Hungary and Roumania online

conslituiioyml manner.



14 B. Jancsd

greater scale occurred during elections on the Magyar
than on the non-Magyar territory, for it was on
the former that the tendencies which might lead
to a personal union made themselves strongly felt.
In face of the veto of Austria and the dynasty
the electional abuses were a sort of safety valve,
for without these the nation would again have been
brought to the verge of revolution. We must estab-
lish the fact that the electoral abuses in question
were not committed unilaterally against the natio-
nalist party.

Parallel with the development of the Roumanian
nationalistic movement as sketched above, afforts
were continued on the part of the Roumanians to
effect a reconciliation with the Magyars.

A condition of this reconciliation from the point
of view of the Magyars was, that the Roumanian
national party should give up its passive attitude
and participate in political life, for this only would
lead to an eff'ective reconciliation. After a proposal
made io this eff'ect by M. Aurelius Vldd, one of
the political leaders of the Roumanians, at a sitting
of the Roumanian National committee, when, how-
ever, the measure was not carried, in 1905 the Rou-
manian National party declared that it would try
to attain its political aims by constitutional means
and that it would again take up activity. National-
ist candidates were nominated in the different
constituencies but at the following elections only
eight gained a seat in the House of Commons.

Previous to the elections in May 1906 some Rou-
manian nationalist leaders had a confidential pour-
parler with the head of the cabinet, M. Wekerle about,
the Roumanian and Magyar reconciliation, and on
this occasion the Roumanians expressed the wish
that, anterior to the election. Government should
agree with them and formulate a contract concern-
ing those constituencies which it was ready to
pass over to them without electoral contest.



Hungary and Roumania . 15

Govemmentjil circles considered the Roumanians
ought to conclude this contract not with the cen%
tral governmental authorities but with those of the
counties. The latter were, however, not willing to
give up the field without a struggle and in the
ensuing electoral campaign the Roumanians gained
but 14 seats.

This result is a good illustration of the fact that
the electors of Roumanian nationality were in ge-
neral not disposed to accept the program of the
Roumanian National party.

After Wekerle and the Coalition Cabinet retired
in 1910 and Count Khuen-Hedervary had been
nominated Prime Minister, the Roumanian leaders
again took up the connection. This time there was
talk not only of an understanding regarding the
elections but of the Roumanians and Hungarians
finally coming to terms.

The Roumanians again demanded the handing
over of a certain number of electoral districts
where their candidates should be elected without
opposition and they went as far as to name the
districts, but since it happened that not one of
them was of such a nature that the election of
an Opposition candidate had to be feared, but on
the contrary all were constituencies where the
election of ^ Governmental candidate seemed pretty
certain, Khuen-Hedervdry, who was in this election
preparing for a strong fight for the upholding of
Dualism, refused the request.

Negotiations of this sort continued after the
elections, first through the mediation of Basil
Mangra, the late Greek Catholic metropolitan, with
Count Tisza, the leader of the National Labour
party then in office, but these also were unsuccess-
ful, for differences arose between the older, mode-
rate, and younger, more radical, faction of the
Roumanian Nationalist party. The radical friction,
which, at the past elections, had not gained a single
seat in the House, accused the moderate one of



16 B, Janesd

not working for national but for party purposes,
> and these, again, accused the former that the negotia-
tions passing through Mangra's hands were not
likely to safeguard Koumanian political interest,
but those of Tisza's nationalist policy.

In reality the agreement was frustrated by the
intrigues of the Liberals of Roumania who feared
that if an agreement were formed, the "Transyl-
vanian question" would cease to exist, and so one
of the means of coming into power would be lost.
The dissolution of the Eoumanian national party
would not have suited them for other reasons either,
therefore M. Constantine Stere was despatched to
Nagyszeben in the quality of intermediary and
succeeded in restoring peace between the two
factions.

Roumania' s participation in the Balkan war and
her diplomatic success at the Peace of Bucarest
raised her self-confidence to a great degree and
made general the conviction that the time was
near when the Austro-Hungarian problem would
have to be solved.

It was under such circumstances that in 1913
Count Tisza began again to gather up the threads
of negotiation with the Roumanian . politicians,
dropped since 1910. At the beginning the Roumanian
committee was in favour of making JDcace on the
grounds of his propositions but later, in consequence
of the agitation of OctavianGoga, it turned against
his project. In this, however, the Crown Prince
Francis Ferdinand and the Christian Socialist Party
of Austria — supporters of the Crown Prince's
policy — had a part, for a compromise was con-
sidered dangerous to federalism.

Another reason for the rejection of a peaceful
settlement was the influence of Bucarest which,
after the Balkan War, gained an g,scendency over
the minds of the Roumanian nationalists who were
more and more inclined to take directions from



Hungary an d Ro u mania 17

Rouinania. These iustructions were, in the essen-
tial. L^ follows :

1. The Roumanian party in Hungary keeps its
eyes on thr interests of tlie whole Koumanian race
conjointly with those of Roumania.

2. It results from this that every endeavour to
come to a political understanding with the Hun-
garians is perfectly useless.

3. It may be presupposed with certainty that
if in the imminent European war Roumania takes
part on the Russian side against the Austro-Hun-
garian Monarchy she will be victorious and be
enabled to attain the fulfilment of her national
desires namely : Greater Roumania.

01 the members of the committee, Octavian Goga,
who prevented the understanding with the Hunga-
rians, had excellent connections in Bucarest, and
so was quite well informed that a European war
was on the point of breaking out and of the pro-
bable part that would to be taken by Roumania.

All this shows that in reality there never existed
insuperable differences between the main ideas of
Hungarian national and constitutional policy and'
the points of the Roumanian nationahst pro-
gram, it further shows that from time to time
efiorts were made to come to an understanding
and that even ample good-will was evinced on
both sides, but at the same time it becomes evi-
dent that every reconciliation was frustrated first
by Vienna, later — just before the war — by Bucarest
influence. It is not true that, without these influences,
a reconciliation would have been impossible.

The relations between the Hungarian Government
and the nationalities, especially the Roumanians,
can only be judged with justice if we consider
that in the Habsburg monarchy the Hungarians
could not dispose of absolute political freedom.
They were constantly prevented from acting in a
manner that would have best suited their desires
or their political interests.

22-24. 2



18 B. Jancso

In the strife which Hungary has been involved
in since the middle of the last century for main-
taining her independence, or for being at least an
equal factor in the Dual Monarchy, the Roumanians
were always on the Austrian side. This alone was
enough for the government and public opinion to
distrust their claims. If that minority of Roumanians
had come to power, which did not want to attain
the fulfilment of Roumanian desires by the crea-
tion of a federal Monarchy but in accordance with
tlie Hungarian element, the distrust on part of the
Hungarians would have ceased. However, on the
contrary, the Roumanian leaders always empha-
sized the fact that they did not reckon with the
realisation of their desires by the King of Hun-
gar}^ but by the Austrian Emperor.

Besides this, in the last thirty years, the Bucarest
influence led the Hungarians to distrust the Rou-
manians all the more. This influence a rose in con-
sequence of a literary and sentimental tendency
declaring the homogeneous civilisation of all Rou-
manians between the Dnjester and the Tisza and
the creation of a Greater Roumania to be the poli-
tical ideal and desire of every educated Rouma-
nian. Books were written, new daily papers were
started and societies were founded in support of
this ideal, so that the movement was not with-
out efi*ect on the official circles of Roumania. The
uncertainty of the position greatly increased from
the day when Roumania entered the Triple Alliance
and when every party, on going into opposition,
demanded that the Roumanian Government should
appeal to the friendly bonds existing and to inter-
cede in Vienna and Berlin in favour of the Rou-
manians, so that a pressure might be brought to
bear on the Hungarians regarding the political
wishes of the Roumanians.

These repeated, continuous and more and more
energetic steps of the Roumanian government of
course confirmed the suspicions of the Hungarians



Hungary and Rotimania 19

that behind the so called national desires irrident-
ism lay hidden and that the fulfilment ot every
nationalist desire would be but a step on the
way to a complete separation from Hungary.

Everybody who wants to have a clear idea of
the process going on between the Hungarians and
Roumanians since 1867 must consider the impor-
tant facts here enumerated.

We must, on the other hand, for truth's sake
point out that irridentism was in Roumania only
a literar)' movement, a sentiment of the educated
classes and never a real political program, till the
declaration of war in 1910.

By all responsible statesmen and politicans, on
every occasion and all the time, irridentism was
disapproved in the most decided manner and so
it will prehaps always remain an unsolved prob-
lem how it happened that Roumanians declaration
of war in the year 1916 was based on irredent-
ism and the desire of new conquest.



Glances at declarations of loyality made by
the Roumanians of Hungary.

All memoranda, political programs, manifestos,
proclamations and so on which from time to
time fixed the position of the Roumanian national
party in Hungary, or contained some explanation
of their point of view, always emphasized the
loyality of the Roumanians towards the dynasty
and to the State in which they were living. They
even went so far as to declare that they desired
the accomplishment of their political wishes just
to be able to work with all the greater enthusiasm
for the prosperity of this country.

These declarations give ample proof that the
nationalist leaders of the Roumanians in Hungary
never thought of seceding from this State. They
were the less inclined to do so as they were quite

2*



20 B. Jancsd

capable of seeing the advantage of having their
nationality recognised within the Hungarian State
which provided its Roumanian subjects with insti-
tutions more democratic, an economic existence
better and surer, and culture much higher than
those of Roumania, inferior in all these respects to
Hungary. The nationaKst leaders never aspired to
more than a certain autonomy within the state. We
are justified in declaring that in spite of Rouma-
nia's military intervention, in spite of the Hunga-
rian revolution, Bolshevism and the resolutions
ot the Peace Conference so advantageous to Rou-
mania, it is a national autonomy and not annexation
by Roumania that is desired by the masses of Rou-
manians of Hungary and even by the majority of
the better classes, and they will never be able to
tolerate the interference of Roumania in their
affairs.

We will prove this by declarations made by
themselves in regard to Roumania during the last
half century and even during the war.

The Memorandum of the Roumanian Nationalists
already mentioned, presented to the Sovereign in May
1892, emphasizes that: ''The interest of the Mo-
narchy, the interest of our country and the well-
fare of the Hungarians demands that more cor-
dial relations should be initiated between the
different nationalities, so that they, trusting one
another, might unite in common endeavour at the
foot of the throne so as to strengthen the com-
mon fatherland and make it flourish."

"As the complaints of the Roumanians are not
directed against the Hungarian state" says the
pamphlet "Replica" published in 1892 by the
Roumanian university students, "so the Memoran-
dum itself was not directed against the state either.
The Roumanian population of Transylvania and
Hungary is well known for its loyalty and might
be held up as a model for a law-abiding people.
History contains not a single event in which the



Hungary an d Roum ania 21

Roumanians show lack of tidelity towards the throne
or the state, whose supporters the Roumanians flat-
ter themselves always to have been, just as the
state has always granted them rights.



At a congress held in August 1895 by
different nationalities in Budapest the first point
of the resolution passed was, that the allied
Roumanians, Serbs, Slovaks etc. desire to mantain
in every respect the territorial integrity of Hun-
gary. When debating about the adress to be deli-
vered as answer to the address from the King at
the opening of Parliament in 1906 the Roumanian
nationalistic deputies, headed by Theodore Mihali,
formulated their wishes in a, special address and
here, too, they emphasized, in accordance with
their declaration of 1895, their adherence to the
principle of territorial integrity and their desire
to obtain the accomplishment of their national de-
mands within the limits granted by the law and
in accordance to the constitution of the couutr)^



The Roumanians of Hungary still adhered to this
point of view when in 1914 the war broke out.
On the day of mobilisation their youths thronged
under the banner with the same enthusiasm as
the Hungarians. In the different classes of society
Roumanians were, from the beginning to the end
of the war, just as ready for any sacrifice and
bore the heavy trials with- the same endurance as
the Magyar population. Their leaders roused the
enthusiasm of their compatriots in exactly the
same manner as those of the Magyar.^. The admoni-
tions delivered by> the heads of the clergy of both
Roumanian denominations were filled with the
same fighting spirit as those of the Magyar bish-
ops. In consequence of this the Roumanians
of Hungary as, in general, all other nationalities



22 B. Janc86

living in. Hungary must, with few exceptions, bear
the responsibilities concerning this war to the same
extent as the Magyars.



The following quotations will provide an inter-
esting illustration of the above.

Mgr. Demetrius Radu, Greek Catholic bishop of
Nagyvarad issued, at the outbreak of tfie war, an
episcopal charge in which the following sentences
are to be met with.

"Our apostolic King relies upon his people
and we can answer this mark of confidence
in no other manner than by being ready to obey
his commands and to shed our blood at his
bidding. This is the tradition we inherited from
our forefathers ^and with God's help we will hand
it down unsullied to our children. This is the
supreme command of the throne of our dear country
and of the radiant crown of Saint Stephen. The
sense of duty inspires our men who, when hearing
the command, rush to arms and die fighting for
their country. No danger wliatever will be able
\o prevent us from defending this land where our
ibre fathers rest. The example of our ancestors and
the glorious past of many a century will induce
the Roumanians to fight with their well known valour
in response to the summons of their sovereign."

The Orthodox Greek bishop, Mgr. John Pap, requests
his priests on August 7. 1914 "to read the procla-
mation of the King addressed to his people at the
outbreak of the war in all the churches, to explain
its contents and to show their flock that the war
was inevitable and was undertaken for a rightful
cause." The bishop is happy to remark that his
whole flock obeyed the summons with promptitude
and enthusiasm, and considers it the duty of
the clergy to explain to the population that tliey
must prove with deeds and not with words only



Hungary and Boumania



that the Roumanians of Hungary hawe always been
loyal to the throne, so that their Lord and King
Francis Joseph should be satisfied with them.

Mgr. Miron Christea, Orthodox Greek bishop of
Kar^nsebes (since metropolitan of Nagy-Szeben),
in his charge of August 8. 1914, declares the war
against Serbia to be rightful and just and exhorts
his flock to remain steady in their loyalty towards
their country and their king. "We know — he
continues — that the frontier of Serbia extends
from Orsova to Pancsova along the Danube and
that it therefore touches the bishopric of Karansebes,
and although the enemy does not even dream of
putting his foot into our territory nevertheless we
must be watchful. Our soldiery passing through
the bishopric must be received with the utmost
enthusiasm, for it is everybody's duty to help those
in w^hose hands lies at present the fate of the
country".

The Greek Catholic bishop of Szamosiijvdr, Mgr.
Basil Hosszu, not only emitted an episcopal charge
of similar contents but when, on August 14. 1914,
the hussar regiment stationed in his residential town
marched out to war he delivered a speech in which
ho said : "It is with a benediction I speed you on
your way, a benediction which will, I hope, follow
you on the road beset with danger, but filled also
with glory. The w^ar requires sacrifices for the country.
Death for our country must be received with joy.
With love we embrace you in this solemn mo-
ment, but remember that although we love you
and wish you to return yet we are more ready
to support the pain of eternal separation than to
see you returning beaten and with shame. Go forward
and ascend the steep path which leads to glory."

Not only Mgr. Hosszu but all the other Roumanian
high priests seized every available occasion in
those fateful days to raise the warlike spirit of their
people and to induce them to give proofs of their
patriotism and loyalty.



24 B. Jancs6

On Aug. 18, the birthday of the king, Bishop
Miron Cristea gave a banquet, during wiiich the
Eoumanian M. P. t^onstance Burdia (Government
party) pointed out, in a toast, the necessity of the
Roumanians and Magyars holding fast to each other.
Upon this the Bishop replied that in this critical
moment the Roumanian was standig by the Magyar
like a brother and that this behaviour was not only
in accordance with the sentiments, but also with the
interests of the Roumanians. The downfall of the
Monarchy would not only mean the downfall of the
Roumanians of Hungary but of the whole Roumanian
nation. Bishop Cristea asks his priests and the leading
government officials to do their best to propagate
and to augment patriotism and to encourage the
friendship with the Hungarians and the loyalty
towards the state, so that a better future might arise
out of the present situation even as regards the
nationalist question and the mutual sympathy
between the different races inhabiting the country.



Besides the chief Roumanian clergy the leaders
of the Roumanian Nationalist Party also made
similar declarations, and by so doing they proved
that the}^ also were ready to partake in the sacrifices
and the responsibility of the war, which followed
their solidarity with the Magyars.

On August 2, 1914, Theodore Mihali, the president
of the Roumanian nationalist party issued, on be-
half of his party, the following declaration.

"The youth of our country are called to the
field of glory. As in the past, sO surely also in the
present, the Roumanian soldier will fulfil his duty
to the glory of his race and in a manner worthy
his fame. His Majesty, our aged Sovereign, and
our fatherland will again receive proofs of the
ancient loyalty of the Roumanians that live under
the Habsburg rule and of their readiness for sacrifices.
It is with enthusiasm that the Roumanian youth



Hungary and Roumania 25

have joined the colours to shed their blood on the
battlefield. Those who have stayed at home are
prepared for any endurance. It is with keenest
interest and with the longing for a glorious and
victorious result that we await the end of those
historical events that are developing before our
eyes and those which are yet to come".

" {^Exceptional measures having been taken by Go-
vernment and all public meetings having thus become
impossible, the Roumanian nationalist party was
prevented from holding a great meeting as was
planned, and thus lacking the opportunity to deliver
several speeches containing loyal declarations, the
party addresses all Roumanians living on Hungarian
territory by means- of the newspaper press, and
requests them to be even more ready in these
dark days to fulfil their duty and perform any
sacrifice, and exhorts them to be calm and put
their trust in Grod.

"The Roumanian population — so runs this semi-
official proclamation — has always shown its good
commonsense, it is orderly, loyal, and steadfast.
These are the traits of character that we inherited
from our forefathers and these we must now show.
We hope that our splendid and patriotic conduct;
worthy of our nation and our Roumanian name,
and the courage of our sons on the field of battle,
will both enhance the value put upon the services
hitherto rendered, so that the Roumanian nation
will finally be enabled to come into possession of
all those rights for which it struggled till now,
and for which it will continue to struggle in a
lawful manner and with all measures available
within the constitutioli*.

Another leading member of the Roumanian natio-
nalist party, M. Alexander Vajda, M. P. made at the
same time the following declaration before a corre-
spondent of the Bucarest paper, the Adverul.

"The Roumanians living in Hungary havejoiuedthe
colours with the greatest enthusiasm, giving a proof of



26 B. Jancs&

their loyality towards the ruling family and of their
patriotism. In these fateful moments the population
adheres to its old traditions. It is true that this
is partly due to the behaviour of the nationalist party»
The strife that was going on between Roumanians
and Hungarians must be put aside till the common
foe is vanquished and till the better future is assured.
All nationalities must unite in love in face of the
exterior foe for the sake of their country and their
throne. The Roumanian people and their leaders
are well aware of the danger that threatens, not
only the dual Monarchy and the whole Roumanian
nation, but even the whole civilisation of Europe,
in case Russia were to win. In face of this danger
the difference of political opinion between Rouma-
nians and Hungarians dwindles to a harmless do-
mestic quarrel. It would be tragic if, on account
of the attitude of the Roumanian Kingdom, the
Roumanians living under the Habsbnrg rule and
those of the Kingdom should be forced in this
decisive moment to face each other as enemies.
Since we, Roumanians who are fighting for the dual
Monarchy, represent half of the Roumanian nation, it
becomes inadmissible that at this moment the Rou-
manian Kingdom should remain neutral or —
worse than that — should attack the Monarchy and
help Russia. If Roumania would act in confor-
mity with the interest of all Roumanians, it will
first of all help the Roumanians living in Bess-
arabia. The Roumanians inhabiting the Monarchy
are strong enough to help themselves and to up-
hold their nationality. It is to be hoped that Rou-
mania will consider the well known ingratitude
of Russia and understand what are the measures
required by the political interests of all Rouma-
nians".

At the same time M. Alexander Vajda published
in the "Budapester Tageblatt" the following lines:

"The line of conduct of the Roumanians of Hun-
gary has proved that towards this most lo^al



Hungary atid Roumania 27

people a policy of confidence is the best. Our sol-
diers are joining the ranks with the greatest fer-