David Starr Jordan.

The days of a man : being memories of a naturalist, teacher, and minor prophet of democracy online

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public opinion for the enforcement of decrees, rather
than on the employment of military means or even
of the boycott, the latter a two-edged sword cutting
first the hand that wields it. And I think that they
were right, for, as our fathers recognized in 1776 "a
decent regard for the opinions of mankind" is
a vital necessity in any enterprise, personal or

After a time, for reasons not made public, Scott
withdrew from the Department and the special
position he held was not continued.

Endow In December of this year also, Andrew Carnegie
mentfor established the Carnegie Endowment for Interna-
tional Peace, with a capital sum of $10,000,000.
Among the trustees was Andrew D. White, who at
once asked my advice as to the administration of the
trust. I therefore venture to insert here, as giving
my point of view, the following reply to White's

C338 3

My Letter to Andrew D. White

29 Beacon St.,
Boston, Mass.,

Dec. 24, 1910
My dear President White:

In answer to your kind request as to suggestions regarding the
best uses of the Carnegie Peace Endowment, permit me to

I think that large endowments should deal with large things,
and especially the promotion of forceful work of virile men.

Such work may consist in (i) propaganda by speech and
writing; (2) investigation into the nature, causes, and effects of
war; (3) the development of international law; (4) the develop-
ment of international congresses; (5) the promotion of inter-
national courts, arbitral, judicial, or both, with the insur-
ing of their permanence and effectiveness; (6) publication of
new material as well as the reprinting of the classics.

It is not well to scatter large funds among small objects. I
do not think that much will be gained by offering prizes for
orations, debates, or essays among university students or others.
Such matters are best handled by local agencies. I do not think
that the support of peace societies is a matter of first importance,
although the gift to those which are alive of a sum equal to
their collections affords a useful stimulus. In a general way the
work of one strong man for a great cause counts for more than
that of a hundred weak ones. It is well also to make use of
established agencies where such are found effective.
I. Propaganda.

The spread of sound ideas and correct information is needed
everywhere, and in each of the leading countries a tre-
mendous advance could be made by using the services of the
most effective speakers and writers for peace, at the same time
relieving them from the necessity of bread-winning through
other occupations. Outside certain routine secretaryships, there
is practically but one man in Europe or America who devotes
his whole energies to the work of peace Alfred H. Fried of

The men chosen for this purpose should be men of unques-
tioned reputation, professional and personal. They should be
able and tactful as writers and speakers, and they should be
students and investigators, adding constantly original material
to the subject matter of their discourses.

C 339 3

*The Days of a Man 1910

The Case against War is an indictment as tremendous as can
be made against any human institution. But this has never
been fully studied out, and but a very small part of it has been
used in the usual plea for peace. The propaganda should be
international, each man chosen to take part working in his own
way as best he can. The following names might well be con-
sidered among the possible workers in Europe:

Francis W. Hirst London

G. H. Ferris London

J. A. Hobson London

Christian F. Lange Brussels

Henri La Fontaine Brussels

Leon Bourgeois Paris
Ralph Lane (Norman Angell) Paris

Charles Richet Paris

Theodore Ruyssen Bordeaux

D'Estournelles de Constant La Fleche

Walter Schiicking Marburg

Karl Lamprecht Leipzig

Alfred H. Fried Vienna

Halfdan Koht Christiania

Jacques Novicow Odessa

Jacques Dumas Versailles

In the United States there are many men available for such

One phase of the propaganda should consist of courses of
lectures in the chief universities on the Case against War and
on the development of peace through law.

Another important line of work is that of the American School
Peace League and affiliated associations in Europe, through
which the ideas of peace and law are brought to the schools.
The development of rational textbooks in history after the type
of Green's History of the English People is a necessary part of
this school work.
2. The investigation of the nature, the causes, and the effects of

war is one of the most important matters to be considered.

This has several phases: (i) The historic use of war and war
scares as a weapon against democracy. (2) The cost of war
a study begun by Jean de Bloch, whose work needs revision,

C 340 n





My Letter to Andrew D. U^hite

extension, completion, and compacting. The civilized nations
of today, except the United States and Canada and certain of
the smaller nations of Europe, are virtuaJ'y in the hands of
their creditors. The interest on the war debt of Europe is
annually scarcely less than the whole gold reserve of the world.
This debt and its dues grow by leaps and bounds, as well as by
compound interest. The story of its origin, the frauds, blunders,
and crimes it covers, is almost unknown to the public. The
criminal uses of the deferred payment and the indirect tax, the
rise of the "Unseen Empire of Finance" and the crushing of
the peasant under constantly growing war burdens, need to be
fully studied and explained. Here, too, comes the final argu-
ment against war (3) the reversal of selection due to the
destruction of the young, the strong, the bold, the soldierly
elements, the parentage of the nation being left to those war
cannot use. The latest historian of Greece, Otto Seeck, dis-
cussing the end of the Peloponnesian Wars, says: "Only
cowards remained, and from their blood arose the new genera-
tion." The same story in one form or another has been repeated
by all the civilized nations. For two thousand years this has
been the most terrible fact in the history of Europe, the hidden
cause of the downfall of empires, the basis of the problems of
the slums, the basal cause of apathy, inefficiency, sterility, and
the "drooping spirit" of modern Europe. This matter needs
most thorough and accurate investigation, and no scientific
problem of the day surpasses it in interest and importance.

A minor study is that of the standing army, its relation to
militarism, to education, and to the spread of venereal diseases.
Other studies involve the moral evils of war, their effects on
society, on politics, and on the individual life.
3. The development and extension of the code of international
law is a most useful line of possible work.

Peace is the persistence of law, and bankruptcy armed to the
teeth is not peace. I believe with Leon Bourgeois, that "pour
nous approcher de la paix, la route veritable nest pas celle du
desarmement qui semble courte, mais que barrent des infranchis-
sables obstacles, mais bien celle du Droit, longue, aride et rude,
mais qui seule peut conduire au but. II y a dans le sentiment du
droit, une force incalculable."

4. Every year upward of two hundred world congresses of one

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The Days of a Man

sort or another are held, and each of these strengthens the bonds of
peace. In fact, through these congresses, -and through such
forms of international cooperation as the Postal Union, a most
significant form of world federation is already achieved. In
the work called "La Vie Internationale" at Brussels, Henri
La Fontaine, Alfred H. Fried, and Paul Otlet maintain a record
or clearing house of these international movements an
admirable piece of work; thus far chiefly a labor of love, but
which needs and deserves a permanent support.

The final end of all these efforts is the development and per-
manence of the work at The Hague, the spread of the idea of
law and right, and the final elimination of "unreasoning anger
from the councils of the world."

I hope that some, at least, of these suggestions may be help-
ful to you.

Sincerely yours,

David Starr Jordan


In the early spring of 1911 the recurrent problem
of the presidential succession again came to the front.
The insurgent reaction, to be later noticed, lent
hope to Democratic politicians, some of whom looked
champ beyond the popular idol, the amiable Champ Clark,
to a new stan dard-bearer. Woodrow Wilson, having
resigned the headship of Princeton University after
a rather stormy incumbency marked by his effort
to bridge differences between what one may call the
aristocratic and the democratic factions in that
once rigidly Presbyterian seat of learning, was mak-
ing a record as governor of New Jersey in suppress-
ing graft and promoting the interests of the people.
Being associated with Wilson on the Carnegie board
of trustees, I said to him once that I could conceive
of circumstances under which I might vote the
Democratic ticket at the next presidential election!

C 342 3

Politics in New jfersey

Not long afterward a Princeton alumnus in San
Francisco thought it a good stroke for his college
to invite Wilson to speak to the university graduates
in the city. But reaching San Francisco, Wilson
discovered that those in charge of the affair were
on the staff of a street railway system then in bad
odor for wholesale bribery of the city council. In A notable
his address at the University Club he went into address
detail as to his fight with Senator Smith and other
politicians of New Jersey; then in graceful language
which cut like a knife, he concluded to the following

It speaks most highly for your courtesy and tolerance that
you should ask me to address you and listen so patiently to
the exposure of corruption in New Jersey, while you are your-
selves engaged in the same sort of operations here in San

The meeting closed without incident, but afterward
in the cloakroom there were some of the maddest
men I ever beheld !

The first campaigns ror equal suffrage in Cali- Cam-
fornia were unsuccessful, largely through the queru- * aig J r
lous attitude adopted by leading speakers, who suffrage
based their main argument on the fact, true enough,
that women were still classed with " idiots, criminals,
and Indians not taxed," and in general oppressed by
"tyrant man." This was, however, not the whole
truth, and did not appeal to the voter who had done
the best he knew how and was personally inclined
to give woman whatever she asked. In 1911 the
question came up again under wiser direction and
with more telling effect; tyrant man had meanwhile
done some thinking and now voted for the State

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The Days of a Man

Amendment by a considerable majority. I myself
spoke for it in two counties, San Francisco and
Ventura, both of which we lost, the former because
of its large foreign population, the latter because of
the adverse vote of naturalized laborers employed
in the bean industry.

Taking The measure having carried, a delegation came to
r ^p nsj me to ask what immediate results the women should
seriously attempt to secure with the new power. I then sug-
gested that a study of the career of a certain well-
known state senator reputed to be the trusted agent
of corporations seeking "favor" or concessions,
might lead to some useful constructive effort. The
investigation over, they beat him at the polls -
although his district was regarded as the "safest"
in the city and elected Edwin E. Grant, an admi-
rable young man, known as a tireless worker for
social sanitation.

But the matter did not end here. When all was
quiet "the bunch" circulated a petition for Grant's
recall on the ground that his recognized activities
made him inacceptable to the district; and at the
special election then ordered the original incumbent
came out ahead because most of the women neglected
to vote again.
The This circumstance indicates the chief argument

absentee against the extension of the franchise. The absentee
" ntf

vote, discouragingly large among men, is relatively

much greater among women, and particularly so in
"by-elections"; it takes popular agitation to bring
out the body of the people. But this is not a conclu-
sive argument against equal suffrage, though it may
hold against the recall and special elections.

In its present form the recall is not a step forward.

C 344 3


19 1 IPest Lectures

Fixity of term of office is a fundamental policy of
our government. By the British system the execu-
tive group are members of the law-making body
and recall follows loss of confidence. There is much
to be said for either plan, but the two cannot be
effectively blended.

The open primary, another piece of "progressive" open
legislation, does not as now adjusted yield the de- P nmar y
sired results, the great cost of candidacy closing
the doors of office to all except those able and willing
to spend large sums of their own money or that of
their backers in self-advertisement.

In 1911 we inaugurated at Stanford a special
course of religious lectures to Jbe given at intervals
as funds permitted. In 1906 one of the seniors in the
University, Raymond Fred West, was drowned in
the Eel River, Humboldt County. In his memory,
his parents, Mr. and Mrs. Fred West of Seattle,
now established a permanent lectureship on the
general topics of "immortality, human conduct, and
human destiny."

The first West series was that by the Rev. Charles Jefferson
E. Jefferson of the Broadway Tabernacle, New York.
His three lectures produced a very profound im-
pression. Scarcely any one else who has ever spoken
at Stanford on religious subjects has left an equal

Subsequent courses were given by the Rev. Samuel
M. Crothers of Cambridge, the Rev. Hastings Rash-
dall of the Cathedral of Hereford in England, for-
merly preacher at Oxford, the Rev. Charles Lewis
Slattery of Grace Church, New York, Dr. John
Dewey, the distinguished philosopher of Columbia

C 345 3

The Days of a Man

University, and the Rev. Henry Osborn Taylor of
New York, student of medieval religion.
The con- Personally I have felt that talks to young people
*' ^ on the conduct of life formed an important part of
my own duties. During the many years of my
presidency I made to the graduating class a special
address containing some lessons, moral, social, or
political. Several of these talks I published in 1892,
as already indicated, under the title, "The Care and
Culture of Men/' This book being favorably
received, it met with a large sale. In 1905 other
similar addresses were gathered together in a volume
called "The Voice of the Scholar." But the entire
unsold part of the edition, together with the plates,
was burned in the earthquake-fire of 1906.
Beacon Still other discourses of this kind, some on com-
Bookiets mencement days, but more of them on various
occasions, were published as separate booklets by the
Beacon Press in Boston. Most of these I gave first
as extempore talks at different places in the East,
writing them out on the train while on my way back.
Their titles follow:

The Call of the Twentieth The Call of the Nation

Century Ulrich von Hutten

The Religion of a Sensible The Human Harvest

American College and the Man

Life's Enthusiasms The Heredity of Richard Roe

The Blood of the Nation The Story of a Good Woman

The Higher Sacrifice Unseen Empire

The Philosophy of Hope America's Conquest of Europe

The Strength of Being Clean War and the Breed
The Innumerable Company

In one of my Commencement speeches never
published I said :

A Confession of Faith

Every robust human life is a life of faith. Not faith in what
other men have said or thought or dreamed of Life or Death or
Fate, not faith that some one afar off or long ago held a key to
the riddle of existence which it is not ours likewise to make or
hold. Let us rather say: Faith that there is something in the
universe that transcends humanity; something of which the life
of man is part but not the whole; something which so far as
may be it is well for man to know, for such knowledge brings
peace and helpfulness.

For several years I gave a series of personal talks
to the boys in Encina Hall on the conduct of life. con f erences
These intimate conversations, first suggested by
Albert Coyle, a senior student, since in the Red Cross
service and later publicist for the Irish Republic,
were much appreciated by the boys, and, I am told,
of permanent help to many.

In 1913 I wrote at the request of the editor of The
Quad, the Junior Year Book, "A Confession of
Faith." This read as follows:

I am interested in a great many matters of good living and of
good government. I do not believe in waste, either of men or
money or health, and so I have used whatever influence I have
in behalf of peace, in behalf of national economy and national
conservation, and in behalf of clean and wholesome living
among men. No man can accomplish much that is worth while
if he burns his candle at both ends. And he must not burn it
too long at either end if he expects it to last through the game
of life.

And now, when my candle is fading a little, I am trying to
use its light for those things which seem to me best worth while.
Of those that come near me three stand out as all-important.
These are clean living, sound education, and fair play between
men and between nations. No one man can accomplish very much
in the world. All that is worth while is the work of thousands, each
generation entering into the efforts of the others. And no one can
do anything worth while unless he does his best. And to do his best
he must save all his strength. Every vile habit, great or small,

C 347 3

The Days of a Man t;i 9 n

takes away so much of our forces for action. The worst enemies
we have to fight are those within us. And there is no great
victory so satisfying as a conquest of the evil within. To have
the enemy all to ourselves, where we can get at him, fight him,
jump on him, and throw him out, gives us every satisfaction if
we succeed at last, and do not drift into the stream among the
deadwood of nonentities, whose service to the world does not
pay for their keep.

Because to be clean is to be strong, because every drug which
touches the nervous system cuts the nerve power, I am pro-
foundly interested in helping young men to be sober and pure.
I believe in fair play among men, and hence in the endless
struggle against precedence and privilege which we call democ-
racy. This is the people's country, and it is for them to be wise
enough and just enough to hold their own against all tyranny of
organized interests or of organized ignorance. And the final
outcome depends on the individual.

As the coat of mail vanished from European history almost
over night, so will the soldier and the warship vanish when all
men see clearly as you and I see now the wild, insensate folly of
it all.


Upon final re-reading of this chapter, already paged I see
that by some oversight on my part I have omitted all mention
(in the main text) of a delightful surprise arranged for January
19 of this year. On that occasion, my sixtieth birthday, the
remaining members of the "Pioneer" faculty of Stanford
presented me with a very handsome gold watch, and the accom-
panying memorial of appreciation lent even greater affectionate
emphasis to the unexpected gift. 1

1 See Appendix A of the present volume (page 783).

n 348 n


EARLY in August, 1911, accompanied by my wife, I off for
again set out for Japan, this time under the auspices
of the World Peace Foundation, though in response to
a semi-official suggestion from the other side. The
primary mission of my trip, therefore, was to carry a
message of neighborliness and good will. Secondarily,
I wished to study the temper of the people, and to
trace the current trend of Japanese politics. For it
was generally reported that after the war with Russia
the Japanese as a whole had grown very "cocky,"
regarding their nation as the equal of any on earth
and decidedly superior to most, while at the same
time the military group was pervaded by obsessions
distinctly "made in Germany," in which country
most of the higher army officers had been educated.

In all this I found a certain amount of truth. In
Japan, as elsewhere, those who expect to profit from
violence can always sweep the mob with them, and
the voice of moderation fails to carry far in critical
times. But my experiences led me to conclude that
no great change had taken place in the morale of
Japan as a whole.

Leaving San Francisco on the Chiyo Maru, a com-
fortable boat of the Toyo Kisen Kaisha (Oceanic
Shipping Company), afterward wrecked, we made the
usual stop at Honolulu. Here we were met by Mrs. At
Abraham Lewis and her husband, a Stanford " Pio- Hondulu
neer," now president of the principal local bank.
Motoring up the long slopes with Mrs. Lewis, we

C 349 3

The Days of a Man

visited the famous Pali, on the precipitous edge of

what was once a vast crater, half of it now occupied

by the sea. 1 That evening we were tendered a de-

lightful dinner by the resident Stanford group, sitting

down at a table splendidly decorated with tropical

An inter- flowers of cardinal hue. Afterward I addressed a

"courtesy ^ ar g e audience on World Peace, the ship being mean-

while detained beyond its regular hour for sailing, by

the courtesy of the local agents.

Among our fellow passengers were a number of
extremely agreeable people. With Mr. Nagai, the
Japanese consul-general at San Francisco, an agree-
able young man with a charming wife, we were already
acquainted. At the captain's table also was Mr. E.
A. Benians, a lecturer in History at St. John's College,
Cambridge, then on a journey around the world on
the Kahn traveling fellowship. Mr. Benians at our
invitation accompanied us for the greater part of our
trip through Japan and Korea. At Seoul he pro-
ceeded onward to Antung, Harbin, and Peking. This
was the beginning of a very pleasant acquaintance,
later agreeably renewed in Cambridge and London.
Eager Entering the harbor of Yokohama on the morning

reporters o f August 23, the Chiyo was boarded by a boatload of
about a hundred young reporters, all overflowing
with eagerness and possessed of an open-eyed enthu-
siasm in strong contrast to the blase cynicism often
affected in America. Their questions ranged over the
whole gamut of international politics, with side cur-
rents of Education and Natural History. Among
other things, they asked for a sketch of a fish, to be
reproduced in the daily press. For this purpose I
chose a big ray or skate, the one I had used for the

1 See Chapter xxvi, pages 5-6.

C 350 3

igi r| VPelcome to Japan

cartoon in "Eric's Book of Beasts," fitting the
doggerel legend, " If I were born a fish."

Some who could not get at me in the rush turned
to Mrs. Jordan with questions on matters presum-
ably more in her line. "What are the subjects mainly
under discussion in the women's clubs of California?
Do not the slopes of Fujiyama (the mountain being
clearly visible) symbolize for you the aspirations of

Finally Fukukita, then (as already stated) serving
as translator in the American Embassy, suggested
that I write out a sort of advance message to the
people of Tokyo. This greeting he turned into
Japanese for all the papers alike, thus replacing and
suppressing the many fragmentary interviews. The
fish sketch was not censored and was duly printed, to
be treasured, I presume, as a quaint example of
American art.

During the hubbub some one handed me a printed A too
schedule of eighty lectures I was expected to deliver z enerous

^^ "brO&T&Ttl

during my relatively brief stay; these extended over
the empire from Sendai in the north to Kagoshima
in the south. I said I was willing to do my best, but I
could not take any engagement which involved
broken nights or nights in a Japanese sleeping-car.
As a matter of fact, in the course of the summer I
gave sixty lectures in Japan and five in Korea, thus
falling short by only fifteen of the number so enthu-
siastically demanded.

Before leaving the boat all the cabin passengers Tea with
were invited to a formal tea party in the afternoon th f

i r-n/roA Asanos

at the sumptuous Tokyo residence of Mr. b. Asano,
president of the Toyo Kisen Kaisha. This was an

Online LibraryDavid Starr JordanThe days of a man : being memories of a naturalist, teacher, and minor prophet of democracy → online text (page 26 of 71)