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[3] _Ibid._, p. 232.

[4] Froben, sec, 82. Neander says 10,000.

[5] Alcuin adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius
tantummodo laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte
praereptum esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem."

[6] Or perhaps six.

[7] No reliance can be placed in the statement of the
Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of
Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione
Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium
(795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato
publice errore _fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae_ confessus
est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec.
259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of
Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his

We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy, both from
its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned above, there are
some reasons for thinking that it was the outcome of a wish to
conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as well to recapitulate such
evidence as we have obtained on this point. But we must not expect to
find the traces of Mohammedan influence in the development, so much as
in the origination, of the theory. What we do find is slight enough,
amounting to no more than this: -

(_a._) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan from genuine
Christianity - setting aside for a moment the transcendental mystery of
the Trinity - was the Divinity of Christ. Anything, therefore, that
tended to emphasise the humanity of Jesus, or to obscure the great fact
of Christ the Man, being Son of God, which sounded so offensive to
Mohammedan ears, would so far bring the Christian creed nearer to the
Mohammedan's acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of
Christ, to that which appears so often in the Koran.[1] There can be no
doubt that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical
conclusion, did contribute to this result:

(_b._) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of the secular
arm in disseminating his heretical opinions:

(_c._) That the application of the term _Servant_ to Christ, besides
being authorised by texts from Scripture, is countenanced in two
passages from the Koran:

(_d._) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain, and his
relapse into error, implies that it was due to his renewed contact with
infidels who held similar views:

(_e._) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is said to have
lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his close intercourse with
the Arabs:

(_f._) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false prophet, that
is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a Mohammedan interpretation to
the Beast in the Revelation of St John.

Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it did
not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was originated by
a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,[2] - Claudius, Bishop of Turin. Some
have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of Iconoclasm, traces
of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in itself.[3]

Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct
statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised him,
and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he on his side
highly commended them _and the Saracens_.[4] Yet his tendency seems to
have been against the Judaizing of the Church.[5]

[1] Fifty years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses
certain Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of
persecution: - "Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (_i.e._
Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et
Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones
corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes."

[2] Jonas of Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and
says elsewhere, "Felix resuscitur in Claudio."

[3] Neander, vi. 119.

[4] Fleury, v. 398.

[5] Neander, vi. 125.

The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East, undoubtedly
received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In 719 the Khalif
destroyed all images in Syria. His example was followed in 730 by the
Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is said to have been persuaded to
this measure by a man named Bezer, who had been some years in captivity
among the Saracens.[1] In 754 the great council of Constantinople
condemned images. Unfortunately neither the great patriarchates nor the
Pope were represented, and so this council never obtained-the sanction
of all Christendom; and its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council
of Nicæa. In 790 appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to
find our English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and
reasonable protest against the worship of images.[2] In 794 this protest
was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and his
militia,[3] the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any reform in this
quarter, and the recognition of images became part and parcel of Roman
Catholic Christianity.

Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.[4] Though placed over an
Italian diocese, he soon shewed the independence, which he had imbibed
in the free air of Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least
the advantage of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding
that the people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius
set to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in his
bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than other
Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist training.[5]

These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with the
Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot of Nîmes, a
friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal, an Irish priest.
But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was more than a match for
his opponents in argument.[6]

[1] Fleury, xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham,
Seventh General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv.

[2] "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut
segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius
infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur." - III. c. 24.

"Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in
basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei
Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad
peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium
habere noscantur." - III. c. 21.

[3] Prescott.

[4] Neander says 814, Herzog 820.

[5] Neander, v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from
the charge of adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer
of the Khalif Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his
brother's body at Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my
brother's body to the mercy of those who ring bells and adore
the cross. Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. 446.

[6] Fleury, v. 398, confesses that the case of the
image-worshippers rests mainly on tradition and the usage of
the Church - meaning that they can draw no support from the
Bible. He might have remembered Matt. xv. 7 - "Ye make void the
Word of God because of your tradition."

Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from his
opponents' quotation of them.

Briefly expressed, they are as follows: -

_(a.)_ Image-worship is really idol-worship:

_(b.)_ If images are to be adored, much more should those living beings
be adored, whom the images represent. But we are not permitted to adore
God's works, much less may we worship the work of men:[1]

_(c.)_ The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus was fastened
to it: else must we adore other things with which Jesus was similarly
connected; virgins, for example, for Christ was nine months in a
virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships, thorns, for with all these Jesus
was connected. To adore the cross we have never been told, but to bear
it,[2] that is to deny ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to
adore it, who are least ready to bear it either spiritually or

Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal
supremacy.[4] Being summoned before a council, with more wisdom than
Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his cause would be
prejudged, and contented himself with calling the proposed assembly a
congregation of asses. He died in 839 in secure possession of his see,
and with his Iconoclastic belief unshaken.

Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during the
first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem to have
been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One more there was,
the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one hundred and fifty years
later, and was perhaps the outcome of intercourse with the Mohammedanism
of Spain.[5]

[1] Jonas of Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326.

[2] Luke xiv. 27.

[3] Jonas, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351.

[4] See Appendix B, pp. 161-173.

[5] So Blunt. It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2,
from Lucas of Tuy.



Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal Christianity
(there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal Mohammedanism), it
will fall within the scope of our inquiry to estimate the extent to
which those influences were reciprocally felt by the two religions in
their social and intellectual aspects; and how far the character of a
Christian or a Mohammedan was altered by contact with a people
professing a creed so like, and yet so unlike.[1] This influence we
shall find more strongly manifested in the action of Christianity on
Islam, than the reverse.

It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks seems to
have varied[2] from time to time, is reported to have expressly declared
that he would have no monks in his religion.[3] Abubeker, his
successor, - if Gibbon's translation may be trusted, - in his marching
orders to the army, told them to let monks and their monasteries
alone.[4] It was not long, however, before an order of itinerant
monks - the faquirs - arose among the Moslems. In other parts of their
dominions these became a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class;
but in Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,[5] though they
were very numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian
historian,[6] were nothing more than beggars, able but unwilling to
work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be applied to all,
"for there were among them men who, moved by sentiments of piety and
devotion, left the world and its vanities, and either retired to
convents to pass the remainder of their days among brethren of the same
community, or putting on the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff,
went through the country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the
faithful to compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That
Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we can
gather from the above passage and from another place,[7] where a convent
called Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On
that passage De Gayangos[8] has an interesting note, in which he quotes
from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment near
Malaga.[9] The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close to this city, a
convent, which was the residence of several religious men living in
community, and conversant with the principles of Sufism: they have a
superior to preside over them, and one or more servants to attend to
their wants. Their internal regulations are really admirable; each
faquir lives separately in a cell of his own, and meets his comrades
only at meals or prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the
community go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he
wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with two
meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock, two being
allowed yearly for each man - one for winter, another for summer. Each
faquir is furnished likewise with a regular allowance of sugar, soap to
wash his clothes, oil for his lamp, and a small sum of money to attend
the bath, all these articles being distributed to them every Friday....
Most of the faquirs are bachelors, a few only being married. These live
with their wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to
the same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers,
sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted
chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning each
faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then that of
the king;[10] and when the reading is over, a Koran, previously divided
into sections, is brought in for each man to read in turn, until the
whole is completed. On Fridays and other-festivals these faquirs are
obliged to go to the mosque in a body, preceded by their superior....
They are often visited by guests, whom they entertain for a long time,
supplying them with food and other necessaries. The formalities observed
with them are as follows: - If a stranger present himself at the door of
the convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his
waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his staff in
his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the porter of the
convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what country he comes
from, what convent he has resided in, or entered on the road, who was
the superior of it, and other particulars, to ascertain that the visitor
is not an impostor.... This convent was plentifully endowed with rents
for the support of its inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in
lands which was provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga,
who had been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are
continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by
donations in money."

The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is
sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though this
particular convent was established at a later time, we cannot doubt that
the influence, which produced such a modification of the very spirit of
Islam, must have made itself felt much earlier. This is apparent in the
analogous case of Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to
shew,[11] where it is said that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar
(1030-1043), was followed to the grave even by the damsels who had
retired into solitude.

[1] Mohammedanism is even called a _heresy_ by a writer quoted
by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244.

[2] Kor. v. 85 - "Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to
entertain friendship for the true believers who say, We are
Christians. This comes to pass, because there are priests and
monks among them." Kor. lvii. 27 - "As to the monastic state
(Deus loquitur), the Christians instituted the same (we did not
prescribe it for them) only out of desire to please God, yet
they observed not the same as it ought truly to be observed."
See also Kor. ix. 34 - "Verily many of the priests and monks
devour the substance of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of
God;" and Kor. xxiii. 55.

[3] Kor. v. 89. Sale's note.

[4] So Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii.

[5] See the interesting account, _ibid._, i. 114.

[6] Al Makkari.

[7] Al Makkari, i. 115.

[8] _Ibid._, i. p. 406, note.

[9] In the fourteenth century.

[10] ? Chapter 67.

[11] Conde, ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to
Christian nuns.

But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity, Islam
shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded with a
Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such things, but the
following anecdotes are more in keeping with the Bible than the Koran.
Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to his son, Hakem I., said:
"Consider well that all empire is in the hand of God, who bestoweth it
on whom He will, and from whom He will He taketh it away.[1] But since
God hath given to us the royal authority and power, which is in our
hands by His goodness only, let us obey His holy will, which is no other
than that we do good to all men,[2] and in especial to those placed
under our protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute
equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or oppression
be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the road to perdition.
Be clement, and do right to all who depend upon thee, for all are the
creatures of God."[3]

The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the following
story shews, of the most Christian generosity.[4] One of the faquirs who
had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the presence
of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from telling the
Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem answered: "He who
bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me pardon thee. Go, and live in
God's protection."[5]

[1] Daniel, iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249 - "God giveth His
kingdom unto whom He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24.

[2] Galatians vi. 20 - "Let us do good unto all men, especially
unto them that are of the household of faith."

[3] Conde, i. 240.

[4] It is fair to state that Hakem I. was not always so

[5] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77.

Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are the
miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories, it must be
acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and believing in
miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in the Middle Ages.[1]

We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the invader
of Spain;[2] of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the prayer of Akbar
ibn Nafir;[3] of the marvellous cap of Omar;[4] of the wonders that
distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision shewing
the tomb of Abu Ayub;[5] but nothing that will bear a comparison with
the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the clumsy
and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of the
Armada.[6] Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid, from Al
Kusheyri,[7] reminds us forcibly of similar monkish extravagancies. A
woman came to Baki, and said that, her son being a prisoner in the hands
of the Franks, she intended to sell her house and go in search of him;
but before doing so she asked his advice. Leaving her for a moment he
requested her to wait for his answer. He then went out and prayed
fervently for her son's release, and telling the mother what he had
done, dismissed her. Some time after the mother came back with her son
to thank Baki for his pious interference, which had procured her son's
release. The son then told his story: - "I was the king's slave, and used
to go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we were
employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden as if my
fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my feet, when lo! I
saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each side." The inspector
naturally charged him with trying to escape, but he denied on oath,
saying that his fetters had fallen off without his knowing how. They
were then riveted on again with additional nails, but again fell off.
The youth goes on: - "The Christians then consulted their priests on the
miraculous occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I
had a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the
priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her prayers.
Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a set-off to this
there is a remarkable instance of freedom from superstition recorded of
King Almundhir(881-2).[8] On the occasion of an earthquake, the people
being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it as a direct interposition of
God, this enlightened prince did his best to convince them that such
things were natural phenomena, and had no relation to the good or evil
that men did,[9] shewing that the earth trembled for Christian and
Moslem alike, for the most innocent as well as the most injurious of
creatures without distinction. They, however, refused to be convinced.

[1] See the story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the
bull - Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the
earth - Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and
restored - _Ibid._, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off by
the devil in sight of a large congregation - Isidore of Beja,
sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050) - Mar. ix. 3.

[2] Cardonne, i. p. 72.

[3] _Ibid_, p. 38.

[4] See Ockley.

[5] Gibbon, "for such are the manufacture of every religion,"
p. 115.

[6] See Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics
found at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous
phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of

[7] Al Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355.

[8] Conde, i. 317.

[9] Cp. Matt. v. 45: Luke xiii. 4.

This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome of that
philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in the reign of
this Sultan's predecessor.[1] The philosophizers were looked upon with
horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at times
they were ready to stone and burn the free-thinkers.[2] The works of
Ibnu Massara, a prominent member of this school, were burnt publicly at
Cordova;[3] and the great Almanzor, though himself, like the great
Caesar, indifferent to such questions,[4] by way of gaining the support
of the masses, was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of
these philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the
man's life at the request of a learned faqui.[5]

Even among the Mohammedan "clergy" - if the term be allowable - there were
Sceptics and Deists,[6] and others who followed the wild speculations of
Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name was
Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198), who
besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that would almost
constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was not a branch of
knowledge that could be systematised, but an inward personal power:[7]
that science and religion could not be fused together. Owing to his
freedom of thought he was banished to a place near Cordova by Yusuf abu
Yakub in 1196. He was also persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen,
son of Almansur,[8] for studying natural philosophy. Another votary of
the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death by the same

[1] Dozy, iii. 18.

[2] Al Makk., i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics
by the pious Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii.

[3] Al Makk., ii. 121.

[4] He was supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden
study of Natural Science and Astrology. - Al Makk., i. 141. Yet
he let the faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be
burnt. - Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur
(1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be

[5] Dozy, iii. 261.

[6] Dozy, iii. 262, 263.

[7] See article in the "Encyclop. Britann."

[8] Al Makk., i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that
this was a mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub
Almansur, and could not be the king meant here. He therefore
reads, "Yakub, one of the Beni Abdulmumen."

Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier freethinkers
lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians originally belonged to
the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai[1] (711-774), whose doctrines were
brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of Damascus. But Hischem I., on
coming to the throne, shewed his preference for the doctrines of Malik
ibn Aus,[2] and contrived that they should supplant the dogmas of Al
Auzai. It may be that Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's
creed, without persuading others to conform to his views, but at all
events the change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor,

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