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of his dealings at Rome, at Florence, in the way between that and
Bollonia ... so implacable if he conceyve an injurie, as Sylla will
rather be pleased with Marius, than he with his equals, in a maner for
offences grown of tryffles.... Also spending more tyme in sportes, and
following the same, than is any way commendable, and the lesse, bycause,
I warrant you, the summes be great are dealte for." [125]

This terrible person, on the 16th of December 1573, at Lothbury, in
London, at a table of twelve pence a meal, supped with some merchants
and a certain Melchisedech Mallerie. Dice were thrown on the board, and
in the course of play Mallerie "gave the lye with harde wordes in heate
to one of the players." "Hall sware (as he will not sticke to lende you
an othe or two), to throw Mallerie out at the window. Here Etna smoked,
daggers were a-drawing ... but the goodman lamented the case for the
slaunder, that a quarrel should be in his house, ... so ... the matter
was ended for this fitte."

But a certain Master Richard Drake, attending on my Lord of Leicester,
took pains first to warn Hall to take heed of Mallerie at play, and then
to tell Mallerie that Hall said he used "lewde practices at cards." The
next day at "Poules"[126] came Mallerie to Hall and "charged him very
hotly, that he had reported him to be a cousiner of folkes at Mawe."
Hall, far from showing that fury which he described as his
characteristic, denied the charge with meekness. He said he was patient
because he was bound to keep the peace for dark disturbances in the
past. Mallerie said it was because he was a coward.

Mallerie continued to say so for months, until before a crowd of
gentlemen at the "ordinary" of one Wormes, his taunts were so unbearable
that Hall crept up behind him and tried to stab him in the back. There
was a general scuffle, some one held down Hall, the house grew full in a
moment with Lord Zouche, gentlemen, and others, while "Mallerie with a
great shreke ranne with all speede out of the doores, up a paire of
stayres, and there aloft used most harde wordes againste Mr Hall."

Hall, who had cut himself - and nobody else - nursed his wound indoors for
some days, during which time friends brought word that Mallerie would
"shewe him an Italian tricke, intending thereby to do him some secret
and unlooked for mischief." Then, with "a mufle half over his face,"
Hall took post-horses to his home in Lincolnshire. Business called him,
he tells the reader. There was no ground whatever for Mallerie to say he
fled in disguise.

After six months, he ventured to return to London and be gay again. He
dined at "James Lumelies - the son, as it is said, of old M. Dominicke,
born at Genoa, of the losse of whose nose there goes divers tales," - and
coming by a familiar gaming-house on his way back to his lodgings, he
"fell to with the rest."

But there is no peace for him. In comes Mallerie - and with insufferably
haughty gait and countenance, brushes by. Hall tries a pleasant saunter
around Poules with his friend Master Woodhouse: "comes Mallerie again,
passing twice or thrice by Hall, with great lookes and extraordinary
rubbing him on the elbowes, and spurning three or four times a Spaniel
of Mr Woodhouses following his master and Master Hall." Hall mutters to
his servants, "Jesus can you not knocke the boyes head and the wall
together, sith he runnes a-bragging thus?" His three servants go out of
the church by the west door: when Mallerie stalks forth they set upon
him and cut him down the cheek.

We will not follow the narrative through the subsequent lawsuit brought
by Mallerie against Hall's servants, the trial presided over by Recorder
Fleetwood, the death of Mallerie, who "departed well leanyng to the olde
Father of Rome, a dad whome I have heard some say Mr Hall doth not hate"
or Hall's subsequent expulsion from Parliament. This is enough to show
the sort of harmless, vain braggarts some of these "Italianates" were,
and how easily they acquired the reputation of being desperate fellows.
Mallerie's lawyer at the trial charged Hall with "following the revenge
with an Italian minde learned at Rome."

Among other Italianified Cambridge men whom Ascham might well have
noticed were George Acworth and William Barker. Acworth had lived abroad
during Mary's reign, studying civil law in France and Italy. When
Elizabeth came to the throne he was elected public orator of the
University of Cambridge, but through being idle, dissolute, and a
drunkard, he lost all his preferments in England.[127] Barker, or
Bercher, who was educated at St John's or Christ's, was abroad at the
same time as Ascham, who may have met him as Hoby did in Italy.[128]
Barker seems to have been an idle person - he says that after travels "my
former fancye of professenge nothinge partycularly was verye muche
encreased"[129] - and a papistical one, for on the accession of Mary he
came home to serve the Duke of Norfolk, whose Catholic plots he
betrayed, under torture, in 1571. It was then that the Duke bitterly
dubbed him an "Italianfyd Inglyschemane," equal in faithlessness to "a
schamlesse Scote";[130] _i.e._ the Bishop of Ross, another witness.

Edward de Vere, seventeenth Earl of Oxford, famous for his rude
behaviour to Sir Philip Sidney, whom he subsequently tried to dispatch
with hired assassins after the Italian manner,[131] might well have been
one of the rising generation of courtiers whom Ascham so deplored. In
Ascham's lifetime he was already a conspicuous gallant, and by 1571, at
the age of twenty-two, he was the court favourite. The friends of the
Earl of Rutland, keeping him informed of the news while he was
fulfilling in Paris those heavy duties of observation which Cecil mapped
out for him, announce that "There is no man of life and agility in every
respect in Court, but the Earl of Oxford."[132] And a month afterwards,
"Th' Erle of Oxenforde hath gotten hym a wyffe - or at the leste a wyffe
hath caught hym - that is Mrs Anne Cycille, whearunto the Queen hath
gyven her consent, the which hathe causyd great wypping, waling, and
sorowful chere, of those that hoped to have hade that golden daye."[133]
Ascham did not live to see the development of this favorite into an
Italianate Englishman, but Harrison's invective against the going of
noblemen's sons into Italy coincides with the return of the Earl from a
foreign tour which seems to have been ill-spent.

At the very time when the Queen "delighted more in his personage and his
dancing and valiantness than any other,"[134] Oxford betook himself to
Flanders - without licence. Though his father-in-law Burghley had him
brought back to the indignant Elizabeth, the next year he set forth
again and made for Italy. From Siena, on January 3rd, 1574-5, he writes
to ask Burghley to sell some of his land so as to disburden him of his
debts, and in reply to some warning of Burghley's that his affairs in
England need attention, replies that since his troubles are so many at
home, he has resolved to continue his travels.[135] Eight months
afterwards, from Italy, he begs Burghley's influence to procure him a
licence to continue his travels a year longer, stating as his reason an
exemplary wish to see more of Germany. (In another letter also[136] he
assures Cecil that he means to acquaint himself with Sturmius - that
educator of youth so highly approved of by Ascham.) "As to Italy, he is
glad he has seen it, but cares not ever to see it again, unless to serve
his prince or country." The reason they have not heard from him this
past summer is that his letters were sent back because of the plague in
the passage. He did not know this till his late return to Venice. He has
been grieved with a fever. The letter concludes with a mention that he
has taken up of Baptista Nigrone 500 crowns, which he desires repaid
from the sale of his lands, and a curt thanks for the news of his wife's

From Paris, after an interval of six months, he declares his pleasure at
the news of his being a father, but makes no offer to return to England.
Rather he intends to go back to Venice. He "may pass two or three months
in seeing Constantinople and some part of Greece."[138]

However, Burghley says, "I wrote to Pariss to hym to hasten hym
homewards," and in April 1576, he landed at Dover in an exceedingly
sulky mood. He refused to see his wife, and told Burghley he might take
his daughter into his own house again, for he was resolved "to be rid of
the cumber."[139] He accused his father-in-law of holding back money due
to him, although Burghley states that Oxford had in one year £5700.[140]
Considering that Robert Sidney, afterwards Earl of Leicester, had only
£1OO a year for a tour abroad,[141] and that Sir Robert Dallington
declares £200 to be quite enough for a gentleman studying in France or
Italy - including pay for a servant - and that any more would be
"superfluous and to his hurte,"[142] it will be seen that the Earl of
Oxford had £5500 "to his hurte."

Certain results of his travel were pleasing to his sovereign, however.
For he was the first person to import to England "gloves, sweete bagges,
a perfumed leather Jerkin, and other pleasant things."[143] The Queen
was so proud of his present of a pair of perfumed gloves, trimmed with
"foure Tufts or Roses of coloured Silk" that she was "pictured with
those Gloves upon her hands, and for many yeeres after, it was called
the Earle of Oxford's perfume."[144] His own foreign and fashionable
apparel was ridiculed by Gabriel Harvey, in the much-quoted description
of an Italianate Englishman, beginning:

"A little apish hat couched faste to the pate, like an oyster."[145]

Arthur Hall and the Earl of Oxford will perhaps serve to show that many
young men pointed out as having returned the worse for their liberty to
see the world, were those who would have been very poor props to society
had they never left their native land. Weak and vain striplings of
entirely English growth escaped the comment attracted by a sinner with
strange garments and new oaths. For in those garments themselves lay an
offence to the commonwealth. I need only refer to the well-known
jealousy, among English haberdashers and milliners, of the superior
craft of Continental workmen, behind whom English weavers lagged: Henry
the Eighth used to have to wear hose cut out of pieces of cloth - on that
leg of which he was so proud - unless "by great chance there came a paire
of Spanish silke stockings from Spaine."[146] Knit worsted stockings
were not made in England till 1554, when an apprentice "chanced to see a
pair of knit worsted stockings in the lodging of an Italian merchant
that came from Mantua."[147] Harrison's description of England breathes
an animosity to foreign clothes, plainly founded on commercial jealousy:
"Neither was it ever merrier in England than when an Englishman was
known abroad by his own cloth, and contented himself at home with his
fine carsey hosen, and a mean slop: his coat, gown, and cloak of brown,
blue, or puke, with some pretty furniture of velvet or of fur, and a
doublet of sad tawny, or black velvet, or other comely silk, without
such cuts and garish colours, as are worn in these days, and never
brought in but by the consent of the French, who think themselves the
gayest men when they have most diversities of rags and change of colours
about them."[148]

Wrapped up with economic acrimony there was a good deal of the hearty
old English hatred of a Frenchman, or a Spaniard, or any foreigner,
which was always finding expression. Either it was the 'prentices who
rioted, or some rude fellow who pulls up beside the carriage of the
Spanish ambassador, snatches the ambassador's hat off his head and
"rides away with it up the street as fast as he could, the people going
on and laughing at it,"[149] or it was the Smithfield officers deputed
to cut swords of improper length, who pounced upon the French ambassador
because his sword was longer than the statutes allowed. "He was in a
great fury.... Her Majestie is greatly offended with the officers, in
that they wanted judgement."[150]

There was also a dislike of the whole new order of things, of which the
fashion for travel was only a phase: dislike of the new courtier who
scorned to live in the country, surrounded by a huge band of family
servants, but preferred to occupy small lodgings in London, and join in
the pleasures of metropolitan life. The theatre, the gambling resorts,
the fence-schools, the bowling alleys, and above all the glamor of the
streets and the crowd were charms only beginning to assert themselves in
Elizabethan England. But the popular voice was loud against the nobles
who preferred to spend their money on such things instead of on
improving their estates, and who squandered on fine clothes what used to
be spent on roast beef for their retainers. Greene's _Quip for an
Upstart Courtier_ parodies what the new and refined Englishman would
say: -

"The worlds are chaungde, and men are growne to more wit, and their
minds to aspire after more honourable thoughts: they were dunces in
diebus illis, they had not the true use of gentility, and therefore they
lived meanely and died obscurely: but now mennes capacities are refined.
Time hath set a new edge on gentlemen's humours and they show them as
they should be: not like gluttons as their fathers did, in chines of
beefe and almes to the poore, but in velvets, satins, cloth of gold,
pearle: yea, pearle lace, which scarce Caligula wore on his

On the whole, we may say that the objections to foreign travel rose from
a variety of motives. Ascham doubtless knew genuine cases of young men
spoiled by too much liberty, and there were surely many obnoxious boys
who bragged of their "foreign vices." Insular prejudice, jealousy and
conservatism, hating foreign influence, drew attention to these bad
examples. Lastly, there was another element in the protest against
foreign travel, which grew more and more strong towards the end of the
reign of Elizabeth and the beginning of James the First's, the hatred of
Italy as the stronghold of the Roman Catholic Church, and fear of the
Inquisition. Warnings against the Jesuits are a striking feature of the
next group of Instructions to Travellers.

* * * * *



The quickening of animosity between Protestants and Catholics in the
last quarter of the sixteenth century had a good deal to do with the
censure of travel which we have been describing. In their fear and
hatred of the Roman Catholic countries, Englishmen viewed with alarm any
attractions, intellectual or otherwise, which the Continent had for
their sons. They had rather have them forego the advantages of a liberal
education than run the risk of falling body and soul into the hands of
the Papists. The intense, fierce patriotism which flared up to meet the
Spanish Armada almost blighted the genial impulse of travel for study's
sake. It divided the nations again, and took away the common admiration
for Italy which had made the young men of the north all rush together
there. We can no longer imagine an Englishman like Selling coming to the
great Politian at Bologna and grappling him to his heart - "arctissima
sibi conjunxit amicum familiaritate,"[152] as the warm humanistic phrase
has it. In the seventeenth century Politian would be a "contagious
Papist," using his charm to convert men to Romanism, and Selling would
be a "true son of the Church of England," railing at Politian for his
"debauch'd and Popish principles." The Renaissance had set men
travelling to Italy as to the flower of the world. They had scarcely
started before the Reformation called it a place of abomination. Lord
Burghley, who in Elizabeth's early days had been so bent on a foreign
education for his eldest son, had drilled him in languages and pressed
him to go to Italy,[153] at the end of his long life left instructions
to his children: "Suffer not thy sonnes to pass the Alps, for they shall
learn nothing there but pride, blasphemy, and atheism. And if by travel
they get a few broken languages, that shall profit them nothing more
than to have one meat served on divers dishes."[154]

The mother of Francis Bacon affords a good example of the Puritan
distrust of going "beyond seas." She could by no means sympathize with
her son Anthony's determination to become versed in foreign affairs, for
that led him into intimacy with Roman Catholics. All through his
prolonged stay abroad she chafed and fretted, while Anthony perversely
remained in France, gaining that acquaintance with valuable
correspondents, spies, and intelligencers which later made him one of
the greatest authorities in England on continental politics. He had a
confidential servant, a Catholic named Lawson, whom he sent over to
deliver some important secret news to Lord Burghley. Lady Bacon, in her
fear lest Lawson's company should pervert her son's religion and morals,
had the man arrested and detained in England. His anxious master sent
another man to plead with his mother for Lawson's release; but in vain.
The letter of this messenger to Anthony will serve to show the vehemence
of anti-Catholic feelings in a British matron in 1589.

"Upon my arrival at Godombery my Lady used me courteously until such
time I began to move her for Mr Lawson; and, to say the truth, for
yourself; being so much transported with your abode there that she let
not to say that you are a traitor to God and your country; you have
undone her; you seek her death; and when you have that you seek for, you
shall have but a hundred pounds more than you have now.

"She is resolved to procure Her Majesty's letter to force you to return;
and when that should be, if Her Majesty give you your right or desert,
she should clap you up in prison. She cannot abide to hear of you, as
she saith, nor of the other especially, and told me plainly she should
be the worse this month for my coming without you, and axed me why you
could not have come from thence as well as myself.

"She saith you are hated of all the chiefest on that side and cursed of
God in all your actions, since Mr Lawson's being with you....

"When you have received your provision, make your repair home again,
lest you be a means to shorten her days, for she told me the grief of
mind received daily by your stay will be her end; also saith her jewels
be spent for you, and that she borrowed the last money of seven several

"Thus much I must confess unto you for a conclusion, that I have never
seen nor never shall see a wise Lady, an honourable woman, a mother,
more perplexed for her son's absence than I have seen that honourable
dame for yours."[155]

It was not only a general hatred of Roman Catholics which made staunch
Protestants anxious to detain their sons from foreign travel towards the
end of Elizabeth's reign, but a very lively and well-grounded fear of
the Inquisition and the Jesuits. When England was at war with Spain, any
Englishman caught on Spanish territory was a lawful prisoner for ransom;
and since Spanish territory meant Sicily, Naples, and Milan, and Rome
was the territory of Spain's patron, the Pope, Italy was far from safe
for Englishmen and Protestants. Even when peace with Spain was declared,
on the accession of James I., the spies of the Inquisition were
everywhere on the alert to find some slight pretext for arresting
travellers and to lure them into the dilemma of renouncing their faith,
or being imprisoned and tortured. There is a letter, for instance, to
Salisbury from one of his agents on the Continent, concerning overtures
made to him by the Pope's nuncio, to decoy some Englishman of
note - young Lord Roos or Lord Cranborne - into papal dominions, where he
might be seized and detained, in hope of procuring a release for Baldwin
the Jesuit.[156] William Bedell, about to go to Italy as chaplain to Sir
Henry Wotton, the Ambassador to Venice, very anxiously asks a friend
what route is best to Italy. "For it is told me that the Inquisition is
in Millaine, and that if a man duck not low at every Cross, he may be
cast in prison.... Send me, I pray you, a note of the chief towns to be
passed through. I care not for seeing places, but to go thither the
shortest and safest way."[157]

Bedell's fears were not without reason, for the very next year occurred
the arrest of the unfortunate Mr Mole, whose case was one of the
sensations of the day. Fuller, in his _Church History_, under the year
1607, records how -

"About this time Mr Molle, Governour to the Lord Ross in his travails,
began his unhappy journey beyond the Seas.... He was appointed by
Thomas, Earl of Exeter, to be Governour in Travail to his Grandchilde,
the Lord Ross, undertaking the charge with much reluctance (as a presage
of ill successe) and with a profession, and a resolution not to passe
the Alpes.

"But a Vagari took the Lord Ross to go to Rome, though some conceive
this notion had its root in more mischievous brains. In vain doth Mr
Molle dissuade him, grown now so wilfull, he would in some sort govern
his Governour. What should this good man doe? To leave him were to
desert his trust, to goe along with him were to endanger his own life.
At last his affections to his charge so prevailed against his judgment,
that unwillingly willing he went with him. Now, at what rate soever they
rode to Rome, the fame of their coming came thither before them; so that
no sooner had they entered their Inne, but Officers asked for Mr Molle,
took and carried him to the Inquisition-House, where he remained a
prisoner whilest the Lord Ross was daily feasted, favoured, entertained:
so that some will not stick to say, That here he changed no Religion for
a bad one."[158]

No threats could persuade Mr Mole to renounce his heresy, and though
many attempts were made to exchange him for some Jesuits caught in
England, he lay for thirty years in the prison of the Inquisition, and
died there, at the age of eighty-one.

It was part of the policy of the Jesuits, according to Sir Henry Wotton,
to thus separate their tutors from young men, and then ply the pupils
with attentions and flattery, with a view to persuading them into the
Church of Rome. Not long after the capture of Mole, Wotton writes to
Salisbury of another case of the same sort.

"My Lord Wentworthe[159] on the 18th of May coming towards Venice ...
accompanied with his brother-in-law Mr Henry Crafts, one Edward
Lichefeld, their governor, and some two or three other English, through
Bologna, as they were there together at supper the very night of their
arrival, came up two Dominican Friars, with the sergeants of the town,
and carried thence the foresaid Lichefeld, with all his papers, into the
prison of the Inquisition where he yet remaineth.[160] Thus standeth
this accident in the bare circumstances thereof, not different, save
only in place, from that of Mr Mole at Rome. And doubtlessly (as we
collect now upon the matter) if Sir John Harington[161] had either gone
the Roman Journey, or taken the ordinary way in his remove thitherwards
out of Tuscany, the like would have befallen his director also, a
gentleman of singular sufficiency;[162] for it appeareth a new piece of
council (infused into the Pope by his artisans the Jesuits) to separate
by some device their guides from our young noblemen (about whom they are
busiest) and afterwards to use themselves (for aught I can yet hear)
with much kindness and security, but yet with restraint (when they come
to Rome) of departing thence without leave; which form was held both
with the Lords Rosse and St Jhons, and with this Lord Wentworthe and his
brother-in-law at their being there. And we have at the present also a
like example or two in Barons of the Almaign nation of our religion,
whose governors are imprisoned, at Rome and Ferrara; so as the matter
seemeth to pass into a rule. And albeit thitherto those before named of
our own be escaped out of that Babylon (as far as I can penetrate)
without any bad impressions, yet surely it appeareth very dangerous to
leave our travellers in this contingency; especially being dispersed in
the middle towns of Italy (whither the language doth most draw them)
certain nimble pleasant wits in quality of interceptors, who deliver
over to their correspondents at Rome the dispositions of gentlemen
before they arrive, and so subject them both to attraction by argument,
and attraction by humour."[163]

Wotton did not overrate the persuasiveness of the Jesuits. Lord Roos
became a papist.[164]

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