D. S. (David Samuel) Margoliouth.

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single campaign, but for long years," they became " the servants of
the state, without privileges, without dignity, subjected to corporal
punishment, and burdened with onerous duties from which there was
no escape. . . . Any noble who refused to serve (' the state in the
army, the fleet, or the civil administration, from boyhood to old
age ') was not only depi'ived of his estate, as in the old times, but was
declared to be a traitor, and miglit be condemned to capital punish-
ment." " Under Peter," says Wallace, " all offices, civil and mili-
tary," were " arranged in fourteen classes or ranks " ; and he " defined
the obligations of each with microscopic minuteness. After his death
the work was carried on in the same spirit, and the tendency reached
its climax in the reign of Nicholas." In the words of De Custine,
" the tchinn [the name for this organization] is a nation formed into a
regiment ; it is the military system applied to all classes of society,
even to those who never go to war." With this universal regimenta-
tion in structure went a regimental discipline. The conduct of life
was dictated to the citizens at large in the same way as to soldiers.
In the reign of Peter and his successors domestic entertainments were
ap])ointed and regulated ; the people were compelled to change their
costumes ; the clergy to cut off their beards ; and even the harnessing
of horses was according to pattern. Occupations were controlled to
the extent that " no boyard could enter any profession, or forsake it


when embraced, or retire from public to private life, or dispose of his
property, or travel into any foreign country, without tbe permission
of the Czar." This omnipresent rule is well expressed in the close of
certain rhymes, for which a military officer was sent to Siberia :

"Tout se fait par ukase ici;
C'est par ukase que Ton voyage,
C'est par ukase que Ton rit."

Taking thus the existing barbarous society of Dahomey, formed
of negroes ; the extinct semi-civilized empire of the Incas, whose sub-
jects were remote in blood from these ; the ancient Egyptian empire
peopled by yet other races ; the community of the Spartans, again
unlike in the type of its men ; and the existing Russian nation made
up of Slavs and Tartars — we have before us cases in which such simi-
larities of social structure as exist can not be ascribed to inheritance of
a common character by the social units. The immense contrasts be-
tween the populations of these several societies, too, varying from
millions at the one extreme to thousands at the other, negative the
supposition that then- common structural traits are consequent on size.
Kor can it be supposed that likenesses of conditions in respect of cli-
mate, surface, soil, flora, faima, or likenesses of habits caused by such
conditions, can have had anything to do with the likenesses of organi-
zation in these societies ; for their respective habitats present numer-
ous marked unlikenesses. Such traits as they one and all exhibit, not
ascribable to any other cause, must thus be ascribed to the habitual
militancy characteristic of them all. The results of induction alone
would go far to warrant this ascription ; and it is fully warranted by
their correspondence with the results of deduction, as set forth above.

Any remaining doubts must disappear on observing how continued
militancy is followed by further development of the militant organi-
zation. Three illustrations Avill suffice :

"When, during Roman conquests, the tendency for the successful
general to become despot, repeatedly displayed, finally took effect —
when the title imperator, military in its primary meaning, became the
title for the civil ruler, showing us on a higher platform that genesis
of political headship out of military headship visible from the begin-
ning — when, as usually happens, an increasingly-divine character was
acquired by the civil ruler, as shown in the assumption of the sacred
name Augustus, as well as in the growth of an actual worship of him ;
there simultaneously became m^ore pronounced those further traits
which characterise the militant type in its developed form. Practi-
cally, if not nominally, the other powers of the state were absorbed
by him. In the words of Duruy, he had —

the right of proposing, that is, of making, laws; of receiving and trying
appeals, i. e., the supreme jurisdiction ; of arresting by the tribunitian veto


every measure and every sentence, i. e., of putting his will in opposition to the
hiws and magistrates; of summoning tlie senate or the people, and presiding
over it, i. e., of directing the electoral assemblages as he thought tit. And these
prerogatives ho will have not for a single year, but for life; not in Home only
. . . but throughout the empire; not shared with ten colleagues, but exercised
by himself alone ; lastly, without any account to render, since he never resigns
his oflSce.

Along with these changes went an increase in the number and defi-
niteness of social divisions. The Emperor

placed between himself and the masses a multitude of people regularly classed
l>y categories, and piled one above the other in such a way that this liierarchy,
jiressing with ail its weight upon the masses underneath, held the people and
factious individuals powerless. What remained of the old patrician nobility
had the foremost rank in the city; . . . below it came the senatorial nobility,
half hereditary ; below that the moneyed nobility, or equestrian order— three
aristocracies superposed. . . . The sons of senators formed a class intermediate
between the senatorial and the equestrian order. ... In the second century the
senatorial families formed an hereditary nobility with privileges.

At the same time the administrative organization was greatly extended
and complicated.

Augustus created a large number of new offices, as the superintendence of
public works, roads, aqueducts, the Tiber -bed, distribution of corn to the
l)eople. ... He also created numerous offices of procurators for the financial
administration of the empire, and in Rome there were one thousand and sixty
municipal officers.

The structural character proper to an army spread in a double way :
military officers acquired civil functions and functionaries of a civil
kind became partially military. The magistrates appointed by the
Emperor, tending to replace those appointed by the people, had, along
with their civil authority, militar}'^ authority ; and while " under Au-
gustus the prefects of the pretorium were only military chiefs, . . .
ihey gradually possessed themselves of the whole civil authority, and
liiially became, after the Emperor, the first personages in the empire."
Moreover, the governmental structures grew by incorporating bodies of
functionaries who were before independent. "In his ardor to organ-
ize everything, he aimed at regimenting the law itself, and made an
official magistracy of that which had always been a free profession."
To enforce the rule of this extended administration, the army was
made permanent, and subjected to severe discipline. With the con-
tinued growth of the regulating and coercing organization, the drafts
on producers increased ; and, as was shown by extracts in a previous
chapter concerning the Roman rcfjime in Egypt and in Gaul, the
working part of the community was reduced more and more to the
form of a permanent commissariat. In Italy the condition eventually
arrived at was one in which vast tracts were "intrusted to freedmen,
whose only consideration was how to cultivate the land with the least


possible expense, and how to extract from their laborers the greatest
amount of work with the smallest quantity of food."

An example under our immediate observation may next be taken
— that of the German Empire. Such traits of the militant type in
Germany as were before manifest have, since the late war, become
still more manifest. The array, active and passive, including officers
and attached functionaries, has been increased by about one hundred
thousand men ; and changes in 1875 and 1680, making certain reserves
more available, have practically caused a further increase of like
amount. Moreover, the smaller German states, having in great part
surrendered the administration of their several contingents, the Ger-
man army has become more consolidated ; and even the armies of
Saxony, Wtirtemberg, and Bavaria, being subject to imperial super-
vision, have in so far ceased to be independent. Instead of each year
granting military supplies, as had been the practice in Prussia before
the formation of the North-German Confederation, the Parliament of
the empire was, in 1871, induced to vote the required annual sum for
three years thereafter ; in 1874 it did the like for the succeeding seven
years ; and again in 1880 the greatly increased amount for the aug-
mented army was authorized for the seven years following — steps
obviously surrendering popular checks on imperial power. Simultane-
ously, military officialism has been in two ways replacing civil official-
ism. Subaltern officers are rewarded for long services by appoint-
ments to civil posts — local communes being forced to give them the
preference to civilians ; and not a few members of the higher civil
service, and of the universities, as well as teachers in the public
schools, having served as " volunteers of one year," become commis-
sioned officers of the Landwehr. During the stuggles of the so-called
Kulturkampf, the ecclesiastical organization became more subordinated
by the political. Priests suspended by bishops were maintained in
their offices ; it was made penal for a clergyman publicly to take part
against the government ; a recalcitrant bishop had his salary stopped ;
the curriculum for ecclesiastics was prescribed by the state, and ex-
amination by state officials required ; church discipline was subjected
to state approval ; and a power of expelling rebellious clergy from the
country was established. Passing to the industrial activities we may
note — first, that through sundry steps, from 1873 onward, there has
been a pi-ogressive transfer of railways into the hands of the state ;
so that, partly by original construction (mainly of lines for military
purposes), and partly by purchase, three fourths of all Prussian rail-
ways have been made government property ; and the same percentage
holds in the other German states : the aim being eventually to make
them all imperial. Trade interferences have been extended in various
ways — by protectionist tariffs, by revival of the usury laws, by restric-
tions on Sunday labor. Through its postal service the state has as-
sumed industrial functions — presents acceptances, receives money on


bills of exchange that are due, as also on ordinary bills, which it gets
receipted ; and, until stopped by shopkeepers' protests, undertook to
procure books from publishers. Lastly there come the measures for
extending, directly and indirectly, the control over popular life. On
the one hand, there are the laws under which, up to the middle of last
year, two hundred and twenty-four socialist societies have been closed,
one hundred and eighty pex'iodicals suppressed, three hundred and
seventeen books, etc., forbidden, and under which sundry places have
been reduced to a partial state of siege. On the other hand, may be
named Prince Bismarck's scheme for reestablishing guilds (bodies
which by their regulations coerce their members), and his scheme of
state insurance, by the help of which the artisan would in a consider-
able degree have his hands tied. Though these measures have not
been carried in the forms proposed, yet the proposal of them suffi-
ciently shows the general tendency. In all which changes we see
progress toward a more integrated structure, toward increase of the
militant part as compared with the industrial part, toward the replac-
ing of civil organization by military organization, toward the strength-
ening of restraints over the individual and I'egulatiou of his life in
greater detail.

The remaining example to be named is that furnished by our own
society since the revival of military activity — a revival which has of
late been so marked that our illustrated papers are, week after week,
occupied with little else than scenes of warfare. Already in the first
volume of " The Principles of Sociology," I have pointed out many
ways in which the system of compulsory cooperation characterizing
the militant type has been trenching on the system of voluntary co-
operation characterizing the industrial type ; and, since those passages
appeared (July, 1876), other changes in the same direction have
taken place. Within the military organization itself, we may note
the increasing assimilation of the volunteer forces to the regular
army, now going to the extent of a movement for making them avail-
able abroad, so that, instead of defensive action for which they were
created, they can be used for offensive action ; and we may also note
that the tendency shown in the army during a past generation to sink
the military character whenever possible, by putting on civilian dresses,
is now checked by an order to officei's in garrison towns to wear their
uniforms when off duty, as they do in more militant countries. Wheth-
er, since the date named, usurj^ations of civil functions by military
men (which had in 1873-'T4 gone to the extent that there were ninety-
seven colonels, majors, captains, and lieutenants employed from time
to time as inspectors of science and art classes) have gone further I
can not say ; but there has been a manifest extension of the military
spirit and discipline among the police, with the effect that, wearing
helmet-shaped hats, beginning to carry revolvers, and looking on them-
selves as half soldiers, they have come to speak of the people as "civil-


ians," and in some cases exercise over " civilians " an inspection of a
military kind ; as instance the chief of the Birmingham police, Major
Bond, whose subalterns track home men who are unsteady from drink
but quiet, and prosecute them next morning ; or as instance the regu-
lation by policemen's commands of the conflicting streams of vehicles
in the London streets. To an increasing extent the executive has been
overriding the other governmental agencies ; as in the Cyprus busi-
ness, and as in the doings of the Indian Viceroy under secret instruc-
tions from home. In various minor ways are shown endeavors to free
officialism from popular checks ; as in the desire expressed in the
House of Lords that the hanging of convicts in prisons, intrusted en-
tirely to the authorities, should have no other witnesses ; and as in the
advice given by the late Home Secretary (on May 11, 1878) to the
Derby town council, that it should not interfere with the chief con-
stable (a military man) in his government of the force under him — a
step toward centralizing local police control in the home office. Simul-
taneously we see various actual or prospective extensions of public
agency, replacing or restraining private agency. There is the "en-
dowment of research," which, already partially carried out by a gov-
ernment fund, many wish to carry further ; there is the proposed act
for establishing a registration of authorized teachers ; there is the bill
which provides central inspection for local public libraries ; there is
the scheme for compulsory insurance — a scheme showing us in an
instructive manner the way in which the regulating policy extends
itself : compulsory charity having generated improvidence, there comes
compulsory insurance as a remedy for the improvidence. Other pro-
clivities toward institutions belonging to the militant type are seen in
the increasing demand for some form of protection, and in the lamen-
tations uttered by the " society papers " that dueling has gone out.
Nay, even through the party which by position and function is antag-
onistic to militancy, we see that militant discipline is spreading ; for
the caucus-system, established for the better organization of liberalism,
is one which necessarily, in a greater or less degree, centralizes author-
ity and controls individual action.

Besides seeing, then, that the traits to be inferred a priori as char-
acterizing the militant type constantly exist in societies which arc
permanently militant in high degrees, we also see that in other socie-
ties increase of militant activity is followed by development of such

In some places I have stated, and in other places implied, that a
necessary relation exists between the structure of a society and the
natures of its citizens. Here it will be well to observe in detail the
characters proper to, and habitually exemplified by, the members of a
typically militant society.

Other things equal, a society will be successful in war in propor-


tion as its members are endowed with bodily vigor and courage. And,
on the average, among conflicting societies there will be a survival and
spread of those in which the physical and mental powers called for in
battle are not only most marked but also most honored. Egyptian
and Assyrian sculptures and inscriptions show us that prowess was the
thing above all others thought most worthy of record. Of the words
good, just, etc., as used by the ancient Greeks, Grote remarks that
they " signify the man of birth, wealth, influence, and daring, whose
arm is strong to destroy or to protect, whatever may be the turn of
his moral sentiments ; while the opposite epithet, bad, designates the
poor, lowly, and weak, from whose dispositions, be they ever so virtu-
ous, society has little to hope or to fear." In the identification of
virtue with bravery among the Romans, we have a like implication.
During early turbulent times throughout Europe, the knightly charac-
ter, which was the honorable character, primarily included fearless-
ness : lacking this, good qualities were of no account ; but, with this,
sins of many kinds were condoned.

If, among antagonist groups of primitive men, some tolei-ated more
than others the killing of their members — if, while some always re-
taliated, others did not — those which did not retaliate, continually
aggressed on with impunity, would either gradually disappear or have
to take refuge in undesirable habitats. Hence there is a survival of
the unforgiving. Further, the lex talionis, primarily arising between
antagonist groups, becomes the law within the group ; and chronic
feuds between component families and clans everywhere proceed upon
the general principle of life for life. Under the militant regime re-
venge becomes a virtue, and failure to revenge a disgrace. Among
the Feejeeans, who foster anger in their children, it is not infrequent for
a man to commit suicide rather than live under an insult — rather than
submit to an unavenged injury ; and in other cases the dying Feejeean
bequeaths the duty of inflicting vengeance to his children. This sen-
timent and resulting practices we trace among peoples otherwise
wholly alien, who are, or have been, actively militant. In the remote
East may be instanced the Japanese. They are taught that " with
the slayer of his father a man may not live under the same heaven ;
against the slayer of his brother a man must never have to go home to
fetch a weapon ; with the slayer of. his friend a man may not live in
the same state." And in the West may be instanced France during
feudal days, when the relations of one killed or injured were required
by custom to retaliate on any relations of the offender — even those
living at a distance, and knowing nothing of the matter. Down even
to the time of the Abbe Brantome the spirit was such that that ecclesi-
astic, bequeathing to his nephews the duty of avenging any unre-
dressed wrongs done to him in his old age, says of himself : "I may
boast, and I thank God for it, that I never received an injury without
l>eing revenged on the author of it." That, whore militancy is active,


reveno-e, private as well as public, becomes a duty, is well shown at
the present time among the Montenegrins — a people who have been at
war with the Turks for centuries. " Dans le Montenegro," says Boue,
" on dira d'un homrae d'une natrie [clan] ayant tue un individu d'une
autre : Cette natrie nous doit une tete, et il faut que cette dette soit
acquitte, car qui ne se venge pas ne ce sancitie pas."

Where activity in destroying enemies is chronic, destruction will
become a source of pleasure ; where success in subduing fellow-men is
above all things honored, there will arise delight in the forcible exer-
cise of mastery ; and, with pride in spoiling the vanquished, will go
disregard for the rights of property at large. As it is incredible that
men should be courageous in face of foes and cowardly in face of
friends, so it is incredible that the other feelings fostered by perpetual
conflicts abroad should not come into play at home. We have just
seen that, with the pursuit of vengeance outside the society, there goes
the pursuit of vengeance inside the society ; and whatever other hab-
its of thought and action constant war necessitates must show their
effects in the social life at large. Facts from various places and times
prove that in militant societies the claims of life, liberty, and prop-
erty are little regarded. The Bahomans, warlike to the extent that
both sexes are warriors, and by whom slave-hunting invasions are, or
were, annually undertaken " to furnish funds for the royal exchequer,"
show their blood-thirstiness by their annual " customs," at which mul-
titudinous victims are publicly slaughtered for the popular gratifica-
tion. The Feejeeans, again, highly militant in their activities and type
of organization, who display their recklessness of life not only by
killing their own people for cannibal feasts, but by destroying im-
mense numbers of their infants and by sacrificing victims on trivial
occasions, such as launching a new canoe, so much applaud ferocity
that to commit a murder is a glory. Early records of Asiatics and
Europeans show us the like relation. What accounts there are of the
primitive Mongols, who, when united, massacred Western peoples whole-
sale, show us a chronic reign of violence, both within and without
their tribes ; while domestic assassinations, which from the beginning
have characterized the militant Turks, continue to characterize them
down to our own day ! In proof that it was so with the Greek and
Latin races, it suffices to instance the slaughter of the two thousand
Helots by the Spartans, whose brutality Avas habitual, and the murder
of large numbers of suspected citizens by jealous Roman emperors,
who also, like their subjects, manifested their love of bloodshed in
their arenas. That where life is little regarded there can be but little
regard for liberty, follows necessarily : those who do not hesitate to
end another's activities by killing him will still less hesitate to restrain
his activities by holding him in bondage. Militant savages, whose
captives, when not eaten, are enslaved, habitually show us this absence
of regard for fellow-men's freedom, which characterizes the members


of militant societies in general. IIow little, under the militant regime,
more or less markedly displayed in all early historic societies, there
was any sentiment against depriving men of their liberties, is suffi-
ciently shown by the fact that even in the teachings of primitive
Christianity there was no express condemnation of slavery. Naturally
the like holds with the right of property. AVhere mastery established
by force is honorable, claims to possession by the weaker are likely to
be little respected by the stronger. In Feejee it is considered chief-like
to seize a subject's goods ; and theft is virtuous if undiscovered. In
Dahomey the king " squeezes " any one as soon as he acquires property.
Among the Spartans " the ingenious and successful pilferer gained
applause with his booty." In mediaval Europe with perpetual rob-
beries of one society by another there went perpetual robberies within
each society. Under the Merovingians "the murders and crimes it
[" The Ecclesiastical History of the Franks "] relates have almost
all for their object the possession of the treasure of the murdered

Online LibraryD. S. (David Samuel) MargoliouthThe Popular science monthly (Volume 19) → online text (page 96 of 110)