Darwin Pearl Kingsley.

Let us have peace and other addresses online

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO



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LET US HAVE PEACE



AND OTHER ADDRESSES



BY



DARWIN P. KINGSLEY



PRESIDENT OF THE
NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY



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NEW YORK

PUBLISHED BY THE COMPANY
1919



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CONTENTS

Page

Let Us Have Peace 13

Human Brotherhood 20

Life Insurance and The Century's Opportunity 27

A Man's a Man For A' That 38

Safety First Convention in Detroit 50

Democracy vs. Sovereignty 63

The Year 1916 76

The TrilogA' of Democracy 79

The United EngHsh Nations 96

The Declaration of 1776 and The Flag 121

Nineteen Seventeen and Peace 137

The Evil That Men Do Lives After Them 140

Life Insurance as a Vocation 148

Why We ShaU Fight 169

A Knock at the Door 178

Belgium 185

Peace 191

A New Charter of Liberty 194

Woodrow Wilson, Prophet 217

A Political Superstition 238

What Shall We Do With Victory? 253

Thanksgiving 267

The Proposed League of Nations 270

Peace at Last 288

Let the Trumpet Sound 291

Shakespeariana 305

Some JefFersonian Maxims 331

Life Insurance and The Supreme Purpose 342

Taxation of Organized Beneficence 358

An Open Letter 376

The Sin of The Church 386

The Relations Between American Life Insurance and American

Railroads 394

President Kingsley's Stewardship 409

Memorial to John Purroy Mitchel 414

Japan Society 417

On Taking the Chair as President of the Seniors' Golf Association 425

Falstaff's Defense of Age 428

The American Museum of Golfing Antiquities 432

In Praise of Age 436



DEDICATED

TO THE IMMORTAL MEMORY OF

ALEXANDER HAMILTON



FOREWORD



The addresses in this volume which discuss war and
peace and what seems to me to be an adequate post-
bellum program, are printed substantially in the order
of delivery.

This order is followed not because it shows my
reaction to the war in its various phases, but because
it may show the reaction of the average American
citizen to the facts as they developed both before and
after we entered the great struggle in Europe.

We traveled far between August 1, 1914, and
April 6, 1917. To give up our long settled habits
of life and thought, to abandon our belief that wars,
for us at least, were a part of a barbarous past and
not to be repeated, was spiritually and mentally the
largest task we had ever undertaken.

Then to take up the affirmative side: to disrupt
all the normal relations of life, to call all our youth
and young manhood to the colors, to send them three
thousand miles overseas, — involved changes that were
revolutionary. The mind that finally found expression
at Chateau Thierry and in the Argonne represented
a people separated by an almost unbelievable distance
from the same people on August 1, 1914.

How small the world! How interlocked its peoples!
Little we knew and less we cared about Sarejevo in
1914; but a pistol shot fired there in June of that year
lighted a mine which has well nigh blown civilization
into unrelated bits.



As I read these addresses again I see as I did not at
the time of their dehvery that the central thought always
struggling for expression was: What is the remedy?

That query first took form in "Democracy vs. Sov-
ereignty", the Chamber of Commerce address in
November, 1915. It was repeated in substantially
every later address. I find, too, that there are repeti-
tions in historical citations, in figures of speech, in
many things that would be absent if I had planned in
advance to put these addresses into book form. These
blemishes could not well be removed without too much
editing, and so the}' remain.

Now we face squarely the problems that had been
inexorably taking form long before the day the Hun
first outraged Belgium.

The address called "What Shall We Do With Vic-
tory?" states the great problem and suggests a plan
for its solution. The men who now control inter-
national suggestion offer a Plan — called a League of
Nations, and a Constitution for the proposed League
has formally been adopted by the Paris Peace Congress
and submitted to the Nations of the world.

Analysis of the Plan proposed reveals striking
similarities between it and our Articles of Confedera-
tion and Perpetual Union finally adopted in 1781.

Apparently the political leaders of the world have
learned nothing in a hundred years. The democracies of
1919 are in effect controlled by the same impulses, the
same fears that controlled the autocracies of 1815. With
the agony of this war still lying heavily on the heart
of the world, with a warning cry coming up from the
plain peoples of all the earth, with Russia in chaos
not so much because her people hated the old order as



because they hated war, with the glorious example of
our fathers' unprecedented achievement in 1787-9,
when they organized a Nation from Thirteen warring
States, the Peace Delegates present a document that
in philosophy at least follows the instrument which
our fathers adopted in 1781 and abandoned in 1789,
and abandoned in order to save their liberties.

On the theory that every citizen should encourage
any serious attempt to better international conditions,
it is not pleasant to criticise this instrument.

In my opinion the League proposed will produce no
lasting benefit, unless the confusion into which it must
lead shall compel the United States, the British Empire
and France finally to brush it aside as inherently
artificial and necessarily impotent. This would not
only create an opportunity but emphasize the neces-
sity of a union between the peoples of the three
powers modeled on our Federal Constitution. No
structure in which the units are sovereignties can be
other than artificial and a house of cards. History
proves this to the hilt. In any effective union between
States there must be the seeds of life and the possibility
of natural growth and that can be achieved only when
a union of States becomes a union of peoples.

Let us hope, as the Articles of Confederation in a
way prepared the Thirteen States for the Federal
Constitution, that this solemn covenant may prepare
the way for an instrument that shall work between the
nations which approve it the political miracle wrought
between the peoples of the Western Republic by the
Charter issued from Independence Hall in 1787.

D. P. K.

New York, June, 1919.



^ ^ ^ 'M draper ^ 'i' ^i-



(Whatever men's faith or lack of faith, whatever their conception of Omnipotence,
all men pray in times of crisis. Men are everywhere praying now. The men of
each nation pray in terms of their own ideals, their own liistory, their own suffering.
Few pray aloud, hut all pray. The prayers of our own people translated through sub-
conscious understanding, lift against the agony of Europe a great antiphonal which says:)



Hrj;i' tfjc people of tfjis fortunate lanb to cfjerigfj tfje ^nglo=
^axon tradition; to remember iHagna CJjarta anli 3^ot)n
J^ampben anb (S^liber Cromtoell; to repeat anb unberstanb
tlje l^ill of i\igt)ts anb tt)e declaration of 3nbepenbence;

Help us to re=bi?uali^e tJje jUinute iHen anb to fj^ar again
tfje notes of ICifaertp J!^ell; -h^^^^h^^'h^^-i-'i-

IlKLJ* us to feel some of tlje agonp tfjat seareb tfje souls of
(George ISastjington anb !3faral)am ^Lincoln;

Help us to gibe ebents anb men anb nations tfjeir just balue;
to be brabe enouglj not to blinfe facts; to be unselfisb enougb
to gibe material Success its just balue; to see clearlp, to
tijinfe logicallp; -i- ^ ^ -f 4^ * ►!« 4- i ^

HELJ' us to fenob) tprannp toben toe see it anb to bate it,
'^ anb especially i)dp us not to loofe atoap toben it confronts us;

Help us to fenoto toben bwnian libertp is in banger anb to
see tofjerein tbe banger lies; 'i''h'h>i''i''i'>b'i''i-'i''i-

Help us, toben tbe bour comes, to strifee quicfelp anb migbt=
ilp in its befense, eben tbougb selfisbness anb batreb of toar
tooulb bolb us back; Wit bate toar; mafee our \)att groto; ^ut
make us lobe libertp so utterlp, so unberstanbinglp, so unsel=
fisblp, tbat not eben toar anb its borrors can be as bibeous as
tbe front of tprannp; i\efresb our courage tbrougb memories
of 1776 anb 1865; ►{.►{.^^►^.►^►i.vj.^j-. + +

SA^E I Hi ^\it^ are noto betoilbereb, faUnbeb,

anb cruellp beceibeb; tbep are killing eacb otber h^ millions
anb tbep knoto not tobat tljepbo; ^^.^.^^^q.^.^.

us break boton tbe toalls of prejubice anb misunber=
stanbing anb bate tobicb bibibe ti)c sons of men; ^ut sboto
us also tbe better toap; sboto us boto to persuabe men, boto to
teacb tbem brotberboob; sboto us boto to keep our inbibibualitp
anb pet keep tbe peace. Cibilijation is noto toitbout form anb
boib anb barkness rests ober it:

\r u 11 us boto tbe spirit of buman brotberboob map penetrate
ti)t barkness anb faanisb it, eben as in tbe ancient faitb of tbe
J^ebretoS— tbe Spirit of (Sob mobeb upon tbe face of tbe toaters
anbsaib: " HettberebeXigbt; anb tbere toaslligbt"==;3men.

January, 1910



LET US HAVE PEACE



FROM THE JANUARY 1, 1915, ISSUE OF THE N. Y. TIMES




CONDITION and a Question mark the
entrance of 1915. The barbarism of na-
tional sovereignty, expressed by the word
"militarism", which has brooded over Eu-
ropean civihzation for forty years, has
finally asserted itself. Europe has gone back to the
age and the methods of Attila. The mask behind
which pohtical necessity and hypocrisy have lurked
has been dropped, and Europe is headed God knows
whither. From this condition springs the Question,
which is:

What will the United States do when the hour
strikes? Have we any program? Have our leaders
any program?

Although it is unprotected, and even unestablished
by any Constitutional declaration, nevertheless there
is such a thing as a world-citizenship, and this Euro-
pean horror can be ended, and so ended that it will
never be repeated, only by a definite declaration of
that citizenship.

We had no National citizenship as a legal fact when
the "Dred Scott" case was decided, and so we adopted
the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. Now
we have both a National and a State citizenship, and
we have learned after bitter experience that in the first

1 13



14 Let Us Have Peace

lies all our power, all our future, and, more important
than everything else, all our peace.

We have, therefore, in our own Constitution a model
for the world in this particular at least, viz: a citizen-
ship which reconciles and controls all the conflicts of
lesser citizenships. If we finally become a mediator
between the European belligerents, what folly for us
to attempt a mediation which aims merely to patch up
the usual form of peace, expressed in treaties, which
like all treaties of peace hitherto made, will merely
express the terms of a trade between powxr and neces-
sity, a compromise with the powers of darkness, hav-
ing written between all their lines the certainty of a
restoration at no distant date of the rule of unlimited
murder. We must do something better than that, and
our own form of government suggests what we should
do. We should offer to mediate on the basis of a
larger federation, ultimately world-embracing, in which
this larger citizenship shall be recognized. In this
Federation (not Confederation) the central authority
should operate directly on the individual and not on
the nations as corporations. The Hague Tribunal is a
Confederation. For that reason amongst others it has
largely failed.

It is only a few centuries since all men in nearly all
the relations of life were more or less savages. Now
the men of most nations are gentle, kindly, charitable
and just in all the domestic relations of life, but are still
savages in international relations. This fact brought
on the European war. The people of Europe did not
want the war. They to-day praj' for nothing so de-
voutly as that this war may speedily end and that
there may never be another. How may they and we



Let Us Have Peace 15

have that assurance? We can have it as soon as we
are wiUing to pay the price. The price, curiously
enough, is not to be expressed in money nor in Uves
sacrificed nor in the abandonment of anything that
makes for real national greatness. The only thing to
be sacrificed is pride; the only thing to be destroyed is
the cruel lie which lives in the existing conception of
national sovereignty. National sovereignty as now
interpreted denies that the citizens of one nation are
entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens of
other nations, \^Tiereas the affirmation that citizens
of each State are entitled to all the privileges and
immunities of citizens of other States is one of the
fundamental and one of the greatest declarations of
our Constitution.

Immediately someone says "The suggestion is Uto-
pian; it is most desirable, but utterly impossible of
achievement." But is it? May it not be almost as
easy and as simple as Columbus's demonstration of
how to make an egg stand on end? With the example
of this Republic before us, in which forty-eight States
retain their local government, their local pride, their
local institutions, even their local ambitions, and are
nevertheless happy, progressive and reasonably just to
each other under the aegis of the Constitution, is it
visionary to claim that the same thing can be done by
a dozen nations, if the peoples of those nations really
want it done?

And it must be done, or this existing horror will
spread and we shall be its next victims. Nothing is
more certain than that.

Our obhgation to act as mediator, when the time
comes, will not be more imperative than our obligation



16 Let Us Have Peace

to present this plan. For us to mediate on any other
basis would be an admission that our loud assertions
of man's inalienable rights, from Washington and Jef-
ferson to Woodrow Wilson, have been httle better than
mere mouthings.

There are, too, practical and selfish considerations.
Unless we do this, and unless in some fashion we
persuade Europe to accept it, we must ourselves be-
come a great military and naval power. As LjTiian
Abbott said recently: "'We cannot assume that there
are no burglars in New York and therefore disband
the poUce." And while the law of murder continues
to rule international relations, we cannot assume that
we shall never become its \"ictims or that we shall
never practice it.

If we advance such a program and fail, we fail.. The
world will be no worse for our failure. But if we
succeed, if we partially succeed, no such service to
humanity will have been rendered by any people at
any time since ci^'ilized government began.

President Wilson should immediateh' call together
representatives of all civilized and neutral nations and
with them formulate a plan. The warring nations of
Europe would listen to any plan presented from such a
source; and can it be doubted that the suffering peo-
ples of these fighting nations would make an unmis-
takable response to such a proposal? That response
might almost instantly silence every gun. Those im-
plements of death are now speaking because in some
fashion the people of the belligerent nations have con-
sented that they shall speak. Once establish a world-
citizenship under such a Federation and the people of
Germany would regard war on France, and the people



Let Us Have Peace 17

of France would regard war on Germany, with the
horror that would seize us if Xew York undertook to
make war on Pennsylvania.

Re\'iew the conditions in the Thirteen Colonies in
1787, and ask if it would probably now be any more
difficult to establish this relationship between the peo-
ples of the world, than it was to harmonize the hatreds
and jealousies of the Thirteen Colonies under the con-
ditions that existed a centur}' and a quarter ago. Then
there was no really great example: it was indeed the
great experiment. The Fathers had to feel their way
and the}' stumbled badly. We had to fight one of the
most unnecessary, cruel and bloody wars in all history
before we finally estabhshed this citizenship. It is now
no longer a mere theory. It is a great fact, an idea
that rules a continent, that controls the interstate
relations of forty-eight States many of which in extent.
and a few in population and wealth, surpass some of
the warring nations. It was more reasonable in 1787
to say that it could not be done by the Thirteen Colo-
nies than it is in 1915 to say that it cannot be done bj^
the whole ci\-ilized world, or at least by the peoples of
the Anglo-Saxon world.

It ought to be done because there is no other way to
an honorable and enduring peace: it can be done
because it has already been done here.

We should not wait for the opportunity which Fate
may or may not thrust directly upon us. In the name
of our own Liberty and for the sake of suffering man-
kind, President Wilson should act at once.



18 Let Us Have Peace

The Seattle Daily Times, Thursday Evening, Jan. 28, 1915.



A NEW "LOCKSLEY HALL"

When Tennyson wrote "Locksley Hall" there was recorded a
vision in which the poet-prophet foresaw the day when all man-
kind would be at peace.

The thought has taken powerful root; nor can it be extirpated
by the mockerv' in 1915 of the most extensive and destructive war-
fare the world has ever seen.

Alfred Lord Tennyson has been dead for more than twenty
years — but the great idea he implanted is thriving to-day.

Its latest expression has come from the pen of Darwin P.
Kingsley, President of the New York Life Insurance Company.
In lieu of his usual letter, Januarys 1, he gave forth a New Year's
disquisition called "Let Us Have Peace".

It foresees a change in the attitude of mankind — in the races of
the world, each toward all the others. It recognizes that the
nationality of to-day guarantees a citizen's rights up to national
borders and beyond that point there is an extraterritorial guar-
antee based on so-called International Law.

But International Law is merely a weak and worthy attempt
"to soften the asperities of the barbarism which, in the last analysis,
controls international relations".

President Kingslej' takes the ground that there is now such a
thing as "world-citizenship", although it is unprotected and even
unestablished by any constitutional declaration; and he declares
that th^ European horror can be ended — and so ended that it wiU
never be repeated — only by a definite declaration of that citizen-
ship.

If America become a mediator, what folly to patch up the usual
form of peace, in treaties expressing merely the terms of a trade
between power and necessity, a compromise with the powers of
darkness, with the certainty of restoring at no distant date the
rule of unlimited murder!

There must be something better — a mediation on the basis of a
world-embracing federation, in which world-citizenship shall be
recognized, in which the central authority shall operate directly on
the individual and not on the nations as corporations.

The Hague Tribunal is confederation — not a federation; and
for that reason it has largely failed. President Kingsley says:

"It is only a few centuries since all men in nearly all the rela-
tions of life were more or less savages. Now men are gentle,
kindh', charitable and just in all other relations of life, but are still
savages in their international relations.

"This fact brought on the European war. The people of
Europe did not want war. They to-day pray for nothing so de-
voutly as that this war may speedily end and that there may never
be another.

"How can they and we have that assurance? We can have it
as soon as we are willing to pay the price. The price, curiously
enough, is not to be expressed in money nor in lives sacrificed nor



Let Us Have Peace 19

in the abandonment of anything that makes for real national
greatness.

"The only thing to be sacrificed is pride; the only thing to be
destroyed is the cruel lie which lives in the existing conception of
national sovereignty."

Just this sacrifice has been made by the States of the American
Union. World-citizenship, once established, would make impos-
sible a war between France and Germany — with the same horror
that would seize the American people if New York undertook to
make war on Pennsylvania.

World-citizenship and Federation is the Vision of Kingsley.
But it was Tennyson who wrote :

For I dipt into the future, far as human eye could see.
Saw the Vision of the world, and all the wonder that would be;
Saw the heavens filled with commerce, argosies of magic sails,
Pilots of the purple twilight, dropping down with costly bales;
Heard the heavens filled with shouting, and there rained a ghastly

dew
From the nations' airy navies grappling in the central blue ;
Far along the world-wide whisper of the south-wind rushing warm,
With the standards of the people plunging through the thunder

storm;
Till the war-drum throbbed no longer, and the battle-flags were

furled
In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World!

The "airy navies" are here. Speed the day when World-Citi-
zenship and Federation be realized!



HUMAN BROTHERHOOD
AN UNEXPLORED CONTINENT



FROM AMERICA TO JAPAN
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, MAY, 1915




, AVAGERY and Sovereignty, pronounced
"^ in conversation, strike the ear not dissim-



ilarly. Savagery represents the natural
fj action of human units in a lawless world

— a primitive and unci\'ilized condition of
society. Sovereignty is supposed to be the supreme
expression of the authority that regulates organized
and responsible states. But, as there are many so-
called sovereignties in the world, and as the funda-
mental claim of each is that it is uncontrolled and
uncontrollable by any other, the impact of these un-
yielding forces on each other has created a new, an
irresponsible, a lawless over-world. This over-world is
lawless because sovereignty, being itself the law, can-
not, except by physical compulsion, be expected to
obey any law but its own and such limited obligation
as may be expressed in treaties. Under the pressure
of real or alleged necessity, treaties are frequently
ignored and sometimes openly \'iolated. The result is
that national units, in the exercise of their highest
functions, operate to-day in a world that is as irre-
sponsible as the world of savagery.



Human Brotherhood 21

Savagery and Sovereignty, therefore, not only sound
alike, but are alike in the social conditions which they
define. It is not an exaggeration to say that savagery
in a thousand years together was not guilty of such
crimes against humanity as have been committed by
sovereignty within eight months.

The abihty of any state speedily to enforce justice is
universally regarded as evidence of that state's title to
respect. When the courts of any country become in-
efficient, revolution is near; when they become cor-
rupt, anarchy is not far off. No country, ha\'ing either
inefficient or corrupt courts or no courts at all, can be
said to be a civilized country. In the over-world of
International Relations there are no real courts be-
cause there is no central authority, and naturally there
are no laws which can be effectively enforced.

Proximity and common ideals until recent times
have been controUing forces in the creation of nationali-
ties and of International Relations. International Re-
lations are no longer the result of geographic proximity
alone. Peoples are near each other now who may
physically be far apart and have few ideals in common.
Proximity and International Relations have been ad-
vanced by increased population and by a multiplica-
tion of nationalities, but proximity through the service
of electricity and its allies has outrun proximity through
increasing population, and to such a degree that from
the standpoint of human interest there are no foreign
lands. Japan is now involved in a war the physical
center of which is at her antipodes.

The world was politically several diameters larger
when the American Union was established than it is
now. Any word uttered to-day by a person in au-



22 Let Us Have Peace

thority in Petrograd, or Berlin, or Paris, or London, is
published in New York or Tokio before '* to-day" has
dawned in those cities. The Battle of New Orleans
was fought two weeks after the United States and
Great Britain had signed the Treaty of Ghent, because
the world was then so large. That tragedy could not



Online LibraryDarwin Pearl KingsleyLet us have peace and other addresses → online text (page 1 of 28)