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PEOBLEMS OF GEEATER BEITAIN



PROBLEMS



GREATER BRITAIN



by the right hon.
Sir CHAELES WEKTWOETH DILKE, Bart.

AUTHOR OF

'greater BRITAIN,' * THE FALL OF PRINCE FLORESTAN OF MONACO,'

'the present POSITION OF EUROPEAN POLITICS,' AND * THE BRITISH ARMT'



WITH MAPS



3Lottti0n
MACMILLAN AND CO.



AND


NEW YORK




1890




/A


All-,


rights resented



MY FRIEND

His Excellency

General SIR FREDERICK SLEIGH ROBERTS, BAEONEr

V.C. G.C.B. Q.O.I.B. D.O.L. LL.D.

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF IN INDIA

I DEDICATE

THIS RECORD OF THAT PEACEFUL PROGRESS OF

GEEATER BRITAIN

"WHICH IS MADE SECDREE BY HIS SWORD



PREFACE



In 1866-67, on leaving Cambridge, I made a journey round
the -world on which I wrote a book of travel, the name of
which has lived whUe the book is wholly out of date. Owing
to the success of the title of Greater Britain, the work, since
the cessation of its sale as a new book, has continued to be
in demand — a demand which has shown no tendency to
decrease with the lapse of years, — but has been a source of
embarrassment to the author, who could not but feel that the
work had become in a great number of points wholly inap-
plicable to existing circumstances. In 1875 I made another
journey round the globe, after which I added two chapters to
Greater Britain, and, by the' insertion of footnotes, tried to
bring my volumes up to date ; but the attempt was a failure,
as the whole scheme of the work would have had to be recast
in order ^to prevent it, in many passages, from conveying
inaccurate impressions. As regards two subsequent journeys,
in each of which I made my way half round the world, I have
not attempted to write of them in the form of a record of
travel; I have thought, however, that there was room for an
entirely new book upon the same subjects as those treated in
the original work, but dealt with from the point of view of
political and social observation and comparison rather than
from that of descriptive sight-seeing.

This then is not a book of travel, but a treatise on the
present position of Greater Britain, in which special atten-
tion has been given to the relations of the English-speaking
countries with one another, and to the comparative politics of



viii PREFACE

the countries under British government. The MM. Eeclus
have shown the usefulness of one form of such general works,
and I have tried to do for the statecraft and legislation of the
colonies and possessions of England across the seas what they
have done for the geography of the world. In making the
attempt to survey the position and prospects of Greater
Britain, and to re-examine, after a lapse of twenty years,
the lands of English government and English tongue, I am
encouraged by the feeling that, although the task may be a
diffip.nit one, and in some respects almost impossible of accom-
plishment, there exists no recent work in which it can be said
to have been performed. There are indeed general surveys of
the British Empire in the German and French tongues, and
one of them — M. Avalle's book — is the best work upon the
colonies and dependencies of the United Eongdom ; but in
English we have little since Martin's book except mere
pamphlets, or books of reference such as the excellent Colonial
Office List, or general treatises on colonisation with no special
reference to the legislation and the circumstances of the
moment. Some authors, such as Dr. Dale, have written
excellent books on groups of colonies, which will be mentioned
in due course, but have not dealt with the Empire as a whole ;
and Mr. Fox-Bourne, who has gone lightly, and Professor
Seeley, who has gone deeply, over a wider field, have surveyed
it mainly from the point of view of history. Even supposing
that my inquiry into the present position of Greater Britain
should be pronounced a failure, I may at all events be able to
feel that in attempting it I have pointed the way to others,
who may contrive to make better use than I have done of the
raw material. That material in my own case has chiefly been
amassed by some industry in reading many things that issue
from colonial presses, and discussing the matters to which they
relate with colonists of all pursuits.

It would, indeed, have been impossible to have even
attempted to enter upon the task without assistance from
many inhabitants of the colonies described, and from persons
who have made themselves acquainted with the legislation and
condition of various portions of the Empire. As, however, I



PREFACE ix

have sometimes found it a necessity to take a view diametrically
opposed to that which some at least of my informants hold, I
almost hesitate to name them with a word of thanks for fear
they might be supposed to be thus committed to opinions,
which, as a fact, they in some cases must disapprove. It is
better with this caution to run the risk than to appear ungrate-
ful for much kind, courteous, and valuable help. Among those
to whom I am under deep obligation for answering my
questions, for contributing memoranda upon special colonies,
or for reading manuscript or proofs, I should wish to mention
the Agents-General of the colonies, from all of whom I have
- received unfailing help, and whose collections of statistics and
of laws have been freely open to me, and especially my friend
Sir Charles Mills, whose personal fund of information with
regard to aU matters relating to South Africa has been at my
disposal by his kindness, although it is possible that he may
not approve of my conclusions. I must also specially name
Mr. J. E. C. Bodley ; as well as Mr. Francis Stevenson, M.P.,
who has paid much attention to the position of our Crown
Colonies ; Mr. W. A. M= Arthur, M.P. ; Mr. Alexander Suther-
land and Mr. Patchett Martin of Victoria ; Mr. Clegg of New
South Wales ; and Mr. Stanley Grantham Hill of Queensland.
The officers whose help I gratefully acknowledged in my book
upon the British army, have assisted me in the chapter upon
Imperial Defence, and I have also to express my acknowledg-
ments to my secretary, Mr. H. K. Hudson.

CHARLES W. DILKE.

76 Sloaue Steeet,

Jfevi Tear's Bay, 1890.



CONTENTS



PAGE

Intbobuotion ....... 1



Pakt I.— NORTH AMERICA

CHAP.

I. NBWPoinrDLAifD ...... 7

II. The Dominion op Canada . . . . .16

III. The Dominion op Canada — continued ... 76

IV. The United States, Canada, and the West Indies . 89



Part II.— AUSTRALASIA

I. VlOTOEIA ....... Ill

II. New South "Wales ...... 160

III. Queensland ....... 197

IV. AUSTEALIA AND NeW ZEALAND . . . .225



Paet III.— SOUTH AFRICA

I. The Cape 279

II. South Apeioa ...... 308



Pakt IV.— INDIA

I. Indian Defence ...... 349

II. British India ...... 393



CONTENTS



Part V.— CROWN COLONIES OF THE PRESENT
AND OF THE FUTURE



439



Paet VI.— COLONIAL PROBLEMS

CHAP.

I. Colonial Demooracy
II. Labouk, Pkovident Societies, and the Poor

III. Proteotion of Native Industries .

IV. Edtjoation .....
V. Religion . ...

VI. Liquor Laws .....



485
519
547
563
581
605



Part VIL — FUTURE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE
MOTHER - COUNTRY AND THE REMAINDER OF
THE EMPIRE . . . . .



625



Part VIII.— IMPERIAL DEFENCE
CONCLUSION



647
694



LIST OP MAPS



British North America

Australia .

New Zealand

South Africa

India



To face page


5


a


109


»


247


)>


277


j>


347



INTPiODUCTION



The British Empire, with its protectorates, and even without
counting its less defined spheres of influence, has an area of
some nine million square miles, or, very roughly speaking, of
nearly three Europes ; revenues amounting to some two hundred
and ten millions sterling ; and half the sea-borne commerce of
the world. This empire, lying in all latitudes, produces every
requirement of life and trade. We possess the greatest wheat
granaries, wool markets, timber forests, and diamond fields of
the world. In tea we are rapidly reaching the first place, and
in coal, iron, and copper at present hold our own with all man-
kind. In sugar we stand well ; in tobacco India and Jamaica
produce fine qualities which occupy the third place, after those
of Havana and Manilla, and are beginning to compete with
them ; and our coffee, though the produce is small in bulk by
the side of that of Brazil and Java, is now the finest that there
is. As regards food supply, it is certain that we might, if we
pleased, be entirely independent of any foreign source. The
states of Greater Britain thus scattered over the best portions
of the globe vary infinitely in their forms of government, be-
tween the absolutism which prevails in India and the democracy
of South Australia or Ontario.

The dominant force in bringing that empire together and in
maintaining it as one body has been the eminence among the
races of the world of our own well-mixed people. As to the
ultimate result of their high deeds there can be no doubt. The
greatest nations of the old world, apart from us, are limited in
territory situate in temperate climes, and France and Germany
and the others can hope to play but little part in the later
politics of the next century, while the future seems to lie be-
tween our own people — in the present British Empire and in
the United States, — and the Kussians, who alone among the
continental nations of Europe are in possession of unbounded
regions of fertile lands, outside Europe, but in climates in which
white men can work upon the soil. Towards the middle of the
last century France appeared at one moment to be the colonising
power of the future. Her Canada and Louisiana together gave



2 PaOBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN

her the whole west-centre of North America, and India seemed
already hers. But now the English-speaking people have con-
quered India, almost the whole of North America, the greater
part of Polynesia with Australasia, and most of the opened parts
of Africa. Their position, however, at the present is a mere
index to their probable position in the future. The increase of
the race, and the increase of that larger body who speak its
tongue, are both keeping pace with the figures suggested in the
dreams and speculations of half a century ago. More than a
hundred million people speak English as their chief tongue, and
vastly more than that number as one of two languages ; while
four hundred millions of people are, more or less directly, under
English rule.

In the future conflict of rivalry between our own and the
Great-Russian people, we, have upon our side the advantage of
combining in our race the best qualities of the foremost races of
the old world, with the result that in our daughter-countries
there are present courage, national integrity, steady good sense,
and energy in work such as are perhaps unknown elsewhere.
Considerable as is the power of assimilation of subject races
possessed by the Russians, our own people seem, to judge from
American and Australian experience, even better able to swallow
up Germans, Scandinavians, and the other less numerous emi-
grants from Europe ; and while we have in the point of bravery
in fighting against obstacles no advantage over the Russians,
who are our equals in that respect, we do possess in the greater
hopefulness of our national character a point in our favour
which is perhaps rather a cause than a result of the very
difierent political circumstances under which the English and
the Russians live. While it is probable that neither the demo-
cratic autocracy of Russia nor the constitutional and parlia-
mentary democracy of Great and Greater Britain may be a
permanent political form, it is possible that those institutions
which we have invented for ourselves will develop more
easily, and with less revolutionary shook, into the ultimate
political forms of society than is the case with the institutions
of our Russian rivals — the only rivals worth considering so far
as our race-history goes, if we ignore for a moment the imme-
diate dangers that grow out of the temporary military position
of the United Kingdom itself.

A comparison between the three great growing powers, of
which two are mainly Anglo-Saxon, shows that the British
Empire exceeds the Russian Empire slightly in size and vastly
in population, and has treble the area of the United States ;
that its revenue is more than double that of Russia, and nearly
three times that of the United States • while its foreign trade
greatly exceeds that of the American Union and vastly exceeds
that of Russia, although no exact comparison between the
British Empire a,nd the United States in trade can be made,
inasmuch as it is impossible accurately to distinguish, in all
cases, trade between the Empire and foreign countries, from



INTRODUCTION 3

trade which is really carried on between various portions of the
Empire itself and is similar to the local trade of the United
States. In shipping the British Empii'e surpasses the whole
world, but the manufactures of the United States have gained
rapidly upon our own, and already perhaps equal ours, although
it is difficult to make a precise comparison, on account of differ-
ences of classification. In coal production the British Empire
still stands far before the United States, while Russia hardly
appears upon the list, and we not only stand second in the
extent of our coal measures for future use, but first as regards
the possibilities of the supply of coal to shipping for the North
Atlantic and for the whole of the Pacific. In the production of
gold the British Empire and the United States stand upon a
fairly equal footing, and each of them produces nearly double
as much as fiussia. In silver the United States possesses an '
overwhelming preponderance. In iron the British Empire and
the United States are running a race in which the latter must
in the long run win, while Russia is all behindhand. In wheat
production our empire exceeds the production of the United
States, and each of them produces nearly double as much wheat
as Russia ; but in maize the United States is far ahead. In
wool the British Empire stands first of the three, and has nearly
double the production of Russia, which itself exceeds by more
than a third that of the United States. In cattle the United
States stands first, the British Empire second, and Russia third ;
while in horses Russia stands first, the American Union second,
and the British Empire third. In sheep, as in wool production,
the British Empire is predominant, and Russia occupies the
second place; but in pigs the order is reversed. In railway
mileage the United States stands altogether first, having more
than double the mileage of the British Empire, and Russia is
nowhere in the race. On the whole, then, we may consider that
for the present the British Empire holds her own against the
competition of her great daughter, although the United States
is somewhat gaining on her. Both are leaving Russia far
astern, and it is possible that the growth of Canada and Aus-
tralia may enable the British Empire not only to continue to
rival the United States, but even to reassert her supremacy in
most points.

In spite of my having entered on this brief examination of
the relative positions of the three great powers of the future, it
wiU be remarked that in the course of some of my speculations
I once more put out of sight, as I put out of sight in Greater
Britain, the political separation that exists between England
and the United States. In these introductory words I desire to
call attention chiefly to the imperial position of our race as com-
pared with the situation of the other peoples, and, although the
official positions of the British Empire and of the United States
may be so distinct as to be sometimes antagonistic, the peoples
themselves are — not only in race and language, but in laws and
religion and in many matters of feeling — essentially one.



4 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN

There is another point of view from which the present and
future of the British Empire are full of interest : our ofl'shoots
or daughter -countries are trying for us political and social
experiments of every kind. While Germany with her State-
Socialism and Switzerland with her Keferendum are initiating
experimental legislation which is full of interest, the action of
our own colonies and of the United States in the social and
political field has this vastly greater importance for us— that it
is taken among our people and under circumstances which more
closely touch us here at home. One reason why little attempt
has yet been made to promote the methodic discussion of
colonial experiments is that there is a great deal of ignoraiice
in the colonies about each other, and they are only now begin-
ning to overcome an apparent reluctance to study one another's
institutions. The very fact of the newness of the ground in
this respect makes the comparative study of Australian and
Canadian institutions one of the most interesting possible, and
one specially and peculiarly important for ourselves.

While, however, we have so much of which to be proud in
the development of our tongue, our trade, our literature, and
our institutions, there is a corresponding present and temporary
weakness to which it will be necessary in due place to call
attention. The danger in our path is that the enormous forces
of European militarism may crush the old country and destroy
the integrity of our Empire before the growth of the newer
communities that it contains has made it too strong for the
attack. It is conceivable that within the next few years Great
Britain might be drawn into war, and receive in that war, at
the hands of a coalition, a blow from which she would not
recover, and one of the consequences of which would be the loss
of Canada and of India, and the proclamation of Australian
independence. Enormous as are our military resources for a
prolonged conflict, tliey are inadequate to meet the unpre-
cedented necessities of a sudden war. We import half our
food ; we import the immense masses of raw material which are
essential to our industry. The vulnerability of the United
Kingdom has become greater with the extension of her trade,
and, by the universal admission of the naval authorities, it
would be either difficult or impossible to defend that trade
against sudden attack by France, aided by another considerable
naval power. Our enormous resources would be almost useless
in the case of such a sudden attack, because we should not have
time to call them forth.

Such is the one danger which threatens the fabric of that
splendid Empire which I now attempt to describe.






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PAET I
NOETH AMERICA



CHAPTER I

NEWFOUNDLAND

The nearest to Great Britain of tliose of lier colonies which Newfounrt-
possess responsible government is also the colony -which claims laud,
to be the oldest English settlement in connection with the
British Crown. Newfoundland has a history which has been
full of interest ever since the first colonisation by Sir Humphrey
Gilbert in 1583, when a number of ships sailed for St. John's
with a view of peopling the island with inliabitants of all kinds.
Although the project proved a failure, shortly after this time
Newfoundland became the resting-place of English fishermen,
who were joined by a resident Irish population. The Calvert
family established themselves in one corner of the island ; but
it was not until near the end of the seventeenth century that any
attempt by England for tiie government of the settlement was
made, while our rights were disputed by the French, and our
young colony was continually harried by them. A division of
rights in Newfoundland between Great Britain and France has
unfortunately continued in some degree up to the present time,
with evil consequences which I shall have presently to trace.
Newfoundland now includes a large part of Labrador, which
continental territory of the colony is three times as large as
Newfoundland proper, but almost uninhabited, having but 4000
(s* people in its vast solitudes. The colony itself being outside the

confederation of the Canadian Dominion, has to be dealt with
separately in that consideration of the present position of the
North American colonies upon which I now embark.

Not only is Newfoundland peculiar in her situation and con- Roman
spicuous as a colony for her great age, but also worthy of notice Catholi-
in another marked respect. The colony is one in which the cism.
Eoman Catholic community is somewhat more numerous than
are the members of the Church of England, and in which the
bodies representing British Nonconformity or Scotch Presby-
terianism are small, with the exception of the Wesleyan, lately
merged in the united " Methodist Church of Canada." In
Canada itself we shall find that the Boman Catholics more
completely outnumber the Church of England, while in the
Dominion the Methodists are, next after the Roman Catholics,



8 PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN part i

the most numerous religious body. But in Canada the Presby-
terians are very nearly as numerous as the Jlethodists, and far
more numerous than the Churchmen; moreover, the Eoman
Catholics predominate in one Province and the Protestants in
the others, while in Newfoundland there is no such geographical
separation. The efFect of the religious position of Newfound-
land was brought markedly before the world at the time when,
tlie Irish population in Queensland having objected to receive
Sir Henry Blake as Governor, and their view having been
approved by the Queensland Government, it was pointed out
that he during his governorship of Newfoundland had ruled
successfully tlie most Irish of our colonies and the most Pioman
Catholic of our self-governing colonies,' except Canada. The
Irish, however, of Newfoundland are Newfoundland-born ; and
tlie descendants of those who went thither in the seventeenth
century, and of those who joined them in 1798, do not possess
the fulness of Australian knowledge as to the doings of Dublin
Castle officials, or the writings of "Terence M'Grath." The
Roman Catliolic clergy and the educated portion of their flocks
were anxious to adopt a conciliatory policy, and carefully
abstained from rousing the feeKng which might easily have
been excited after the objection which had been previously
taken by the Protestants to the nomination of a Roman Catholic
Governor. St. John's itself is the centre of the Pioman Catholic
population of Newfoundland, and out of 37,000 people in the
two districts of St. John's, East and West, over 23,000 are
Roman Catholics. As a result of the state of things which has
been described, education in Newfoundland is strictly denomina-
tional ; its administration in chief is vested in three persons,
who represent tlie three leading denominations — Pioman
Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist ; and the schools of each
Church are managed and inspected by the representatives of
these bodies respectively. The education grants come out of
the general revenue of the colony, and pass through the hands
of the Superintendents of Education, nominated each of them
by one of the three principal denominations. To them the
inspection of schools is entirely confided, and the Boards of
Education in the various districts are also nominated by the
three Churches and are entrusted with the appropriation of the
grants. There is no Government superintendence, and the
whole power is left to the independent jurisdiction of the
denominational superintendents and Boards. The system
tlierefore is peculiar, and stands at the oi^posite pole from the
school system of most of our other self-governing colonies. In



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