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THE,



LOST CAUSE REGAINED.



BY EDWARD A. POLLARD

Author of "THE LOST CAUSE," &c.



NEW YORK :

G. W. CARLETON & Co., Publishers,
London : S. Low, SON & Co.



MDCCCLXVIII.

6 T









Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by
G. W. CARLETON & CO.

In the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern District
of New-York.



Stereotype of
Sunny side Preu



" Much ostentation vain of fleshly arm
And fragile arms, much instrument of war,
Long in preparing, soon to nothing brought
Before mine eyes thou hast set ; and in my ear
Vented much policy, and projects deep
Of enemies, of aids, battles and leagues,
Plausible to the world, to me worth naught,
Means I must use, thou say st, prediction else
Will unpredict and fail me of the throne :
My time I told thee (and that time for thee
Were better farthest off) is not yet come ; 9

"When that comes, think not thou to find me slack
On my part aught endeavouring, or to need
Thy politic maxims, or that cumbersome
Luggage of war there shown me, argument
Of human weakness rather than of strength

More humane, more heavenly first
By winning words to conquer willing hearts,
And make persuasion do the work of fear.
At least to try and teach the erring soul
Not wilfully misdoing, but unware,
Misled; the stubborn only to subdue."

Milton s " Paradise Regained. 9



CONTENTS



PAGB

INTRODUCTION, 13



I. REVIEW OF THE LATE WAR. STATESMANSHIP OP

THE SOUTH, 17

A question at the front of the Historical review How far President
Davis mal-administration was responsible for the results of the
War Lack of a distinct inspiration in the South Puerilities of Mr.
Davis His first design to take personal command of the armies
How it was defeated An incident of Manassas Resignation of
Mr. Hunter from the Confederate Cabinet Richmond, a Chinese
copy of Washington Mr. Seward, the arch-intelligence of the
war European opinions of Mr. Davis and his Administration A
glance at Senator Benjamin Mr. Davis in the prophet s robe
How he betrayed and lost public confidence The Emancipation
Proclamation not an act of statesmanship The two notable
triumphs of Northern statesmanship Inattention of the South to
the Anti-Slavery measures at Washington Peculiar crime of
Negro enlistments A reflection on the Confederate finances
Errour of the Impressment law Analysis of the opposition to Mr.
Davis Mr. Toombs explanation Wreck of the Confederate
transportation Private design of Mr. Davis John M. Daniel s
commentary on Yankees His suspicion of Mr. Davis Curious
mitigation of animosity towards the North Mr. Stephens suppres
sion of a proposition from Abraham Lincoln Par nobile of Georgia
demagogues Curious delusion of the South as to the recovery of
Slavery The African Church " revivals " A remark of Mr.
Hughes of Virginia Historical value of the fact that the South
expected generous terms of restoration What Reconstruction has
revealed.



8 CONTENTS.

PAGE

II. RECONSTRUCTION.
1. THE DESTRUCTION" OF THE WAR, , .... 53

Realization of its losses in the South Political "vivisection"
The material civilization of the North, the conqueror Its charac
teristic warfare A curious reminiscence of B. F. Butler The
"problem" of Reconstruction President Lincoln ^in Richmond-
Afterthought of the Republican party.

2. HISTORY OF RECONSTRUCTION, Cl

Need of a popular history of Reconstruction Declaration of the
. objects of the war in 1861 Practice of the war as to " existing
State institutions " Cases of Tennessee and Louisiana Three con
ditions of restoration President Lincoln on the "white basis"
Extraordinary proposition of Congress to disfranchise the Negro
Reconstruction policy of President Johnson Happy condition of the
country under it Gen. Grant s testimony Necessity of the Repub
lican party Its revolutionary sentiment and education Six months
of fruitless debate in Congress Violent premise of Reconstruction
Dogma of forfeited rights Constitutional Amendment, No 14 *
Hidden designs of this measure Trap of Thaddeus Stevens on I
universal suffrage A trick on Southern opinion President Johnson s *
. re-assurances to the South Reconstruction law of March 2d, 1867
President s veto Gen. Grant s interpretation of Reconstruction
History of the Convention elections in the South Remarkable frauds
in the registration The attempt of Congress upon the President,
as part of the Reconstruction scheme Analysis of this attempt
Three violent measures A historical remark on the Tenure-of-office
law The significance of impeachment of the President Its logical
identity with Reconstruction.

3. THREE NOTABLE ARGUMENTS, 85

The three arguments for the Reconstruction scheme of Congress
Senator Summer s early discovery of "dead States" A clear and
fundamental proposition Decision of Justice Sprague of Massachu
setts Estoppel of Congress from the doctrine of State forfeiture
Important decision of Chief Justice Chase on the North Carolina
circuit The argument of a "conquered country" Extract from an
English statesman " Occupatio bellica" The Constitutional guar
anty of a republican form of government Senator Summer s
ignorance of history Analysis of the Constitution with respect
to suffrage The general argument for universal suffrage Recent



CONTENTS. 9

PAGE

declamations of Thaddeus Stevens-A\. logical reply to them
Universal suffrage, as meaning Negro suffrage for the South A
brutal mockery of republicanism. >

4. A SPECIAL CONSOLATION", ...... 102

The Radical party vindicating the action of the South in the late
war A new interpretation of " Copperheads "Speech of George
H. Pendleton Two wars since 1860 : one for the Union, the other for
the Constitution President Lincoln s plea of necessity Precedents
of 1776 and 1812 Reasons for the war on the Constitution Extract
from an English publicist Identity of the Two Rebellions, 1776 and
1861 Extraordinary declaration of President Johnson Prophecy of
the " lost cause regained."



III. THE NEGRO QUESTION.
1. RETROSPECT OF SLAVERY, 112

The political question of the Negro resolved to one of natural
history Value of the fact of the specific inferiourity of the Negro
Its importance in a retrospect of the sectional controversy and war
The tribute of history to Negro Slavery in the South The equality
doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, so far from condemning
Slavery, obtained from the contact and influence of it The true and
only defence of Slavery Mistakes of Southern politicians Their
appeal to the Constitution in behalf of Slavery, a mean and infamous
one The important premise of the entire Slavery Question, the
inferiourity of the Negro.

2. INFERIOURITY OF THE NGGRO, 118

The Scientific Argument Divisions of the organic world Qualities
of a " Species "The law of hybridity The Negro, the base of the
generic column of Man No genus without species Limits of inter-
nnion between Negroes and Whites The Octoroon absolutely sterile
Uniformity of the type of the Negro The excavations of Cham-
pollion The Religious Argument Hypothesis of a Divine miracle
with reference to the Negro The Historic Argument The Negro hi
Africa Former civilization of the Nile A glance at Liberia Tha
idea of the inferiourity of the Negro, one of benevolence.
1*



10 CONTENTS.

PAGE

IV. THE TRUE HOPE OP THE SOUTH.
1. CONDITION AND TEMPER OP THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE, 120

The black thread of the Negro in the web of party Division of the
Anti-Slavery party into Abolitionists and Negrophilists Union of
these two parties in Reconstruction A new and enlarged edition of
the "Irrepressible Conflict" The proposition of Negro Suffrage
scouted in the North Elections of 1867 in Ohio, Minnesota, Kansas
and New Jersey The homogeneousness and political identity of the
nation risked by the Negro A curious comparison by B. F. Butler
between the Negro and an unfortunate beast The ballot, a fatal gift
for the Negro The "school" of Slavery Extravagant tribute of the
Republican party to the beneficence of Slavery The Negro obtained
his maximum of civilization as a slave Temper of the Southern
people on Negro suffrage The theatrical machinery of " the League "
Solidity of the Negro organizations in the South The elections of
1867 in Virginia A war of races imminent The prayer of the South
for peace Interesting statement of Ex-Governor Perry of South
Carolina The feeling of desp eration in the South Danger of another
and peculiar rebellion there The recent farce of Restoration The
lesson of Fenianism A warning, and not a threat, to the North.

2. "ALBA STELLA," 154

What is the true hope of the South? The new cause, or the "lost
cause " revived Abolition destroyed the barrier of races, the true
value of Slavery TheJJwar, as merely developing the ultimate issue
of constitutional liberty and of our political traditions "The South
Victorious" The lesson of patience Pessimists in Congress B. F.
Butler and Thaddeus Stevens Can the Constitution be recovered ?
Survey of our departure from it Peculiar conditions for judging
American history An incident of the Philadelphia Convention The
elections of 1867 Power of public opinion in our political system
"White," the winning word Declaration of Gen. Ewing Congress
translates the political controversy into a war for liberty Two parties
left by the war The fundamental idea of President Johnson s
Administration Review of it Horace Greeley and a New Jersey
correspondent Character of President Johnson His extraordinary
sacrifices of power and patronage His heroic attitude in Impeach
ment A bold and thrilling avowal Value of his example to the
South The nobility of Hope.



CONTENTS. 11

PAGB

3. -IMPEACHMENT, 177

The true revolutionary sense of the proceeding against the President-
Its relations to Reconstruction Errour of the Radical party Growth
of public interest in Impeachment Anticipations of "the future
historian" Value of Impeachment as a moral exhibition.



V. DUTY OF THE WHOLE COUNTRY.
1. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, 185

Three duties of the country Summary of the virtues of the Demo
cratic party Singular attempt of the Republican party, in 1861,
to appropriate Democratic principles Its return to Consolidation
Renewed appeal of the Democratic party to "time-honoured
principles."

2. THE GROWTH AND GREATNESS OF AMERICA, . . 190

Curious prophecies of Adams and Jefferson America in 1776
Retrospect of Mr. Jefferson s Government Two pictures at Wash
ington Three visions of an empire in America The Alleghanies,
the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean Summary of the present
resources of the country A lesson of the late war Value of the
physical greatness of America, as a source of patriotic inspiration
A new interpretation of the Union The peculiar danger of a revolu
tion against the Constitution A remarkable fact about European
Emigration The problem of America, territorial consolidation (not
political consolidation) President Johnson s tribute to the Union.

3. THE TRUE NATURE AND SERVICE OP THE UNION, . 203

The political novelty of the American Union No mission apart
from the States A curious reflection on political science Thomas
Jefferson s idea of "ward republics" Political decentralization in
America "The Union as it was," the logical expression of the s
"Lost Cause" The Union, as an object of idolatry Necessity of an,
element of reverence in our political system Consolidation more)
odious than Secession Power and certainty of public opinion arising)
out of the nature of the Union A new value of State institutions-
Public opinion, the supreme ruler and the last arbiter.




INTRODUCTION.



The author of the present work wrote a history of the recent
war under the title of " The Lost Cause." The fitness of the
title was singularly complimented, and the words have since
been permanently incorporated in the common language of the
people. The author now proposes a title yet more fit and
happy for the continuation of his historical work: "The Lost
Cause Regained." He does not hesitate to confess that a pro
longed and mature reflection has given him larger and perhaps
better views of the true nature of the recent war, and especially
of its consequences ; and he has risen from that reflection pro
foundly convinced that the true cause fought for in the late
war has not been " lost " immeasurably or irrevocably, but is
yet in a condition to be "regained" by the South on ultimate
issues of the political contest.

It is scarcely possible in any introduction to recite the

whole design of a literary work. But the meaning of a title,

which perhaps piques curiosity, may be fixed at once in the

mind of the reader by the following brief summary of propo-

\ sitions :

That the late war was much misunderstood in the South, and
its true inspiration thereby lost or diminished, through the
fallacy that Slavery was defended as a property tenure, or as a
peculiar institution of labour ; when the true ground of defence
was as of a barrier against a contention and war of races.

That the greatest value of Slavery was as such a barrier.

That the war has done nothing more than destroy this bar
rier, and liberate and throw upon the country the ultimate
question of the Negro.



14



INTRODUCTION.



That the question of the Negro practically couples or asso
ciates a revolutionary design upon the Constitution; and that
the true question which the war involved, and which it merely-
liberated for greater breadth of controversy was the supremacy
of the white race, and along with it the preservation of the po
litical traditions of the country.

That in contesting this cause the South is far stronger than
in any former contest, and is supplied with new aids and
inspirations.

That if she succeeds to the extent of securing the supremacy
of the white man, and the traditional liberties of the country
in short, to the extent of defeating the Radical party she
really triumphs in the true cause of the war, with respect to
all its fundamental and vital issues.

That this triumph is at the loss only of so many dollars and
cents in the property tenure of Slavery the $outh still re
taining the Negro as a labourer, and keeping him in a condition
where his political influence is as indifferent as when he was a
slave ; and that the pecuniary loss is utterly insignificant, as
the price of " the lost cause regained."

These propositions, we believe, sum a novel, and even
sublime philosophy on the political questions of the day.
They contain the true hope of the South ; they suggest a new
animation of a contest which lingers too much on mere partial
and contracted issues. The great difficulty of the Southern
mind is, and always has been, its extreme narrowness on the
Negro question. This intellectual defect, in a concern so im
portant and peculiar, is especially remarkable, when we con
sider what renown the South has obtained for her schools of
statesmanship, that she has contributed the largest and best
part of the political literature of the country ; nevertheless it
is a fact. We shall see further on in these pages that the
best of Southern statesmen had no clear ideas, either of the
nature or the object of the defence of Negro Slavery ; that they
were incapable of conveying distinct inspirations to the people



INTRODUCTION. 15

in the past war, which failed on the side of the South for this
reason as well as from material causes ; and that in the politi
cal controversy which has followed, they have exhibited a
pitiful want of due conception of the nature and magnitude of
the contest. It is indeed mortifying to witness the present
superficiality of the Southern mind, and to read the commen
taries of its statesmanship on the political situation. The/
reigning Radicalism at Washington is lightly treated as a
wanton and ephemeral display of party, or, in the most serious
mood of the Southern " statesman," is described after the
words of Emerson: "the spirit of our American radicalism
is destructive and aimless it is not loving it has no ultimate
ends but is destructive only out of hatred and selfishness."
The common mistake is in regarding as a wanton and aimless
excitement, without "ultimate ends, " as an extravagant epi
sode of party, what has really the depth and significance of a
great revolution ^a revolution of unbroken tenour and resolu
tion, proceeding by distinct and firm steps from the time the
Anti-Slavery party erected its first starting-post in the theory
of Consolidation, and made its first movement upon the Con
stitution of the United States.

We are living not in the excitement of party, but in the
solemnity of a Revolution. We are aware that it has often
happened that a people has shown but little cotemporary real
ization of the events of a Revolution ; history is full of pictures
of men buying and selling, and perplexed with the paltry cares
of every-day life in the midst of great political changes ; and it
seems indeed to be an unvarying law of the progress of human
opinion, that the true proportions of the crisis through which
it passes become visible only on retrospect. But in the case
we are considering, this popular dullness, especially in the
South, is unusually remarkable and excessively curious. The
imperfect appreciation of current events, and the degraded
estimate of them are so extreme as to claim a particular notice
and merit a signal rebuke.



16 INTRODUCTION.

It is to develope the significance of the present revolution in
the political affairs of America ; to pass in brief review its
history ; to show its coherent and dramatic design on the twin
subjects of Reconstruction and Negrophilism ; to deduce from
all a new and animating hope for the South, and to point the
path to the victory of the Constitution, that we have designed
this work.

If we may claim any particular merit for it, it will be found
rather in the suggestive than in the exhaustive treatment of
the subject. It is not a modest claim we make. We shall
consider, indeed, that we have attained some literary excel
lence, when we have accomplished what is really the superiour
office of the writer to suggest rather than to convey all the
thoughts which attach to his subject.

May, 1868.



I.

REVIEW OF THE LATE WAR.

STATESMANSHIP OF THE SOUTH.

A question at the front of the Historical review How far President Davis mal-adminia*
tration was responsible for the results of the War Lack of a distinct inspiration in the
South Puerilities of Mr. Davis His first design to take personal command ot the
armies How it was defeated An incident of Manassas Resignation of Mr. Hunter
from the Confederate Cabinet Richmond, a Chinese copy of Washington Mr-
Seward, the arch-intelligence of the war European opinions of Mr. Davis and his
Administration A glance at Senator Benjamin Mr. Davis in the prophet s robe
How he betrayed and lost public confidence The Emancipation Proclamation not
an act of statesmanship The two notable triumphs of Northern statesmanship In
attention of the South to the Anti-Slavery measures at Washington Peculiar crime
of Negro enlistments A reflection on the Confederate finances Errour of the Im,"
pressment law Analysis of the opposition to Mr. Davis Mr. Toombs explana
tionWreck of the Confederate transportation Private design of Mr. Davis
John M. Daniel s commentary on Yankees His suspicion of Mr. Davis Curioug
mitigation of animosity towards the North Mr. Stephens suppression of a propo
sition from Abraham Lincoln Par nobile of Georgia demagogues Curious delu
sion of the South as to the recovery of Slavery The African Church " revivals "
A remark of Mr. Hughes of Virginia Historical value of the fact that the South
expected generous terms of restoration What Reconstruction has revealed.

He who justly and intelligently reviews the late war from
the eminence of History finds at the front the serious and in
teresting question : how far its results are to he ascribed to
the relative personal administrations of the two Governments.
The author has an opinion, strengthened and assured by time,
and of which he will probably never be divested, that the
South should have won in the past contest by every rule of
historical experience, and according to every method of a



18 REVIEW OF THE LATE WAR.

priori argument, if the administration of her affairs had been
good, or even equal to her enemy s ; and that she essentially
failed for want of a statesmanship competent to energize her
resources, and especially to furnish her people a distinct and
well-defined inspiration to sustain their arms. The test of
such belief is obviously this : that at the time of the surrender
of the Confederate armies, the South was still capable of defen
sive warfare, if there had been a strong popular will to employ
all her resources the want being, not of material, but of ani
mation. There was still population enough to furnish an
army of several hundred thousand men ; there were accumula
tions of subsistence, remote and unavailable only through mis
management, which, by proper exertions, might have been
brought into use ; there were parts of the country immensely
defended by nature, where armies had not yet penetrated ; and
yet, in direct view of these resources, we find a war tamely ex
piring, without either of those final experiences almost uniform
in history a last convulsive effort or a resort from the open
field to such strong-holds as nature or art have supplied. We
know of no other instance in modern history where more than
one hundred thousand men have laid down their arms in open
fields to an enemy, and have ceased from war with a resolution
so sudden and complete.

Those who have known Mr. Davis well some of them com
panions of his retreat from Richmond testify that his last,
bitterest thought was that the South was abandoning the war
without having exhausted her resources. The unhappy fugi
tive President saw plainly means to continue the war ; but it
was the vision of Tantalus. He could not command these
means ; his power to animate was gone ; he could no longer
communicate inspiration to the people, and in this moment of



REVIEW OF THE LATE WAR. 19

anguish this moral paralysis he doubtless realized how his
inisgovernment had squandered public confidence, and how
terribly he was repaid. It is said his pale lips writhed and his
steps tottered, when, at Abbeville, South Carolina, he made
his last appeal to the five brigade commanders left with him,
and they received it in such silence as told him there was only
a response of pity in their breast. His faculty of inspiration
was gone. He might have known it when, two months before
this, his speech at the African Church, in Richmond, adopting
the Rev. Dr. Burroughs evangel, that " God had put a hook
in Sherman s nose, and was leading him to destruction," fell
still-born on the multitude, and was so neglected that but a
single newspaper in Richmond reported it, and that only to
make it the text of reproof. He might have known it when,
fleeing the Confederate capital in a haste so indecent as to
leave no souvenir of his departure not a word of farewell he
published a proclamation at Danville that no one noticed, and
that was never even read, after a respectful custom, for the
information of the army. If Mr. Davis had not been blinded
by vanity, if his eyes had not been sealed by the crudest con
ceits, he would have realized long before he did, that his power
to console and animate the people was utterly gone, and with it
every essential and logical hope of the war.

It was, as we believe, on account of a deficiency of states
manship in the South that the inspiration of the war was com
pletely lost in its last stages, and that it expired with such re
markable tameness. It is notorious that the people of the
South never understood exactly for what they were fighting,
and that on this subject they received only the most confused
instruction from their leaders. Some declared that the conten
tion was for slavery ; others that it was for independence ; and



20 REVIEW OP THE LATE WAR.

others again that it was for constitutional liberty, in which the
South did nothing more than represent the traditions of the old
Government. All these explanations were given at various
times, and Mr. Davis exchanged them as convenience served.
If, indeed, he had believed (as was his last confession) that the
prize was not slavery, but independence and liberty, it would
have been severely logical to have sacrificed the former to
have fought the war on the basis of the emancipation of the
Negro and thus have assured one of the most splendid suc


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