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night, after pay days, in several cities, showed crowds
of men drinking to great excess. A Japanese friend
said they were largely laborers and farmers." ..i

As to the outlook for prohibition, Dr. Gaudier says :-^,
" Black as the clouds are at present, there is a rift and
a promise of sunshine tomorrow. Japan has more total
abstainers today than ever before. Testimony is abundant
that more glasses are turned down, or stand untouched,
at banquets, than in former years. Many business men
have stopped drinking, and no longer use liquor in
their business, because they have recognized the inefficiency
caused by drink."

ri " Democracy is growing in Japan, the poorer classes
are coming to a new self-consciousness. Democracy is
coming as certainly in industry, as in politics. The
more progressive and clear-headed employers recognize
this. They do not wish to share control of their
business with alcohol-soaked workmen. Forward looking
captains of industry know this, and they are ready to
learn about how other countries are trying to solve the
alcohol problem."

Visiting most of the cities between Nagasaki and


Tokyo, Dr. Gandier found the people everywhere eager
to hear about why America went dry, and how prohibi-
tion is working. The belief that prohibition is desirable
for Japan, seemed almost universal. But the feeling that
it is practically impossible to get prohibition in Japan,
was equally universal.

He says " Japan is not yet ready for prohibition,
but Japan is ready for prohibition propaganda ; any
speaker who will present the facts about alcohol, deve-
loped by modern science and modern industrial ex-
perience, will get a hearing in Japan, and any one who
can tell how prohibition is working in other countries,
will find the people ready to listen. The attitude
toward prohibition, of educators, editors, employees and
public officials, is much more friendly in Japan now,
than was that of the sam.e classes in America ten years
ago. With the example of prohibition in the United
States, Canada, and other countries, to help complete
the job in Japan, it should not take ten years to do it."
Knowing something of the success of prohibition in the
States and Canada, and also knowing something of
Japan's ambition to be a world leader in industrial
achievement. Dr. Gandier says, " If these two things are
capitalized to the uttermost, and an adequate campaign
is immediately launched in Japan, it is easily possible
that the time when prohibition becomes the national
policy of the Empire, will be nearer five, than twenty,
years from now. But whether five or fifty years away,
prohibition will not be here at such date, unless a sane
and effective campaign is launched immediately. If such
a campaign is to be carried on, the Christians of Japan
must do most of the work, and furnish the enthusiasm
which knows no discouragement. . This does not mean
that the movement should be religious, in any formal
sense. The movement which wins prohibition for Japan,
will be a citizens' movement, as was the Anti-Saloon
League of America. It will get cooperation from all
sorts of good citizens, by demonstrating that alcohol is
a national enemy, and that it does not pay, in either
men or money. But the p>eopIe who do the demonstrat-


ing, and who stay in the fight, when it seems to be
going against them, will be those who believe that a
God of righteousness reigns supreme, and whose lives
are driven by the dynamo of love. Prohibition would
not be the policy of the Uaited States and Canada,
today, had there been no Christian forces in those
countries. The Christians of America won the fight by
demonstrating that the liquor traffic is a terrible waste
of men and material, and that prohibition means increased
efficiency, cleaner government and better business. It
will be the same in Japan. There is not sufficient
moral energy any where else to break through the
customs of centuries, and to initiate anything so radical
as prohibition. The Christians must lead the way ! "

With these vigorous statements of Dr, Sandler's, we
end this sketch of the drink conditions in Japan.



By Toyohiko Kagawa

The year 1919 marks the entry of the laborer into
Japanese politics. The campaign for universal suffrage
was opened on February 7th, in Kyoto by Mr. Gizo
Takayama, son of the acting president of Doshisha
University. He invited Mr. Yukio Ozaki to come to
Kyoto and Speak to a meeting of laborers on the
question of universal suffrage. This was the first political
mass meeting of laborers ever held in Japan, and it
came as a decided shock to both government and
people. The next day a similar mass meeting of laborers
was held in Kobe. Since that time the attitude of
laborers toward political matters has entirely changed.
The influence of the discussions at the Peace Conference
added to this agitation has made a profound impression
in Japan. One of the results of this movement has been
the establishment of two new magazines in the interest
of the study of Social Questions. One of these magazines,
entitled " Emancipation " has a circulation of about
20,000 copies ; and the other, called " Reconstruction,"
has a circulation of about 32,000. Professor Hajim.e
Kawakami of Kyoto University, an orthodox Marxian,
started a magazine called. ** The Study of Social
Questions," with himself as editor and sole contributor.
150,000 copies of the first issue were sold. A little
later Mr. Kesayo Yamasaki began publishing a magazine
called " The Study of Socialism," in which he imitated
closely the style, the printing, the name and even the
cover of Professor Kawakami's magazine. Mr. Yamasaki
is a socialist, a lawyer and a humorist ; and he presented


his ideas in a popular and practical manner. He has.
secured Mr. Toshihiko Sakai and Mr. Hitoshi Yama-
kawa, the two socialist leaders as his contributors. Mr.
Sakai is also a great humorist, — called the Bernard Shaw
of Japan. For years Mr. Sakai has not been allowed
to make a speech in public. There are always detectives
in attendance when he is to speak, and they always call
him down before he has been speaking five minutes.
Being forbidden to speak in public, he writes under the
nom de plume of " Shiburoku Kaizuka." Under the
form of fables such as " The Cat's Whooping-cough "
or "The Cat's Suicide" he writes ridiculing the various
institutions of Japanese society. He is a sort of mocking
materialist, and he now rides on the crest of a wave of
popular favor.

On April the 3rd, 19 19, the first Japanese Federation
of Labor was organized in the west, or Kansai section
of Japan. This was the name taken by the Kansai
section of the Yu-ai-kai, and the Government permitted
the organization. A manual laborer was elected pre-
sident, — Mr. Jokichi Kimura of the Kawasaki Dockyard.
This new Federation of Labor has opened the path
along which the Labor Movement in Japan must
develop in the future. Heretofore the Government has
been afraid to allow any such political labor organization
on the ground that it would constitute a menace to the

When the young men laborers . of Tokyo and their
sympathizers among the Intellectuals found that this
Federation had been premitted in the Kansai section,
they took another step forward and began to found
unions in which there should be no representatives of
capital, and no reference to the wishes or interests of
capital. The first of these was the '* Job Printers'
Union," which was followed by numerous others of a
similar character.

In September, 19 19, the Yu-ai-kai was reorganized
along lines similar to the Kansai Federation of I^bor,
and elected twenty four committees and nine executive
officers. Hitherto, President Suzuki had been the only


responsible leader, and the laborers in general had no
authority, and had taken little interest in the organiza-
tion. In the September convention, the laborers elected
responsible committees largely composed of laborers, but
including their Secretaries, Mr. Suzuki and myself.. A
manifesto was published, placing the movement on a
genuine labor basis, and taking an uncompromising
attitude toward capitalism. A platform with twenty
articles was adopted, following the Paris Labor Con-
ference, as the future labor program of Japan.

Two weeks after this conventibn the question arose
regarding Japan's representative at the Labor Conference
at Washington. The Government wished to keep control
•of the situation and prevent any genuine labor representa-
tive from being sent. Seventy five delegates came
together from sixteen industrial centres, but of these
only nine or ten were real representatives of labor. The
rest were managers or owners and representatives of
capital. Hence arose the strong opposition of the
Yu-ai-kai and of six of the real labor representatives
present. The Government was iil the end successful,
choosing Mr. Uhei Masumoto, chief engineer of the
Toba Dockyard and member of its Board of Directors.
The Toba Dockyard is controlled by the Suzuki Com-
pany, which is one of the three most powerful industrial
organizations in Japan. The Suzuki Company is parti-
cularly obnoxious to labor in general, and Mr. Masu-
moto's connection with this concern was the reason for
the bitter opposition to his election as Japan's labor
representative at Washington. When he started to
America on Sep'tember the 27th, two thousand laborers
^ith crape on their arms and funeral tablets in their
hands went down to the docks to see him off. He
managed, however, to evade the genial crowd and get"
on board his steamer from a police launch.

One result of all this agitation was the discovery by
the laborers themselves and by the people at large, of
the tremendous power of labor. They found t)ut that
the Government v!as afraid to take a strong policy in
opposition to the wishes and demands of organized labor.


While the agitation in Tokyo against Mr. Masumoto
was at its height, the famous sabotage strike broke out
on September 1 8th, in the Kawasaki Dockyard, at Kobe.
The men felt that they had serious grievances. They
were working, on an average, fourteen hours a day,
and some of them were obliged to work at times twenty
four hours on a stretch. They contrasted the bare
living wage that they were getting with the enormous
dividends paid and the enormous salaries paid to the
executive officials of the company. It was reported
among them that the company had made greater profits
through the war than any other company in Japan, and
they were told that President Matsukata had brought
back with him from one trip to Europe, eight million
yen of statuary and paintings. The factory where the
men had to work, was dirty, with no suitable wash
rooms or dining rooms. Accidents and injuries were
-numerous. As long as the war lasted they received
good wages and were contented ; but with the advent
of peace wages were scaled, and the cost of living
continued to rise. They had been getting a 75% in-
crease in wages as a war allowance, and there was talk
of having this cut off. But in view of the 3339^ increase
in the cost of living from pre-war prices, without the
war allowance, living would becorne impossible.

In view of these grievances the sixteen thousand
workmqi of the Dockyard conferred about the best
mode of procedure. If they organized a strike, they
would be liable to arrest and punishment under Article
1 7 of the Police Regulations. A description of " sabo-
tage " had appeared in a magazine, some time before,
and this struck them as just the method suited to their
case. They elected an executive committee of seventy
six to represent them, dismissed the guards and took
control of the yards, forbidding all drinking and violence
of any kind. For eleven days the men came regularly,
dressed in overalls and bringing their lunches, and stood
idly before their machines, doing no work at all. They
demanded four things: i. That the war allowance be
made a part of the regular wage, and tkat all workers

tfi^i C:IC:J >•'• JAPAN

be allowed a 50% increase on the old scale of wages,
2, That Mr. Matsukata should immediately announce the
date of distribution of the special bonus of Yen 3,7CX),ooo
which had been promised months before. 3, That all
who had been in the employ of the company for six
months, or longer, be given a bonus twice a year. 4,
That dining-rooms, wash-rooms and better sanitary
arrangements be provided. At first these demands were
refused, but finally all were agreed to except the one
point that all workers should be given a 50^ raise ;
and Mr. Matsukata went further and decided upon an
eight hour day for all workmen. This was an epoch-
making victory for labor, and its influence was immediate-
ly felt throughout the whole country. Within two weeks
one hundred and eight factories in the Kansai section,
had established the eight hour rule to avoid the strikes
that were threatened. Encouraged by this victory,
strikes were organized everywhere in Tokyo. By the
end of the year over two hundred strikes took place in
and around Tokyo. The most serious of these strikes
were those in the Hidachi, Kamaishi and Ashio copper
mines. In Ashio over 20,000 striking miners were
successful in abolishing the " hamba " or boss system,
under which the boss who collected the laborers, was
able to squeeze 200/0 of their wages. Their war allowance
was also made a pertnanent part of their wages.

At the Hidachi mines, owned by the Kuhara Company,
the strike ended in failure. Mr. Tanahashi and Mr.
Azo, two leading secretaries of the Yu-ai-kai, were
arrested as agitators, along with thirteen of the laborers.
Their trial has not yet been settled, but under the present
laws, conviction seems practically certain.

Mr. Hara's cabinet and the Seiyukai, which is back
of the cabinet, has especially feared the linking up of
the I^bor and Universal Suffrage Movements. The
labof leaders wish, above all else, to secure the abolition
of the famous " Article 17 " and the enactment of just
factory laws ; but without a political upheaval of some
sort neither of these ends can be attained. So again
from the Kansai the Labor Universal Suffrage Movement


was started. Thirteen different trade unions, with which
are connected 150,000 laborers in Osaka, Kyoto and
Kobe, formed a federation for the promotion of universal
suffrage under the leadership of Kako Imai, M. P., and
myself. I was elected executive head of this league.
This movement also spread to Tokyo, and there sixty
eight organizations, mostly labor unions, have united in
demanding universal suffrage. .fio?jr^ ■

Mr. Hara has adopted an attitude of uncompromising
opposition to this whole movement, using the whole
power of the police in suppressing, as far as he dares,
public meetings and agitation through books and maga-
zines. It was a most dramatic occasion in Tokyo,
when, on Feb. 26, 1920, the Diet was suddenly dissolved
in the height of the suffrage discussion, and before a
vote had been reached. The Diet Buildings were at the
time surrounded by ten thousand laborers, who were
breaking through the cordon of police set by the
authorities to hold them back.

In the winter of 19 19 Mr. Hara and Mr. Tokonami
asked that the millionaries throughout the country
contribute a fund of fifty million yen for the establish-
ment of a Reconciliation Board of Labor and Capital.
His Majesty the Emperor has contributed three million
toward this object, but the total amount collected is
only twenty millions, and as yet nothing has been done.
It is proposed to establish Labor Exchange Bureaus.

Another striking feature of the situation is the or-
ganization under government patronage, of the " Koku-
sui-kai," or Society of Pure Nationality, to uphold the
prestige and dignity of the throne. This is a union of
gamblers and ruffians, who can serve to counterbalance
the regular labor unions, and intimidate their leaders.
The president of this body is a prominent brothel-
keeper in Fushimi, near Kyoto. They claim a controll-
ing influence over 500,000 laborers of the lowest class,
— gamblers, brothel-keepers and ruflfians. They have
been freely used as strike-breakers, and in attacks on
speakers at labor meetings. One of these men made an
attack on Mr. Ozaki in his hotel at Nagoya. At the

178 ( ^ JAPAN

strike at the Yawata Steel-works, the strike leaders had
narrow escapes with their lives from these ruffians, with
no interference whatever on the part of the Government
to protect them.

The latest development in the situation is the organiza-
tion of the Laborers* Universal Suffrage League, re-
presenting the whole country. The Yu-ai-kai has become
a militant organization. The laborers have awaked to a
new sense of class consciousness, and are determined to
press on to the attainment of their rights.




By K. S. Beam

The first step by the Conference of Federated Missions
looking toward the Christianizing of relations between
nations was taken in 191 3 when a "Peace Committee*'
was appointed. Since that date the Committee has
changed its name twice, first becoming the " Committee
on International Relations ** and then the Committee
'" For the Promotion of International Friendship through
the Churches,'* the name now held by the Committee.
The object of the present Committee is to serve as "a
medium for promoting the application of Christian ideals
in the relations between peoples in the Orient and

The Coinntittee is composed 12 members appointed
by the Conference and 3 members coopted by the
Committee. The three coopted members for 19 19- 1920
are ; Dr. Sakuzo Yoshino, of the Department of Law
in the Imperial University; Rev. Kameji Ishizaka, Supt.
of Home Missions for Japan Methodist Church, and Mr.
H. S. Chang, Secretary of the Chinese Y. M. C. A. In
Tokyo. Of the 1 2 members appointed by the Conference
2 are from England, 4 from Canada, and 6 from

The funds for this Committee^ s work have been con-
tributed by the Church Peace Union of New York.
The appropriations of this organization have made k
possible for the Committee to secure an office, employ
a typist and pay all other expenses connected with the
Committee's work. The services of the Executive


Secretary are contributed by his Mission, but the
Committee pays his travel expenses and part of his
house rent.

The most concise statement of the

Committee's work the Committee is attempting is

Program found in the Program adopted by the

'OTTI . Committee at its Annual Winter, Meeting,

Jan. 15-16, 1920. The aims of the Committee as

summed up in this program are :

1. To encourage in the Church greater emphasis
on the Christian doctrine of the brotherhood of

2. To encourage local churches to extend foUowship
and service to strangers and foreigners : in their

•^ , .: communities. :W/ f ua n; m:ii:^t ;^;.w an "

r; {3^ To promote closer intercoufse, fellowship, and.
cooperation betweeu Christians of differisntcpunr

tries. 'U V-.iU. h^^) "' ^^r^. ' ■:;:r,-}^f^r-(-t-^•tr^r rr-;:

;; ; 4^ To correspoitd with individuals and groups in-!
.'y.aji' other countries interested in securing the applica-
£,»• a: tion of Christian ideals in. relations : between
?ifi3bi peoples. : t^arlomotq io*t rfiL'i!

5. To introduce travelers to the best elements in
the life of the peoples visited.

6* To arrange for informal conferences \vith re-
j( presentative people of different nations in order

OU >'i - to promote better understanding and effective
v/n T ' cooperation.

,tr7. To present verified facts as to international in-
justice to persons who are in a position to use
111. . them in the most helpful way to remedy the
-' - - unjust conditions.

The part of this program that has

Conferences been most emphasized since October
has beeil item No. 6, concerning con-
ferences with representative people from different nations:
This has been found one of the best methods of
getting at the problems involved and at the some time
of establishing the much-desired contacts \vith Christians,
groups in othfer countries. ; ..!:;.;; ?:■ i';U


It is planned to carry out items I
The Main Task and 2 by preparing a series of pamphlets
for use by missionaries, pastors, and
Sunday School workers. To secure the proper emphasis
on the Christian conception of international brotherhood,
to develop the world consciousness within the Christian
body, is after all the main task of this Committee and
all organizations that hope to see the Christians lead the
way into an era of ** Peace on earth and good will
among men." It means a long campaign of education
within and without the church, just as has been carried
on by the prohibition forces and is now being carried
on for the elimination of the social evil.

Items 3 and 4 of the program have
Visit to China been best met by visits of members of
■ the committee to China and Korea.

Dr. Oltmans, chairman of the Sub-Committee on Inter-
Oiiental relations, went to China at the time the " China-
for-Christ " Conference was being held in Shanghai in
December, 19 19. Missionaries and Christian workers
from all over China were in attendance at the Conference,
and Dr. Oltmans was able to have personal interviews
with many of them. On his return he made a full
report of his observations and findings to the Committee
meeting held Jan. 15 and i6th. Later he met with
Japanese Christian leaders in several group meetings and
presented a full account of his visit.

Rev. K. Ishizaka, also a member of
Visit to Korea the Sub-Committee on Inter-Oriental
relations, went to Korea in November,
on a visit of several weeks. His primary purpose was
to visit the churches of his denomination in the capacity
of Supt. of Home Missions, but he was able to render
a fine service of the cause for which this Committee
exists. He carried with him a gift of Yeji 4,000 from
the Japanese churches to assist the Koreans in rebuilding
some of the churches that had been destroyed. On his
return his statement exonerating the missionaries from
connection with the independence agitation was given
wide publicity in the Japanese press.


In connection with the last item in
Interaational tlie program regarding use of facts
Injustice concerning international injustice, indivi-

dual members ^have been able, in a
number of instances, to present such facts to men in
influential positions. On one occasion a missionary from
Korea, with important information, was introduced to
the civil Administrator of Korea who happened to be
in Tokyo at the time.

The experience gained during the first
Future Possibilities five months of the Committee's work
with an executive office has convinced
the members that the work is in line with the greatest
needs of our time and that the possibilities for great
good to the Christian movement in the Orient are
limitless. The Church Peace Union has approved of
the beginning made and pledged its support.






Miss Daughaday was born at Guliford, N. Y., March
2, 1844, and studied at Albany Normal School, and
Maplewood Seminary, Pitsfield, Mass. She reached
Japan March 21, 1883, under the American Board,
taught at Baikwa Girls' School, Osaka, engaged in
evangelistic work at Tottori, and, for many years, at
Sapporo, where she died July i, 19 19. Her work was
largely with young people, and her ability to enter
their interests was one of her strongest characteristics
and a prime cause of her success. For over twenty
years she exercised great influence thru her Bible classes
for students at Sapporo College. She was called to
endure great suffering for some months before her
release, but still felt she had a work : "I have three
duties here in my bed, to show the glory of God : To
be patient, to be thankful, to pray incessantly/' Her
monument bears the words :

" And I shall see Him face to face.
And tell the Story, " Saved by grace ! '*

suggested by her at the end. * r "'


Arthur Blockey Hutchinson was born in London
Aug. 24th 1 841. He entered the C. M. S. Colleg'e at
Islington 1886, and was ordained by the Bishop of
London three years later. After two years' work in an

Online LibraryConference of Federated Missions (Japan)The Christian movement in the Japanese empire (Volume v.18) → online text (page 13 of 30)