
Creat Briuin ftill we'll freely ferve.

And ftill fii^port connexion.
But independence we'll preferve.

For an Union is fubjeSion.



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THE ANTI-UNION.



¥sncE ao«



SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1799.



No. XXIII.



TO' THE



INHABITANTS OF ULSTER.



Vir bonus ct faplcns aiidebit dicrrc-



-quid mc pwrfcrrc patit^ue



J N the queftion of an Incorporated legiflativie Union
Mrith Great Britain, there is not any part of the king-
dom whofe inhabitants arc more capable of judging of
ihe expediency of fuch a mcafure, nor any more inte-
rcRcd in its event than thofe whom I addrefs : Your
education and habits give you the capability of forming
a well fotinded opinion as to its effefb : Your exclufive
poneffionof iHatmanufaQure, by means of which Ire-
land has attained its prefent.confequence and wealth,
giv&s you a greater (lake in the iflftie of the conteft than
Ally ether part of the kingdom has ; an awful time ap-
pro aches, when you muft fpeak to be heard, or for
eve r clofe your mouths upon the fubjefi : The queftion,.
if once carried, is, in its nature, irrevocable; and
when determined, concludes not only yourfclves^ but
your pofterity for ever..

The author of a pamphlet, which is (aid to be fanc-
tioned by our adminiftration, fays—" The queftion of
forming an £/«/^n between two countries muft never be
confufed with xhtfubjeffion of one country to another ;
the latter is fuppofed to be the refult bi force ^ the for-
mer of confent \ the one is never to be fubmitted to bqt
itom neceffity, the other may be the objed of"r^/Vf ;
if therefore this is a queftion of Union, and not ot/ubjec^
tim, and if it is not to be impofed by force on the one
hand, and fubmitted to of necejfity on the other, but that
our confent and choice is to have any weight in deter-
mining the matter, our real fentiments oi{^ 'to appear ;
they (hould be exprefled honeftly and openly, that at
Jeaft our confent may not be inferred from our filence.

The great ftaple of your Province is the Linen Manu*
iadure, and (fo far as provincial conftderations ftioufd
guide you upon a national queftion) ought to be the foun-
dation of your opinion. In the improved and ftour>fti-
ingftate of that Manufadure which youiiave witneflcd,
and its incalculable inoreafe both in quantity and price
within tbefe laft ten years^ « thinking man will naturaU



fv bel.d to confidv how this great national cliartee is
likely to affe£k a manufa6iHie fo extendve and fo im-
proving. What further advantages it offers to the ma-
nufaSurer, and what future contingencies are to repay
him for the prefent certainty which he relinquiflies-*-
thefe ought to be well weighed, and fomething more
than fpcculation ftioukJ be required to induce you to
gjveupihat conftitirtion under which you have become
profperous and wealthy ; all we have to hope for is,
that our manufadure will not be put upoTi a worfe cfta-
blifhment than it ftands at prefent— for it is very re-
markable, that in the pamphlet before alluded to, in
which nothing is left undone which unprincipled arti-
fice cafi fuggeft; to perfuade this nation of the benefits
of an Union, where advantages are h*M out to the
fouth and to the weff of Ireland, whilft Cork, Water-
ford and Limerick are feverally promifed encreafed trade
and manufacture — the author has not had fufficicnt ef-
frontery to tell the north that it can be bencfired by the
meafure : But he tells you that Irifti linens have- at pre-
fent a preference in the Britifli market^ that •• thefe
advantages in favDr of the iior4h»of Ireland England
mi^ht repeal or diminifb whenever fliepleafes ; by an
Union they might be fixed for ever ;'^ inftead of hoWiiig
out future advantages to.arife to you inconfeqiienceof ir,
he fuggelU the deprivation of benefits which you pof-
fefs ; unable to find arguments to induce your compliance, •
he has recourfc to denunciation nnd threat to prdTent your
refiftance. Whether this argument applies to the row/i/i/
which is neceflary to ah Union, or to the force which
conftitutes fubjedion, and ought never to be fubmit'ed
to but of neceftity^ the author ought to have informed
us : But how are thefe advantages to be " fixed for ever
by an Union ?'* We have feen among the heads of the
Union as publiflied in our newfpapers^ that the linen


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Online LibraryBaron William Conyngham Plunket Plunket Peter BurrowesThe anti-union.. → online text (page 18 of 27)