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session of others' goods.*

There is good reason for dividing the decalogue into
duties of piety, toward God and parents, and duties of
probity, toward neighbors. The whole thing is admi-
rably conceived. It begins with the most exalted duties,
those toward God, then mentions the duties toward
parents, and closes with those toward other men. In
this last series the duty toward life, the most precious
of blessings, is found at the beginning, as in the first
series, the fundamental duty toward God. Life and
woman deserve especial mention ; the other blessings
receive only secondary consideration. There is also in
these last an admirable gradation, in that bad actions
toward one's neighbor are first prohibited, then bad
words, and finally bad desires.

It is not necessary to pass in review all the other
laws of document A above mentioned. Each one can
make a study of them for himself. Any one who care-
fully reads all this primitive legislation of Israel will
notice that it is very simple ; that, like the decalogue,
of which it is in part only a development, it enjoins
above all the chief duties toward God and one's neigh-
1 V. 15. 2 y^ 16, 3 ^. 17. 4 See Dillmann.


bor. The ceremonial laws are here neither numerous
nor complicated. It is humanitarian laws that pre-
dominate. This legislation goes so far as to enjoin
kindness toward enemies ; ^ the lex talionis that it pro-
mulgates 2 is a juridical regulation, and not a rule for
the conduct of private life. It also enjoins justice
toward the stranger, charity toward the poor, fair-
ness and mildness toward slaves and servants,^ and
even consideration for animals.*


I. Places of Worship.

Primitively there was great freedom in Israel in the
matter of places of worship. The oldest documents of
the Pentateuch also tell us that the patriarchs reared
altars, to sacrifice to God and call upon him, wherever
they happened to be.^ Moses and Joshua followed this
custom.6 In the days of the judges, the children of
Israel offer sacrifices at Bokim;^ Gideon builds an
altar to Jehovah at Ophra ; ^ he offers a sacrifice on a
rock ; ^ Manoah does the same ; ^^ Micah has a private At the same time we find sacred places at

1 Ex. xxiii. 4 f. ^ ex. xxi. 23-25.

3 Ex. XX. 10 ; xxi. 1-11 ; xxii. 21-27 ; xxiii. 6, 9, 11 f.

4 Ex. XX. 10 ; xxiii. 11 f .

5 Gen. viii. 20 ; xii. 7 f. ; xiii. 3 f ., 18 ; xxi. 33 ; xxii. 9, 13 ; xxvi.
25 ; xxviii. 18-22 ; xxxiii. 20 ; xxxv. 1-3, 7 ; xlvi. 1.

6 Ex. xvii. 15 ; xviii. 12 ; xxiv. 4 ; Deut. xxvii. 4 ff. ; Josh. viii. 30 f. ;
xxiv. 1, 25 f.

7 Jud. ii. 5. 8 jud. vi. 24. « Jud. vi. 25 ff.
10 Jud. xiii. 19. ii Jud. xvii. 5, 10-13.


Mispah,^ Shiloh,2 Betliel,^ and Gibeali.^ Samuel offers
sacrifices indifferently at Mispali, Ramali, Gilgal, and
Bethlehem.^ Saul rears altars and offers sacrifices at
various places.^ From this time until the erection of
Solomon's temple, these same sacred places and others
serve as sanctuaries for the worship of Jehovah, David
and Solomon in this respect following the traditional
usage J

In some of the passages cited the places of worship
are called high places. They were in fact places,
naturally or artificially raised, such as are found among
Semitic peoples generally.^ This worship at high-places
was continued even after the erection of the temple
under the most faithful kings .^ The prophet Elijah re-
builds the altar on Mount Carmel, and offers sacrifices on
it.^^ He complains that numerous altars consecrated to
Jehovah in the country have been destroyed.^^ Elisha
allows Namaan to carry the soil of Canaan into Syria, for
the purpose of rearing there an altar and offering sacri-
fices to Jehovah. ^2 Isaiah expresses the hope that, in the
future, the Egyptians will turn to Jehovah and rear an
altar to him in their country and offer him sacrifices.^^
It is therefore certain that in Israel a multiplicity of

1 Jud. xi. 11 ; XX. 1 ; xxi. 1, 5, 8 ; 1 Sam. vii. 5 ff. ; x. 17 ff.

2 Jud. xviii. 31 ; xxi. 19 ; 1 Sam. i. -iv.

3 Jud. XX. 18, 23, 26 f. ; xxi. 2, 4 ; 1 Sam. x. 3. * 1 Sam. x. 5.

^ 1 Sam. vii. 7, 9, 17 ; ix. 12 f. ; x. 8 ; xi. 14 f. ; xvi. 4 f. ; comp.
XV. 33. 6 1 Sam. xiii. 9 f. ; xiv. 34 f.

7 1 Sam. XV. 21 ; xx. 6, 28 f. ; xxi. 1 ff. ; xxii. 9 ff. ; 2 Sam. v. 3 ;
KV. 7 ff. ; xxi. 6, 9 ; xxiv. 18, 25 ; 1 Kings i. 9 ; iii. 2 ff.

8 Baudissin, IL pp. 232 ff. ; [Schultz, L pp. 206 f.].

« 1 Kings XV. 14 ; xxii. 44 ; 2 Kings xii. 3 ; xiv. 4 ; xv. 4, 34 f.
10 1 Kings xviii. 30 ff. " 1 Kings xix. 10, 14.

12 2 Kings V. 17. i^ isa. xix. 18 ff. ; comp. Zeph. ii. 11.


places of worship was long perfectly lawful, or, as we now
say, orthodox, since the most faithful kings and even
the prophets gave it their approval. The unfavorable
criticism on this subject that we find in the books of
Kings and Chronicles should not lead us astray: this criti-
cism is, as we shall see, made from a later point of view.
The freedom to establish places of worship at different
points at the same time, is hallowed even by the oldest
legislation, for in it Jehovah is made to say that wher-
ever his name is invoked, altars of rough stone should
be reared that sacrifices may be offered to him.^ The at-
tempt has been made to bring this ordinance into har-
mony with the later legislation, which requires absolute
centralization of worship, by maintaining that, in the
passage quoted, reference is made to the various places
where the portable sanctuary and its altar, of which this
legislation speaks, may from time to time be established.
But this altar is of wood, ornamented with brass ; ^
while our passage speaks of an altar of stones and allows
such an altar to be reared in several places at the same
time. The best commentary on this text is the custom,
that, as we have shown, existed in Israel until toward
the Exile. It is clearly this ancient usage, and not the
centralization of worship, first required by Deuter-
onomy, that is most in harmony with the spirit of
Mosaism. The primitive liberty respecting places of
worship was, moreover, very natural and legitimate,
since it corresponded to a real religious need. Ewald
has with some justice connected Ex. xx. 24 f., which
hallows this ancient usage, with the promise of the

1 Ex. XX. 24 f . 2 Ex. xxvii. 1 f . ; xxxviii. 30 ; xxxix. 39,


gospel : " Where two or three are gathered in my name,
I will be in the midst of them." ^

The absolute centralization of worship that was legally
sanctioned in the period following, nevertheless has its
roots in the earliest history of Israel. According to
document A, there was, even in the desert, a central
tabernacle.2 It was a tent that sheltered the ark of the
covenant, whose existence since this date is proven by
the same document.^ In the days of the judges we
find the ark at Bethel and Shiloh.^ In serious wars the
Israelites carried it about in their camp, that Jehovah,
being present in the midst of the army, might the better
lend them his assistance.^ Wherever the ark happened
to be, sacrifices might be offered to Jehovah.^ Before it
prayer was made to God.'^ When David wished to
establish a national sanctuary at Jerusalem, he felt the
necessity of transjDorting thither the sacred ark,^ and
the temple of Solomon itself acquired a sacred and
national character only through its presence.^ The
above discussion, then, shows that from the time of
Moses the ark of the covenant served as a rallying point
for all Israel. The later codes were able to find support
in this fact for presenting the centralization of worship
as Mosaic.

1 Antiquities of Israel^ p. 121.

2 Ex. xxxiii. 7 ff. ; xxxiv. 34 f. ; Num. xii. 5, 10.

3 Num. x. 33-36; xiv. 44 ; Deut. x. 8 ; Josh. iii. f . ; vi. ; vii. 6.

4 Jud. XX. 26 f. ; 1 Sam. iii. 3 ; iv. 3 f.

s 1 Sam. iv. ; xiv. 18 ; 2 Sam. xi. 11 ; Com. xv. 24.

6 1 Sam. vi. 14 ff. ; 2 Sam. vi. 13, 17 ; 1 Kings viii. 6.

7 Josh. vii. 6 ff. 8 2 Sam. vi.
^ 1 Kings viii. 1 ff.


II. The Priesthood.

The same freedom that originally existed with refer-
ence to places of worship, existed also with reference
to the priesthood. Let us see what early Hebrew liter-
ature teaches us on this point.

According to document A, among the first men and
in the days of the patriarchs, it is the father of the
family who exercises the functions of a priest. ^ Moses
also fulfils these functions. ^ In offering sacrifices, at
the time of the establishment of the covenant with
Jehovah, he calls to his assistance young men chosen
from among the children of Israel,^ and probably from
all the tribes. This freedom of usage continued. Gid-
eon and Manoah offer sacrifices to Jehovah,* and Saul
does likewise.^ When David has the sacred ark trans-
ported to Jerusalem, he wears the sacerdotal costume,
offers sacrifices, and blesses the people.^ Solomon also
fulfils sacerdotal functions,^ likewise the prophet Elijah.^
Jeroboam and Ahaz, therefore, in assuming them in
their turn,^ do nothing unlawful from the traditional
point of view. The editor of the books of Kings finds
fault with them because he takes the later standpoint
of the legislation of Deuteronomy, which, as we shall
see farther on, condemns any but a Levitical priesthood.

1 Gen. iv. 3 f. ; viii. 20 ; xii. 7 f . ; xiii. 4, 18 ; xv. 9 ; xxii. 1 ff. ;
xxvi. 25 ; xxxv. 1 ff. ; xlvi. 1.

2 Ex. xxiv. 6-8 ; comp. xvii. 15. ^ Ex. xxiv. 4 f.
4 Jud. vi. 20 ff. ; xiii. 16 ff.

* 1 Sam. xiii. 9 ff. ; comp. xiv. 34 f. ^2 Sam. vi.

7 1 Kings iii. 4 ; viii. 14, 54 ff., 62 ff. ; ix. 25 ; x. 5.

8 1 Kings xviii. 22 ff., 30 ff.

9 1 Kings xii. 32 -xiii. 1 ff. ; 2 Kings xvi. 12 f.


The universal priesthood, however, is not merely a
matter of practice at the beginning, in Israel. In a
passage from document A it is represented as the nor-
mal institution. In fact, we read, Ex. xix. 6, that
when he established his covenant with the children of
Israel, Jehovah caused it to be said to them : " Ye shall
be unto me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation."
All Israelites, therefore, were to be servants conse-
crated to Jehovah, having free access to his presence.^
Nevertheless, priests early make their appearance in
Israel as among all other peoples of antiquity. But
originally the priesthood does not form a separate cast,
is not the prerogative of a single family. Document A
speaks of Melchisedek, a priest of the most-high God,
whose authority was recognized by Abraham ; ^ of Jethro,
the priest of Midian, whose claim to the office is allowed
by Aaron and the elders of Israel ; ^ and of Israelitish
priests.* Did these last belong to the tribe of Levi?
There is no indication to this effect. On the contrary,
it must be observed that the Pentateuchal documents
which speak of the institution of the Levitical priest-
hood place this ceremony later. In the book of Judges,
an Ephraimite consecrates his son to be priest in his
own private sanctuary.^ He afterwards, when the occa-
sion presents itself, replaces him by a Levite, whom he
himself also consecrates for his sacerdotal functions ; '^
but this Levite does not belong to the sacred tribe; he
is a Levite only by virtue of his functions, since the
statement is expressly made that he was of the family

1 See Dilhnann, i.l. 2 Gen. xiv. 18-20.

3 Ex. ii. 16 ; iii. 1 ; xviii. 12. * Ex. xix. 22, 24.

5 xvii. 1-5. € ^^, 10, 12 f.


of Judah.^ When the sacred ark is brought back from
the country of the Philistines and deposited at Kirjath-
jearim, in the house of Abinadab, the- people of the
place consecrate the son of this latter to guard it.^
Samuel is devoted from his infancy to the service of the
sanctuary,^ and he later fulfils the functions of a priest/
although he belongs neither to a sacerdotal family nor
to the tribe of Levi,^ as was finally claimed for the sake
of justifying his priestly acts from the later standpoint.^
We find other priests who are not Levites: a Jairite,"
a son of Nathan the prophet,^ even sons of David. ^
There are, it is true, translators who, in the last three
cases, change the priests into officers or ministers of
state, but this is an error. When, therefore, Jeroboam
ordained priests who were not Levites, ^"^ he simply fol-
lowed ancient custom, sanctioned by the most faithful

Although, at first, every Israelite might become a
priest of Jehovah, we early perceive a tendency to pre-
fer as priests members of the tribe of Levi. Document
A itself relates that the sons of Levi were consecrated
in a special manner to the service of Jehovah by the
massacre which, at Moses' command, they wrought
among the Israelites who had worshipped the golden
calf.^i According to another passage of the same docu-
ment, which, however, is evidently borrowed from a
different source, the tribe of Levi was not set apart for

I Jud. xvii. 7. 2 1 Sam. vii. 1. ^1 Sam. i. ff.
4 1 Sam. vii. 9 f . ; ix. 12 f. ; x. 8 ; xvi. 5. 5 i gam. i. 1 ; ii. 19.
6 1 Chr. vi. 28, 33.

■^ 2 Sam. XX. 26 ; comp. Num. xxxii. 41 ; Deut. iii. 14 ; Jud. x. 3 ff.
^ 1 Kings iv. 5. ^ 2 Sam. viii. 18.

10 1 Kings xii. 31 ; xiii. 33 ; comp. 2 Kings xvii. 32.

II Ex. xxsii. 26-29 j comp. Gen. xxxiv. 25 f.


the service of Jehovah until after the death of Aaron. ^
The old song, Gen. xlix., it is true, does not speak
very favorably of Levi,^ probably because it was com-
posed at a date before the tribe of Levi played an im-
portant part; but another song, of a more recent date,
though relatively ancient, speaks favorably of this
tribe, and expressly connects it with the priesthood, ^
as does also 1 Sam. ii. 27 ff. From the time of the
judges we see Levites, but more particularly descend-
ants of Moses and Aaron, exercising sacerdotal func-
tions at certain sanctuaries.* It appears from 1 Sam.
ii. 27 ff. that the priest Eli belonged to the tribe of
Levi. We see, moreover, that the priest Ahijah, who
was in Saul's train, ^ the numerous sacerdotal family of
Nob,^ Abiathar and Zadok, the chief priests of David, '^
were descended from Eli through Ahitub,^ and that,
consequently, they were all of the tribe of Levi. Since
Solomon, though he dismissed Abiathar,^ retained Zadok
in his office, ^^ and the descendants of this latter still
held the priesthood in Jerusalem at the time of the
Exile, it may be admitted that, beginning with David,
it was the Levites who chiefly occupied the priesthood
at .Jerusalem. There are, however, those who deny
that Zadok was a descendant of Eli and therefore of
Aaron and Levi.^^

1 Deut. X. 6-9. 2 Gen. xlix. 5 ff. ^ Deut. xxxiii. 8-11.

4 Jud. xviii. 30 f. ; xx 26-28. & i Sam. xiv. 18.

6 1 Sam. xxi. 1 ff. ; xxii. 9 ff.

7 2 Sam. viii. 17 ; xv. 24 ff., 35 f. ; xvii. 15 ; xix. 11 ff. ; xx. 25 ;
1 Kings i. 7 ff.

8 1 Sam. xiv. 3 ; xxii. 20 ; 2 Sam. viii. 17. ^ 1 Kings ii. 26 f .
10 1 Kings ii. 35. n Vatke, pp. 344 f. ; Wellliausen, pp. 125 f.


III. Religious Festivals,

1. The Sabbath. — There is a passage in document A
that presupposes the existence of the Sabbath before the
promulgation of the law.^ The oldest legislation and
even the decalogue itself enjoin the observance of it.^
The Sabbath is perhaps the earliest holiday of the He-
brews. At any rate it was of ancient origin, and it
always remained the holiday par excellence. Reuss says
on this subject: "The notion of the week with its holi-
day doubtless dates from the remotest antiquity. We
no longer hesitate to recognize its astronomic origin,
that is, to connect it with what the ancient peoples
called the seven planets." ^ Dillmann expresses himself
to the same purpose. He thinks, however, with others,
that the four phases of the moon must have given origin
to the week;^ which Reuss finds not impossible, but im-
probable, " in view of the actual duration of the astro-
nomic month, which is twenty-nine and a half days."

This primitive character of the Sabbath, however, no
longer appears in Hebrew literature. According to the
whole Old Testament the Sabbath is essentially a day
of rest. This is clearly expressed in the various codes
of the Pentateuch, including the oldest,^ and it harmo-
nizes with the word Sabbath^ which means rest. Still
the Sabbath cannot have received this significance until
the Israelites ceased to be nomadic shepherds, to become

1 Ex. xvi. 27-30. 2 Ex. xx. 8 ff. ; xxiii. 12 ; xxxiv. 21.

3 Histoire Sainte, 1. p. 121 ; comp. Gesch. § 71 ; [Schrader, Cunei-
form Inscriptions and the Old Testament (KAT) on Gen. ii. 3.

4 See on Ex. xx. 8 ff.

s Ex. XX. 10 ; xxiii. 12 ; xxxiv. 21 ; xxi. 13 ff. ; Deut. v. 14.


an agricultural people. For "the shepherd knows no
Sabbath in this sense, although it was doubtless he who
first observed the heavens and distinguished the fixed
stars from the planets. His flook needs care and food,
and must be led to water one day as well as another;
his kind of occupation is the same the year through.
The requirement of absolute rest does not date from the
time when the Israelites were nomads."^

What the ancient documents emphasize most is the
humanitarian side of the Sabbath. Its chief end is to
provide rest for slaves and domestic animals. ^ Even
in Deuteronomy we find the same point of view. The
Sabbath is there connected with the memory of the de-
liverance from slavery in Egypt ; but the thought of the
Deuteronomist is evidently this: Israel should remem-
ber that they were slaves in Egypt and that Jehovah
delivered them, that they may, on this day, give rest
to their slaves as Avell as themselves.^

2. The New Moon. — The first of the [lunar] month
seems to have been a holiday in Israel from remote an-
tiquity. We see that every new moon Saul invited his
principal servants to his table.* These repasts evidently
had a religious character, since Levitical impurit}^ might
exclude one from them.^ We see, moreover, that even
in the old prophets, and always afterward, the new
moon is placed upon the same level with the Sabbath
and other festivals.^

1 Reuss, Histoire Sainte, I. p. 122 ; [Schultz, I. p. 205].

2 Ex. xxiii. 10 ; xxxiv. 21 ; comp. xx. 10.

3 Deut. V. 14 f. ; comp. xv. 15. 4 i gam. xx. 5, 18, 24.
6 1 Sam. XX. 26.

6 Amos viii. 5 ; Hos. ii. 11 ; Isa. i. 13 f. ; Ezek. xlv. 17 ; xlvi. 1, 3 ; Isa.
Ixvi. 23 ; 2 Kings iv. 23, etc.


The festival of the new moon is evidently an astro-
nomic one. The Israelites were not able to stamp it
with a theocratic character, as they did the other festi-
vals originally borrowed from nature. The ancient
codes say nothing at all about it. As this festival,
however, existed in Israel from a very remote date, it
is probable that it, like other religious acts and institu-
tions, rests solely on the usage of antiquity in general ;
for the new moon was celebrated among many other
peoples by a great festival. ^

In Israel the new moons were days of rest, 2 when the
people assembled at the sanctuary, ^ and when they pre-
ferred to go to consult the prophets. ^ This explains
why the discourses of the prophets were sometimes
inspired and delivered on these days.^

3. The Three Pilgrim Feasts. — Document A enjoins
the celebration of three annual feasts, the feast of pass-
over, or unleavened bread, that of weeks, or the first-
fruits of the harvest, and that of the vintage at the end
of the year; they are also called pilgrim feasts, because,
for each of them, every male Israelite must betake him-
self to the sanctuary to present himself before Jehovah.^
It was on the occasion of these solemnities that Solomon
offered sacrifices three times a year to God.^ It was
probably also one of these feasts to which the father of
Samuel went up to Shiloh every year to worship Jeho-

1 Schenkel's Bibel-Lexikon, IV. p. 322 ; Riehm's Handworterbuch ,
pp. 431, 1077 ; [Ewald, Antiquities, pp.349 f.].

2 Amos viii. 5. 3 Isa. i. 13 f.; Ezek. xlvi. 1, 3 ; Isa. Ixvi. 23.

4 2 Kings iv. 23.

5 Ezek. xxvi. 1 ; xxix. 17 ; xxxi. 1 ; xxxii. 1 ; Hag. i. 1.
^ Ex. xxiii. 14-17 ; xxxiv. 18, 22-24.

7 1 Kings ix. 25 ; comp. 2 Chron. viii. 13.


vah and offer him sacrifices,^ and at which the family of
David sacrificed in Bethlehem. ^ It appears from other
passages that, from remote antiquity, the Israelites
made a practice of celebrating feasts in honor of Jeho-
vah, which seem to have been chiefly days of popular
rejoicing.^ Deuteronomy, like document A, mentions
the three pilgrim feasts in the same connection.*

a. The Festival of Passover and Unleavened Breads in
the Old Testament represented as a single festival, is
certainly a union of two distinct feasts, an agricultural
and a theocratic. It is even very probable that originally
this feast also had an astronomical significance, that
it was the spring festival found among most of the
peoples of antiquity.^ There is no longer any trace
of this last feature of the feast of passover in Hebrew
literature, but its agricultural significance appears in
some passages, especially Lev. xxiii. 9-14. Here the
offering of the first-fruits of the harvest is combined
with the passover, and this offering is represented as
intimately related to the feast to be celebrated seven
weeks later, at the end of the harvest. This connection
between the two feasts also crops out, Deut. xvi. 9,
where it is apparent that the former coincides with the
time when the sickle is put into the harvest. The cus-
tom of eating unleavened bread seven days, which gave

1 1 Sam. i, 3, 7, 21. 2 1 Sam. xx. 6, 29.

3 Ex. V. 1 ; X. 9 ; xxxii. 5 f., 19 ; Jud. xxi. 19 ff. ; 1 Kings xii. 32 f. ;
Amos V. 21 ; viii. 10 ; Hos. ii. 11 ; ix. 5 ; Isa. i. 14 ; xxix. 1 ; xxx. 29 ;
xxxiii. 20. * Chapter xvi.

5 Dillmann, Bibel-Lexikon, II. p. 269 ; also Exodus ?/. Leviticus,
p. 581 ; Handiodrterbiich, pp. 43.1 f., 1139 f. ; Reuss, Histoire Sainte,
I. p. 164 ; also on Ex. xii. 2, and Gesch., §§ 58, 289 ; [Ewald, Antiquities,
pp. 358ff.].


its name to the feast, as it is found in the oldest legal
passages, 1 seems also to have sprung from the connec-
tion of this feast with the commencement of the harvest. ^
The feast of unleavened bread is combined with
the feast of passover; but, in all our documents, the
agricultural character of the former is almost entirely
eclipsed by the theocratic character of the latter. The
term pesach^ which we render passover, means passage.
Even document A is acquainted with it.^ It declares
that the passover is celebrated in honor of Jehovah, who
passed over the dwellings of the children of Israel, and
spared them when he smote Egypt.^ This explanation
is reproduced in document C.^ Document A itself
unites the feast of passover with the feast of unleavened
bread, saying that the Israelites had to leave Egypt in
so hurried a manner that they were obliged to take their
dough before it w^as leavened and make cakes of it at
the first stopping-place.^ This explanation is not natu-
ral. We learn, moreover, from Ex. xii. 8 (document
C), that Moses gave orders beforehand to eat the pass-
over with unleavened bread. We must, therefore, seek
the reason for this custom in the agricultural character
of the feast, or admit that fermentation was regarded
by the Israelites as something impure." In the latter
case, the urgent injunction not to use leaven during the
continuance of the feast would be perfectly explained,^

1 Ex. xxiii. 15 ; xxxiv. 18.

2 Dillmann on Ex. xii. 20 ; also Bihel-LexiTcon, IV. p. 387 ff. ;
[Wellhausen, pp. 89 f.].

3 Ex. xxxiv. 25. * Ex. xii. 27. ^ Ex. xii. 11-18.
6 Ex. xii. 34, 39 ; comp. Deut. xvi. 3.

"< Lev. ii. 4 f., 11 f. ; comp. Oehler, § 124.
8 Ex. xii. 15, 19 ; xiii. 7 ; Deut. xvi. 4.


as well as the strict prohibition against offering the
blood of the sacrifice with fermented bread. ^ It doubt-
less contributed to the identification of the two feasts
that all the documents of the Pentateuch place the
exodus from Egypt in the first month of the year, the
month of ears,^ in which occurred the feast of the com-
mencement of the harvest and the feast of the spring-

Document A commands the celebration of this double
feast every year, for the purpose of perpetuating the
memory of the exodus from Egypt, by eating unleav-

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