Chintaman Vinayak Vaidya.

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have said in the history of Kashmir, this must have
happened a little before the digvijaya expedition into the
south by Lalitaditya of Kashmir. Lalitaditya did not go
to Vatapi as Vatapi and Maharashtra seem to have been
then under the Pallavas during Vijayadityas confinement.
The two dates agree. Vijayaditya came to the throne in
696 A. D. and had a long reign of 36 years i. e. upto 732
A. D. Lalitaditya's expedition happened as we have shown
from about 702 A. D. to 710 A. D. Vijayaditya built temples
to Brahma, Vishnu and Siva at Vatapi in 621 Saka (see
inscriptions). His grants are dated 622, 627 and 651 Saka
in the 4th, 10th and 34th years of his reign.

' These Malavas appear '.o be some south Deccan people whose naine survives in
t le modern Maratha surname 'Malapa',


Vijayaditya was succeeded in 7'6'.5 A. D. by his ^on
Vikraniaditya II who was an equally successful king. He
defeated his old enemies the Pallavas, their king being
Nandipotayarman- KanchI was again entered and again
spared. The king restored on the contrary to the famous
temples of Rajasinhesvara and other gods, gold, jewels .?nd
other property taken away by many. He married two sisters
of the family of Haihayas and these two queens built two
temples in their names at Vatapi. He reigned for 14 years
i. e. down to 747 A. D.

He was followed by his son Kirtivarman II who was
the last of the early Chalukya kings. He has left one
grant dated 679 Saka. He seems to have been an able
prince and as i*sual defeated the Pallavas their here-
ditary enemies. But he was overthrown by one of his own
vassals a Rashtrakuta king named Dantigurga. As the
Rastrakutas did not hereafter reign in Vatapi, it may be
taken that they allowed the Chalukyas to remain as depend ■
ents in their own town. This event happened before
675 Saka, as in a grant by Dantidurga dated 675 Saka the
Chalukyas are spoken of as overthrown. Thus the Chalukya
overlordship lasted down to about 753 A. D. and they may
be taken to have been supreme in the Deccan for about
200 years from 550 to 753 A. D. All the Chalukya kings
appear to have been capable rulers, a fact which is credit-
able and perhaps singular and we need not wonder that
lying dormant for about 200 years, they again gained
ascendancy uader the later Chalukyas. An explanation
for this downfall of the early Chalukyas will be given
in our next volume which we will speak of the rise of
the Rashtrakutas.

Dr. Bhandarkar has shown that during the rule of the
early Chalukyas Buddhism does not seem to have been
prosperous. It was alive no doubt, but it was not the
religion of the kings nor generally of the people. In fac>;
according to our view already expressed it was as a rise
against Buddhism whose ascendancy is marked by the
Ajanta caves under the Vakatakas that the Maratha


power under the Chalukyas was triumphant. Puiakeshin I
signalised his reign and supremacy by the performance of
the Asvamedha. The sacrificial lore was also studied and
developed under these kings by learned Bijahmins and
such learned persons, Dr. Bhandarkar thinks, were specially
called Svamins. Karkasvamin and others were certainly
commentators on sacrificial sutras. But Svamin need not
be a special name for such Brahmins. Dikshita was a title
specially given to the Brahmins learned in sacrificial lore
and performers of Vedic sacrifices. It does not also appear
that sacrificial literature was studied in the Deccan alone.
The revival of sacrificial study can be marked ail over
the country, for Bana himself states that his . parents and
uncles were great students of Mimansa. They were called
Bhattas also. Sabara.«vamin and Kumarilabhatta the well-
known writers on Vedic sacrifice belong to the north.
We shall have to speak of them later on. Undoubted y
orthodox Brahmins in the Deccan as elsewhere at this
time employed their intelligence in the refutation o
Buddhism and in the vindication of Vedic sacrifices,
and under the sympathetic rule of the early Chalukyas
they succeeded in supplanting Buddhism completely.

But the influence of the principle of non-sacrifice
was again successful latterly in the spread of Jainism.
It appears that the Jainas gained an upperhand among the
people as well as in the favour of kings towards the end of
the Chalukya rule. Jainism is even now prevalent in the
population of the southern Maratha country. In the heart
of Maharashtra, Jainism could not prosper, for the heredity
and natural patriotism of a people tend towards the religion
of their ancestors and hence among the Marathas gene-
rally the Vedic Aryan religion still prospered. But in the
varied population of the south Jainism spread. Vikra-
maditya II was partial to the Jaina religion. He repaired
a Jain temple and gave a grant of land to a successful
Jain Pandit named Vijaya Pandita who was also called
Ekavadi or the only disputant ( Bhandarkar ). The Jain
Pandits of those days, drawn of course from renegade


Brahmins were very ingenious and learned disputants and
they often scored success in religious disputes about the
principle of Ahimsa. The modern Jains of the S. M.
country are, however, not learned being usually cultivators
and recruits from among the Brahmins do not now join
their ranks. But in the days of the early Chalukyas the
case appears to have been different and Jainism gradually
spead among the people and gained favour in royal courts.
The religious tendencies of this period will be discussed
in our next volume.

Along with the revival of the religion of Vedic sacri-
fices under the early Chalukyas there was also the revival
of the Puranic religion viz. the worship of Siva, Vishnu,
Brahma, Surya, and the Goddess Devi and of Skanda and
temples of these gods were built everywhere during the
reign of the early Chalukyas. The rule of the next dy-
nasty of the Rashtrakutas was to signalise the further
progress of Hinduism as it may now be distinctly called.

Socially the Chalukyas appear to have been strict
Kshatriyas marrying among the families of the Aryans
and mixed Aryans. Their marriage relations were with
the Haihayas, the Rashtrakutas, the Pallavas and Sendra-
kas or Sindas who belonged to theNagavamsa, perhaps of
Satavahana. They do not appear to have married among the
Dravidian families of Pandya.Chola, Kerala, Kalabhra and
others. So far as can be seen, the queens of tho Chalukyas
appear to come from Kshatriya families of Maharashtra
and even North India and they ranked as true Kshatriyas
as distinctly declared by Hiuen Tsang himself. They
insisted on their being described as Manavya-sagotra and
Haritlputra and they clearly appear to have performed
Vedic rites. In short nothing has been discovered which
should dissuade us from treating them as Aryans and
Kshatriyas and the equals of the northern Kshatriyas,
the Rajputs. Why the northerners and the southerners
stopped marriage relations hereafter, we shall have to
discuss later on.


The Chalukyas ruled over the three Maharashtras viz.
Vidarbha, Maharashtra and Kvintala. Their territory thus
included Berar and the Marathi districts of C. P., Marathi
districts of the Nizam's dominions and those of the Bom-
bay Presidency and curiously enough also included the
Kanarese districts of Bombay. These last have always
been parts of the Maharashtra kingdom with whomso-
ever it may be and have therefore properly been called
Southern Maratha country. Even under Vijapur these
districts were with the Mahomedans and not with Vijaya-
nagar. The Eastern coast was under the Vengi Chalukya
branch and Andhra perhaps was independent. Sometimes
Andhra too came under Maharashtra. The declared number
of villages in the three Maharashtras was 99000 (see Aihole
inscription) and Andhra had 12000 villages. These numbers
of villages were, as already stated, traditionally fixed and
appear to have always been mentioned in records ranging
from 600 to 1200 A. D, i. e. the period we are treating of.
Pulakeshin II was, however, the master of the whole of
the south from the Nerbudda to Cape Comorin, a country
of 1\4. lakhs as stated in inscriptions. This number is in-
explicable. For even adding the probable number of villa-
ges in Pallava, Pandya, Chola, Kerala, Ganga, Kadamba
and other kingdoms towards the south, the number cannot
come up to 7j/^ lakhs. To what this figure applies is a
mystery as shown in a previous note.

The Chalukyas used the Saka era throughout their
supremacy. In fact from 500 A. D. or 422 Saka (the date
of Varaha Mihira's Siddhanta) onwards roughly, the Saka
era is generally used in the south by most kingdoms. The
reason probably is that the astronomers of India who pro-
pounded the Siddhantas which are the basis of modern
astronomical calculations in India adopted the Saka era
for calculation. According to our view, these Siddhantas
were the result of the study of astronomy at Ujjain with the
help and guidance of Greek astronomy (which is plainly
incorporated into Indian ancient astronomy) under the
rule of the Sakas. Aryabhatta and Varahamihira and
later, Brahmagupta promulgated the new Siddhanta system.


It was adopted all over India, and the Saka era becam&
commonly recognised. The Chalukya rule began after
these Siddhantas and accepted the Saka era without
scruple. In the north the Gupta era had been established
before the astronomical Siddhantas, and as the Guptas
destroyed the Sakas themselves, they did not take up the
Saka era but continued to use their own Gupta era. After the
Guptas. Harsha's era came into use. These two eras, however,
were gradually supplanted in the north by the Vikraraa
Samvat whose success we shall endeavour to explain when
relating the later history of the north. In-the south, Saka
era has remained supreme and the Aihole inscription uses
both the Saka and the Kaliyuga eras, a fact plainly indicat-
ing the ascendency of the new astronomical Siddhantas.

Early Chalukya dynasty.

( From Gazetteer Pombay Presidency-Deccan. Vol. I part II. )


I _


( 1 ) Pulakesin I ( Satyasraya Sri Prthvi Vallabha )
about 550 A. D. married Durlabhadevi

I , .

1 I

(2) ,Kirtivarman I , (3) Mangallsa

Saka 489-513 (567-591 A. D.) (Saka 513-532581-610 A. D.)

I , I I

(4) ,Pulakesia II Kubja Vishnuvardhana founded Second

Saka 532 Vengi E. Chalukya K. Guj. Brach

(A. D. €09-642) 615-633 A. D. Jayasinha.

visited by Hiuen Tsang. (697-908).

(5) ,Vikrarr>aditya I Adityavarman Jayasinhavarmatt

d. Saka 602 (642-680 A. D.) 3rd Guj. Branch.

1 ,
(6» Vinayaditya Saka 602-619 (680-697 A. D.)

1 ,

(7) Vijayaditya Saka 618-655 (697-733 A. D.)

(8) Vikramaditya II Saka 655-669 (733-747 A. D.)

ra. Trailokyamati and Lokaraati of the Halhaya family.

(9) Kirtivarman II Saka 669-675 (747-753 A. !).)_
divested of empire by Dantidyrga Rashtrakuta



Tho line of the Western Chalukyas of Badami does not appear to
have been completely extinguished with Vikramaditya II's son Kirti-
varman II. We have a very detailed and important grant of the latter
^Vakkaleri grant published in Ind. Ant. Vol VIII. p. 23 ) which shows
Ihe kingdom still surviving and reigning over a large territory. This
grant is dated in Saka 679 and in the llth year of Kirtivarma II's rei^'n.
Thus it is clear that he came to the throne in 668 Saka or 746 or 747 A.
D. and this is the year of the end of the reign of Vikramaditya II. It
may therefore be taken as certain that it was not Vikramaditya II who
was overthrown by the Rashtrakutas but his son Kirtivarma 11.
Vikramaditya II appears to have been a valiant king and can scarcely
be believed to have been so unfortunate. If this grant is believed and
we do not see why it should not be, we have a consistent and detailed
account of the whole Chalukya family of Badami. The grant begins with
the usual formula of Chalukya grants (TTpTH^^Jir^tirr etc.) and mentions
first Pulakesin I PrithvTvallabha. His great praise is that he performed
the Asvamedha. His son is next mentioned as Kirtivarman I and his
chief exploit is given as the conquest of Banavasi. His son was Pula-
kesin II whose defeating Harsha of Kanauj gave him the title of Para-
mesvara and obtained for him high renown. His son Vikramaditya I
is mentioned as riding on his favourite horse Chitra-Kantha conquering
Chola, Kerala, Pandya, Kalabhra kings and humbling the Pallava who had
thus bowed to none, adding the title Bhattaraka. Then his son Vinaya-
ditya I is noticed who even as Yuvaraja conquered and mad' tributaries
Kuvera, Parasika, and Sinhala Dvipa and who conquering the lord of
the north acquired Palidhvaja and other emblems of an emperor. Then
follows Vijayaditya who even in his grandfather's time conquered many
chiefs of the south and who assisted his father in his conflict with the
kings of the north and obtained for him emblems of empire such as
'Ganga Yamuna, Paliddhvaja and Dhakka as also Manikya and
Matangaja. And here we have a mention of a every interesting inci-
dent in the life of Vijayaditya. The words here are not properly
translated and the importance of the story is lost. The words are

f^i^r^PK*Tf Ts+- ^^iiU f rram c^ t^»r^lW^H"qTBTf5nTr%Tii^HJrn:: " This clearly
♦ shows that he was seized by his enemies though they had been put to
flight, by some bad stroke of fortune and was confined but that like the
famous Vatsaraja of the Kathasaritsagara (who escaped from Ujjain by
a, stratagem of his minister) he managed to escape from his continement
.and prevented the distress of his country caused by there being no king.


It is to be regretted that we havo no detailed account anywhere of this^
wonderful fscaoade like the account of the aboveraentioned Vatsaraja
or the account given by Kalhana of the escape of Jayapida of Kashmir
who later than Vijayaditya fell into a similar misfortune in Nepal.
Where, when, and by whom he was confined we do notkn.w, nor how-
he escaped. We have above recorded our guess that this event must
have happened about the time of the Digvijaya of Lalitaditya into the-
south i e about 700 to 710 A. D. To proceed, however, the grant lastly
refers to the greatness of his son Vikramaditya II who carrying out a
long family enmity made a vigorous attempt to conquer Kanchi, defeated
the Pallava Nandipotavarman, entered Kanchi, propitiated the
Brahmins there by genrous gifts, placed heaps of gold before the Raja-
sinhesvara idol in the great temple built by Narasinhavarman and
defeated the traditional Pandya, Chola, Kerala, Kalabhra kings of the
south, even going further and raising a Jayastambha on the southern
most sea-coast. His son the donor KIrtivarraan's exploit is related as
having set out to conquer the family enemy the king of Kanchi who
unable to withstand him in the plains took refuge in a stronghold
he brought back many elephants and gems as booty. He gave a village
while encamped on the banks of the Bhimarathi ( Bhima ) to a learned
Brahmin in the Pannagala vishaya ( not identified ). This grant thus is
interesting and gives the principal event in each reign of the Chalukya
line. As no later grants of his are found we may surmise that tlie-
line ended with revive again after two centuries undep
the later Chalukyas.


( For the materials of this history we have mainly to rely on sovitli
Indian inscriptions and grants which are numerous enough and which
have been interpreted by great scholars like Hultsch, Venkayya and
others, and especially by the French antiquarian Dubreuil of Pondichery-
We have hewever to put forward our own theory on one important point
based on these very ancient records. )

Along with the Chalukyas, tha Pallavas were the
most powerful people in the south who contended with
them for the overlordship of the southern empire during
the seventh and the eighth centuries A. D. They were
settled at Kanchi (modern Conjeverum) in the midst of the
traditional Dravidian peoples, the Chola, Pandya, Kerala
and Kalabhra whom they had subdued. But they were
evidently not one of them. They were outsiders in the
Madras Presidency, so to speak, of those days. They did
not even speak the language of the Dravidian people.
Hiuen Tsang who visited Kanchi in 639 A. D, distinctiy
states that the people of Kanchi spoke a language similar
to that of Mid-India. The same position is supported by
the fact that the records of these Pallavas are all of them
in Sanskrit and not in any Dravidian language as those
of the Chola, Pandya and Kerala kings are. In fact the
records of the early Pallavas are even in the Prakrit as
we shall presently show. The Pallavas, therefore, were
evidently out-siders in the Madras Presidency from the
north. Who were they ?

The theory first propounded, though now given up
was that they were the Palhavas of the Puranas, ihri
Pehlavasof theParsis.the Palhavas whocame to India with
the Sakas of Kathiawar and others. It was suggested that
when Gautamiputra Pulumayi in the second century A. D.
drove away Saka, Yavana and Pahlava peoples from
Maharashtra as recorded in the Nasik caves, the last in-
stead of being driven back to the north succeeded in getting


further into the south and founded a kingdom at Kanchi.
This theory based upon the similarity of names has now-
been given up and the Pallavas are now supposed to be
some people between the Krishna and the Godavari, while
Sir V, Smith in his Early History 3rd Edn. simply says
that they were an indigenous tribe, clan or caste ( p. 469 ).
Although it is not necessary, therefore, to state the reasons
against the Pahlara theory, yet for the sake of complete-
ness we may as well see what these reasons are. In the
first place if Pulumayi defeated the Pahlavas, he would
not certainly allow them to push forward into his own
dominions to the south, for we know that the Satavahana
rule in those days extended far into the south even as far
as Mysore. Secondly in Sanskrit orthography which is
most perfect, Pahlava with an h cannot be confounded
with Pallava. Even in Manu and the Puranas the name of
these foreign mlechhas is given as Pahlava (w^Y/i an h) and
in Persian too it is clearly Pehlavi i. e. with /i distinct.
It may perhaps be supposed that in Prakrit the //. may
have been omitted. But it is not so. Even in the
Prakrit inscription of Gautamlputra Pulumayi the name
given is spelt as Pahlava ( see Ep. Ind. Vol. Ill Nasik
cave Ins. p. 60). Thirdly if the Pahlavas on coming to
India had taken up a mid-Iadian language it must have
been so only recently and hence when they established
themselves at Kanchi> they could not have retained it»
For even now the Dravidian languages round about
Kanchi are too strong for any new language to withstand
them. For these reasons the Pallavas are not the Pahlavas.
They cannot also be some people between the Krishna and
the Godavari for their language could not have been mid-
Jndian in that case also. They must have been people from
the Aryan population of the north of India.

It seems that they were a branch of the same Aryan
people who had settled in Maharashtra. In fact Pallava
dominion in Kanchi in ancient times was just like Maratha
dominion in Tanjore in modern history.* The Pallavas

"' Even Sir Vincent Smith is struck with this similarity a'^d gives expression to it
see p. 470 (S. E H. 3rd Edn, )


^'ere Maharashtra Aryans who spoke Maharashtri Prakrit
for centuries and hence retained it even in Kanchi in the
midst of surrounding Dravidian languages. They may even
be said to be Marathas for their name is still preserved
in the Maratha family name of Palave ( which is just
the Prakrit form of Pallava). And a further corroboration
is that the gotra of the Palave Maratha family, as we have
shown before, is Bharadvaja, the same as the one which
the Pallavas take to themselves in their records. And
Hiuen Tsang calls Narasinha Varman a Kshstriya. The
Pallavas, therefore, were certainly mid-Indian Aryans gra-
dually passing into the south through Maharashtra.

We now go on to relate Pallava history as may be ga-
thered from inscriptions and grants. Mr. Venkayya has
rightly shown that this history must be divided into two
parts the earlier and the later. In fact as this history
extends from about 200 A. D. to SCO A. D. we cannot ex-
oect that the Pallava domination could have lasted so
long. Like the Chalukyas the Pallavas may therefore be
divided into two branches the earliar Pallavas and the
later Pallavas. We are in our period concerned with the
later Pallavas, the contemporaries of the earlier Chalukyas;
but we will give here the history of the earlier Pallavas
also (such as can be gathered,) for the sake of completeness
especially as it has not yet been given any where and as
in our opinion it connects the Pallavas with Maharashtra.


Speaking tirst of the earlier Pallavas then, the first thing
to be noticed about them is that they used the Prakrit lan-
guage for their inscriptional records which in the south is
really strange. Only three inscriptions or grants have been
found as yet and we give one of them is extenso below* for

* The Mayida— voln. plates of Pallava Siva Skandavarman.Ep, Ind. Vol. VI page 86.


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