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Nortl) American ftemero

ABBOTT, Rev. Dr. LYMAN. The Nature
of Prayer, 337.

Advancement of Teaching, The, 213.

America, The Great Minds of, 1,321.

Americans as Athletes, The Failure
of, 200.

Athletes, The Failure of Americans
as, 200.

Australia. Woman Suffrage, 55; The
Real Yellow Peril, 375.

Austria. Woman Suffrage, 60.

Author and Signers of the Declara
tion of Independence, The, 22.

Autobiography, Chapters from Mark
Twain's, 8, 161, 327, 481.

BASHFORD, J. L. Is Germany's Navy
a Menace? 225.

Belgium. Woman Suffrage, 57.

BENSON, ARTHUR C. The Loneliness
of Success, 394.

Morality, 257.

.BONSAL, STEPHEN. The Crumbling
Empire of the Moors, 262.

Books Reviewed. "The Poetical
Works of William Butler Yeats,"
92 ; Hardy's " The Dynasts," 94 ;
Dargan's M Lords and Lovers and
other Dramas," 95 ; Torrence's
" Abelard and Hgloise," 96 ; Mack-
aye's " Jeanne d'Arc " and " Sappho
and Phaon," 96 ; Wiley's " The
Coming of Philibert," 97 ; Howells's
" Through the Eye of a Needle,"
127 ; Haeckel's " Last Words on
Evolution," 130 ; Kebbel's *' Lord
Beaconsfleld and other Tory Memo
ries," 134; Baker's "The Develop

ment of Shakespeare as a Drama
tist," 281; Shaw's "John Bull's
Other Island," "How He Lied to
Her Husband " and " Major Bar
bara," 284 ; Dreiser's " Sister
Carrie," 288 ; Bielschowsky's " Life
of Goethe," 442 ; Jackson's " Persia,
Past and Present," 446 ; de Morgan's
" Alice-for-Short," 449; Mrs. Ather-
ton's " Ancestors," 607 ; Shelley's
" John Harvard and His Times,"

BRIGGS, Professor CHARLES A. The
Great Obstacle in the Way of a
Reunion of Christendom, 72.

BULLARD, Lieutenant-Colonel R. L.
How Cubans Differ from Us, 416.

Canada. Woman Suffrage, 67 ; The
Real Yellow Peril, 375.

-Carnegie Foundation. The Advance
of Teaching, 213.

Catholic Reformation, The, 581.

clusions of a Free-Thinker, 174.

Chess. The Game of the Future, 121.

Child -Labor Problem, The: Fact
versus Sentimentality, 245.

China. The Real Yellow Peril, 375;
The Ruinous Cost of Chinese Ex
clusion, 422.

Chinese Exclusion, The Ruinous Cost
of, 422.

Christendom, The Great Obstacle in
the Way of a Reunion of, 72.

Christian Religion. Evolution, Im
mortality and the Christian Re
ligion : A Reply, 195.


Coast Defences, 554; The Struggle
toward a National Music, 565 ;
Work of the Second Hague Con
ference, 576; Whittier, 602; World-
Politics, 144, 301, 467, 620.

Venezuela. Has the United States
Repudiated International Arbitra
tion? 525.

Whittier, 602.


Poetic Drama, 91.
WINSLOW, EEVING. Neutralization,


WILSON, WOODROW. The Author and
Signers of the Declaration of In
dependence, 22.

Woman Suffrage throughout the
World, 55.

of Americans as Athletes, 200.

Work of the Second Hague Confer
ence, 576.

World-Politics. Paris, 139; Washing
ton, 144, 301, 467, 620; London,
292, 453 ; St. Petersburg, 297, 459,
616; Berlin, 463.

Yellow Peril, The Real, 375.




. j 1



THERE is a branch of history which, although in our day
historians have ceased to deal exclusively with diplomacy, politics
and war, receives even yet, hut seldom, the separate and careful
treatment that might bring out its full significance. In a modern
historical narrative we are sure to read, not only about warriors
and statesmen, but also about the conquerors in the fields of
scientific research, in astronomy, physics, chemistry and biology,
about the inventors who enrich mankind with the practical ap
plications of scientific principles, about theologians, legists, men
of letters, painters, sculptors and architects. We still hear rela
tively little, on the other hand, about the men who stand in the
background, so far as any active part in public life or special in
vestigation is concerned, but who interpret more or less correctly
the meaning of current events, who direct more or less conscious
ly the general tendencies of their contemporaries, and who shape
more or less decisively the attitude of their generation towards
the problems of daily life. We can exemplify the place occupied
and the function discharged by such interested and alert on
lookers, if we recall the part played by Erasmus in the first
third, and, less conspicuously, by Montaigne in the last third,
of the sixteenth century; by Pascal in the first half, and by

VOL. CLXXXVI. NO. 622. 1


Hobbes and Locke in the last half, of the seventeenth; by Mon
tesquieu, Voltaire and Eousseau in the eighteenth; by Goethe in
the first quarter, and, so far as Britons and Americans could be
reached, by Thomas Carlyle and Ealph Waldo Emerson in the
third quarter, of the nineteenth century. The comments made
by such detached but watchful spectators of the drama unfolded
in the struggles, achievements and failures of mankind are il
luminative and helpful, because they are uttered from a coign
of vantage like the tower imagined by Lucretius as commanding
a wide prospect of a tossing sea, a view-point which enables the
observer to see social phenomena in their right perspective and
true dimensions.

In Western countries, no generation since the Kenaissance has
been entirely deprived of the benefit derivable from such im
partial commentaries and far-sighted suggestions; and, although,
from the instinctive disposition to extol times past, we of to-day
may conceive ourselves in this respect less happy than our fathers,
there is no doubt that we possess on this side of the Atlantic men
who, in a certain measure, at least, perform for us the same
useful function. Among them may be specified Goldwin Smith
and Charles W. Eliot, nor is it disputable that other names will
at once recur to the reader's mind. It is mainly as a commenta
tor on contemporary affairs, and on those historical events which
have a direct bearing on the present state of things, that we
purpose here to mark briefly the work done by Goldwin Smith.


By way of preface, the barest outline of a biography may be
desirable. To that purpose, however, we can devote only a few
sentences. Goldwin Smith was educated at Eton, after which
he matriculated at University College, Oxford, where he not only
gained a Double First (a first class in classics and in mathe
matics), but also the Hertford and Ireland Scholarships (which
attest a still higher grade of proficiency in the Greek and Latin
languages); the Chancellor's prize for Latin Verse; the Latin
Essay prize and the English Essay prize. Early in the fifties,
he was appointed, in conjunction with Arthur Stanley (subse
quently Dean of Westminster), a Secretary of the Eoyal Com
mission appointed to reform the Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge, and in that capacity was credited with doing more


than any or all of his colleagues to bring about the drastic
changes which revolutionized those hide-bound institutions. In
1858, he was made Eegius Professor of Modern History, the
office which was to be filled successively by his coevals, Stubbs,
Freeman and Froude. An unflinching and outspoken champion
of the North during our Civil War, he visited the United States
in 1868; resigned his post at Oxford to become Honorary Pro
fessor of English and Constitutional History in Cornell Uni
versity; and in 1871 went to Canada, where he has since resided.

The list of his published writings is suggestive of the habitual
drift of his thought. In the long catalogue, perhaps three works
should be specifically mentioned as being the most widely known,
the most influential, and the most likely to prove durable, to wit,
his "Political History of the United Kingdom"; his "Political
History of the United States," which is rather a philosophical
disquisition than a pictorial narrative, and for that very rea
son possesses a peculiar value; and, finally, the compact but
full-freighted volume entitled " Essays on Questions of the Day."

In a long-remembered course of lectures, delivered at Oxford,
on the statesmen of the Commonwealth, the substance of which is
reproduced concisely in " The History of the United King
dom," Goldwin Smith anticipated Carlyle in forming and
impressing conceptions of Eliot, Pym, Hampden and, above
all, of Cromwell, which are now generally accepted as correct.
Singularly enlightening is his answer to the question, What
did Pym and Hampden mean to do with the Church and Com
monwealth when they had beaten the King ? " The Church, of
course, they meant to make Puritan, probably with an episcopate
unmitred and reduced in power;" a counterpart, in fact, of what
we see in the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States;
for neither Pym nor Hampden was, in principle, opposed, as the
Presbyterians and Independents were, to that form of church
government. "As to the Commonwealth, both of them were
monarchists, though they wished to put the monarch under
parliamentary control." Yet they could never have set Charles
I again upon his throne. The conviction, founded upon repeated
experience, that no faith could be put in his pledges and con
cessions, however solemn, was their motive and justification for
drawing the sword. To what expedient, then, must they eventu
ally have had recourse ? The reply is : " Probably, they would


have done what was done by their political heirs in 1688; they
would have kept the monarchy, but changed the dynasty. Lewis,
the young Elector-Palatine, son of the Protestant idol, the Elec-
tress Elizabeth, had appeared in England, and the eyes of the
people had been turned to him." To Goldwin Smith, therefore,
it seems not unlikely that, had the party of Pym and Hampden
prevailed, the young Elector might have been called to the con
stitutional throne, to which the patriots of 1688 called William
of Orange. Of Cromwell in the same work we read that "he
had no love of sabre-sway. Like Caesar, unlike Napoleon, he
had been a politician before he was a soldier, and he had always
shown himself loyal in principle to the supremacy of the civil
power." Goldwin Smith's researches led him to conclude that
Cromwell's aim may fairly be said to have been, " after the clos
ing of the wounds of the Civil War by amnesty, to resettle the
Government on a broad national basis," in accordance with the
habits and traditions of the people, securing to the nation at the
same time the substantial objects, religious and political, the
religious objects, above all, for which the civil sword had been
drawn. "From the conference which Cromwell held at the
critical moment with leading men, soldiers and lawyers, to take
soundings of opinion as to the settlement of the Constitution, it
appears that his own leaning was in favor of something mon
archical, whether with the old or with a new name." Herein
Goldwin Smith can see no apostasy. Cromwell had drawn his
sword in a religious cause, with which the cause of civil liberty
was identified, but had never proclaimed himself a republican,
though he had republicans among his brethren in arms, and had,
no doubt, listened to them with sympathy, and, perhaps, flattered
their aspirations. Evidently, he had been willing to restore the
King, if the King could have been bound effectually to mend
his ways. " That Cromwell was still true to liberty, Milton, no
bad judge, must have been convinced when he wrote his sonnet.
Though the poet knew that Cromwell had suffered detraction,
yet over this, as over his enemies in war, he hailed him triumph
ant, and beckoned him on to victories of peace and to the rescue of
free conscience, whereof he regards him as the hope." In a
word, the true view of Cromwell's character is pronounced to be
that which represents him as raised from step to step by cir
cumstances, without far-reaching ambition or settled plan.


In the second volume of his history of " The United King
dom," Goldwin Smith brought out clearly for the first time the
essential and far-reaching difference between the form of federal
government created in 1867 by the British North America Act
for the Dominion of Canada and that which we see exemplified
in the Constitution of the United States. The difference is thus
stated in a nutshell : " In the case of Canadian confederation,
the national element has been from the first stronger than the
federal in this respect, that the residuary power which the
American organic law leaves in the States was, by the Canadian
Constitution, assigned to the Dominion." Moreover : " The Cana
dian Constitution, though framed in the main by Canadian
politicians, is set forth in an imperial Act of Parliament, sub
ject to repeal or amendment only by the same authority by which
ii was passed." The inference seems warranted that "a com
munity living under a Constitution imposed by external au
thority, and without the power of making peace or war, can hard
ly be said yet to have attained the status of a nation."

The outline of the political history of the United States
was recognized at the time of its publication as a marvel of
condensation and lucidity. In no other book, whether from the
pen of De Tocqueville, or from that of Bryce, has the same field
been covered so succinctly and so well. Of the five chapters
there are no more the first deals with the colonial epoch, the
second, with the ^Revolutionary period, the third and fourth re
view the history of the Federal Government to the outbreak of
the Civil War, and the fifth depicts the era of rupture and re
construction. Every page of the brief essay is enriched with
striking and incisive comments that challenge the reader to re
consider carefully, if not to change, his personal views of his
torical persons and events.


Among the living and urgent problems examined in the volume
comprising " Essays on Questions of the Day," none is now more
opportune and useful than that which considers the prospect and
the inevitable limits of social and industrial revolution. It
should be, of course, kept in mind that the standpoint of Goldwin
Smith is that of a Liberal of the old school as yet unconverted
to State Socialism, who still looks for further improvement, not
to increased Governmental interference, but to individual effort.


free association and the same agencies, moral, intellectual and
economical, which, have brought us thus far, and one of which,
science, is now operating with immensely augmented power. In
a word, Goldwin Smith accounts it the function of Government
to protect these agencies, not to supersede them. Obviously, a
writer of this school can have no panacea or nostrum to offer;
and, when a nostrum or panacea is offered, he will, necessarily,
be found rather on the critical than on the effusive side. He
will look for advancement, not for regeneration; expect improve
ment still to be, as it has been, gradual; and hope much from
steady, calm and harmonious effort, little from violence or revolu

Not that he lacks deep and fervent sympathy with the effort
of reformers to relieve the mass of working-men from social
and political disabilities. JSTo man with a brain and a heart, he
says, can fail to be penetrated with a sense of the unequal dis
tribution of wealth, or to be willing to try any experiment which
may hold out a reasonable hope of putting an end to poverty.
By the success of such an experiment, the happiness of the rich,
of such, at least, of them as are good men, would be increased
far more than their riches would be diminished. Only the
Nihilist, however, would desire blindly to plunge society into
chaos. Goldwin Smith sees that it is plainly beyond man's power
to alter the fundamental conditions of his being. " There are
inequalities, greater even than those of wealth, which are fixed,
not by human lawgivers, but by nature, such as those of health,
strength, intellectual power and length of life; and these draw
other inequalities with them. Justice is human. Where in
equality is the fiat, not of man, but of a power above man, it is
idle for any practical purpose to assail it as injustice."

No doubt the difference between a good and a bad workman
is, partly at least, the act of nature; but to give the same wages
to the good workman and the bad, as Communists propose, while
it might be just from some superhuman point of view, would
yet, from the only view-point which mankind can practically
attain, be pronounced by Goldwin Smith unjust, While the
limits, however, of human progress are thus clearly perceived,
Goldwin Smith is no pessimist. On the whole, his view of man's
future is a sanguine one. He keeps in view the fact that steady
industry, aided by the ever-growing powers of practical science,


is rapidly augmenting wealth. He can discern no cause for
doubting that thrift and increased facilities for saving and for
the employment of small capitals, will promote the equality of
distribution. " Let Governments see," he says, " that labor is
allowed to enjoy its full earnings, untaxed by war, waste or
iniquitous tariffs. The best of all taxes, it has been truly averred,
is the smallest. With equal truth it may be said that the best
of all Governments is that which has least occasion to govern."

Of recent years Goldwin Smith has evinced, now and then, an
inclination to turn his attention from political, social and eco?
nomical inquiries to the haunting problems concerning a future
life and man's relation to the cosmos. Some of his thought?
upon this subject have been set forth in " Eational Religion and
Rationalistic Objections"; and in "Guesses at the Riddle of
Existence." His specific view-point is that of an agnostic, but of
one who recalls tenderly and gratefully the beauty and the no
bility with which faith, in elevating and benign religions, has
dignified and embellished human nature. Of such blessings he
would hold fast to as much as is compatible with a paramount
reverence for truth.



PREFATORY NOTE. Mr. Clemens began to write his autobiography
many years ago, and he continues to add to it day by day. It was his
original intention to permit no publication of his memoirs until after
his death; but, after leaving "Pier No. 70," he concluded that a con
siderable portion might now suitably be given to the public. It is that
portion, garnered from the quarter-million of words already written,
which will appear in this REVIEW during the present year. No part of
the autobiography will be published in book form during the lifetime
of the author. EDITOR N. A. R.


[Dictated, October 10, 1906.] Susy has named a number of

the friends who were assembled at Onteora at the time of our
(1890 *) ^ 9 but there were others among them Laurence Hut-
ton, Charles Dudley Warner, and Carroll Beckwith, and
their wives. It was a bright and jolly company. Some of those
choice spirits are still with us; the others have passed from this
life: Mrs. Clemens, Susy, Mr. Warner, Mary Mapes Dodge,
Laurence Hutton, Dean Sage peace to their ashes! Susy is
in error in thinking Mrs. Dodge was not there at that time;
we were her guests.

, We arrived at nightfall, dreary from a tiresome journey; but
the dreariness did not last. Mrs. Dodge had provided a home
made banquet, and the happy company sat down to it, twenty
strong, or more. Then the thing happened which always happens
at large dinners, and is always exasperating: everybody talked
to his elbow-mates and all talked at once, and gradually raised
their voices higher, and higher, and higher, in the desperate effort
to be heard. It was like a riot, an insurrection ; it was an intol
erable volume of noise. Presently I said to the lady next me
"I will subdue this riot, I will silence this racket. There is

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only one way to do it, but I know the art. You must tilt your
head toward mine and seem to be deeply interested in what I am
saying; I will talk in a low voice; then, just because our neigh
bors won't be able to hear me, they will want to hear me. If I
mumble long enough say two minutes you will see that the
dialogues will one after another come to a standstill, and there
will be silence, not a sound anywhere but my mumbling."

Then in a very low voice I began:

" When I went out to Chicago, eleven years ago, to witness the
Grant festivities, there was a great banquet on the first night,
with six hundred ex-soldiers present. The gentleman who sat
next me was Mr. X. X. He was very hard of hearing, and he
had a habit common to deaf people of shouting his remarks in
stead of delivering them in an ordinary voice. He would handle
his knife and fork in reflective silence for five or six minutes at
a time and then suddenly fetch out a shout that would make you
jump out of the United States/'

By this time the insurrection at Mrs. Dodge's table at least
that part of it in my immediate neighborhood had died down,
and the silence was spreading, couple by couple, down the long
table. I went on in a lower and still lower mumble, and most

"During one of Mr. X. X/s mute intervals, a man opposite
us approached the end of a story which he had been telling his
elbow-neighbor. He was speaking in a low voice there was
much noise I was deeply interested, and straining my ears to
catch his words, stretching my neck, holding my breath, to hear,
unconscious of everything but the fascinating tale. I heard him
say, ' At this point he seized her by her long hair- 1 - she shrieking
and begging bent her neck across his knee, and with one awful
sweep of the razor '


That was X. X.'s interruption, bearable at thirty miles. By
the time I had reached that place in my mumblings Mrs. Dodge's
dining-room was so silent, so breathlessly still, that if you had
dropped a thought anywhere in it you could have heard it smack
the floor.* When I delivered that yell the entire dinner company
jumped as one person, and punched their heads through the
ceiling, damaging it, for it was only lath and plaster, and it all
*This was tried. I well remember it. M. T., October, '06.


came down on us, and much of it went into the victuals and
made them gritty, but no one was hurt. Then I explained why
it was that I had played that game, and begged them to take the
moral of it home to their hearts and be rational and merciful
thenceforth, and cease from screaming in mass, and agree to let
one person talk at a time and the rest listen in grateful and un-
vexed peace. They granted my prayer, and we had a happy time
all the rest of the evening ; I do not think I have ever had a better
time in my life. This was largely because the new terms en
abled me to keep the floor now that I had it and do all the
talking myself. I do like to hear myself talk. Susy has exposed
this in her Biography of me.

Dean Sage was a delightful man, yet in one way a terror to
his friends, for he loved them so well that he could not refrain
from playing practical jokes on them. We have to be pretty
deeply in love with a person before we can do him the honor of
joking familiarly with him. Dean Sage was the best citizen I
have known in America. It takes courage to be a good citizen,
and he had plenty of it. He allowed no individual and no cor
poration to infringe his smallest right and escape unpunished.
He was very rich, and very generous, and benevolent, and he gave
away his money with a prodigal hand; but if an individual or
corporation infringed a right of his, to the value of ten cents, he
would spend thousands of dollars' worth of time and labor and
money and persistence on the matter, and would not lower his
flag until he had won his battle or lost it.

Online LibraryDavid Graham PhillipsThe North American review (Volume 186) → online text (page 1 of 63)