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sion of that province. She also got a lease of the great
stronghold and strategic position. Port Arthur, at the end
of the Liao-tung Peninsula, from which Japan had shortly
before been compelled to go, and which she now joined
with her railway by a branch line, and converted into one
of the strongest positions in the world. After the Boxer
outbreak in 1900 the Russians took complete possession
of Manchuria, and in the years which followed threatened
to advance farther and absorb Korea, which lay on the
flank of their communication between Manchuria and Liao-
tung. Not only had the Japanese long wished to obtain
Korea, but such was its geographical position, pointed
directly at the heart of Japan, that in the hands of Russia
it might be as dangerous as Belgium, in the possession of
Napoleon or the German Empire, would have been to
Great Britain. Quickly, therefore, a great conflict loomed
up. In February, 1904, the Japanese suddenly struck
and then declared war.

Japan was greatly inferior in resources, but she had a
modern army, with brave, hardy, and devoted soldiers,
and an excellent fleet. Russia, far stronger, with greater
army and fleet, was badly organized and poorly prepared,
and fought, moreover, at a long distance from her base.
Her communications lay practically over the one line of
the Trans-Siberian Railway. Japan was closer to the area
of conflict.

For Japan the first essential and the indispensable condi-
tion was control of the sea. The beginning of the struggle
found the Russian fleet in the East divided, part at Port
Arthur, part at Vladivostok. At once, before declaration
of war had been made, the warships in Port Arthur were




on land


the decisive

attacked and greatly damaged. When at last, some months
later, this fleet came forth to battle, it sustained a terrible
defeat, and the shattered remains were withdrawn into
the inner harbor. The squadron at Vladivostok was also
destroyed, and the Japanese held undisputed control of
the sea for a time.

Meanwhile, they had not hesitated to send a great army
over into Korea, from which an inferior force of Russians
was quickly driven. Then one Japanese army advanced
into Manchuria, while another went down the Liao-tung
Peninsula to lay siege to Port Arthur. Everywhere the
Russians were defeated. In September at Liao-yang was
fought the first great battle in which the fearful new de-
vices of war were used by large armies. The Russians
were entrenched in a fortified position, but after terrible
slaughter the Japanese drove them out. All the time the
Russians were being rapidly reinforced and they soon
turned upon their enemies, but they had little success.
Meanwhile, the Japanese attempted to carry the almost
impregnable fortress of Port Arthur by storm. Hideous
slaughter resulted, but after a long siege they won the
commanding position of 203-Metre Hill, from which their
artillery fire could be directed, and in January, 1905, the
fortress was taken. At the end of February the main
Japanese army, reinforced by the army which had cap-
tured Port Arthur, and now amounting to about 300,000
men, attacked the Russians who had nearly the same
number. In the next two weeks,* in a great struggle
known as the Battle of Mukden, the Russians were driven
back in complete defeat, losing a third of their number;
but the Japanese were unable to do that which they strove
for: surround the beaten enemy and destroy or capture
their army.

In all the principal engagements thus far the Russians
had been beaten. But bad as was their record they might
still hope for victory in the end, for whereas the Japanese



had brought into play noarly all their force, the Russians,
who were not yet vitally wounded, had used only part of
theirs. If they could get control of the sea, the Japanese
armies would at once be cut off from their base, and
quickly forced to yield. If this failed, then in a contest of
resources Japan might first be worn out. The Baltic
Fleet, what remained of Russia's power on the sea, was
already on the way around the world. After a long
voyage it drew near to the Sea of Japan, superior to the
enemy in numbers, but far inferior in equipment and
personnel. May 27, 1905, it encountered the Japanese
fleet under Admiral Togo in the Battle of Tsushima, by
far the greatest sea fight since Trafalgar, and one of the
most decisive in history. There the Japanese ships, with
superior speed and range of fire, took up the position
they desired, and performed the maneuver of "capping
the line." As the Russian fleet advanced in cohinm for-
mation, the Japanese ships at their own distance steamed
across the path of the approaching enemy, and destroyed
his ships, one by one. The Russian fleet was annihilated,
and Japanese control of the sea finally assured.

The war was not yet won, however. The Russian
army, constantly reinforced, was now stronger than at any
previous time in the war. On the other hand, what was
only suspected then but revealed later on, Japan was al-
most completely exhausted. If the Russians persisted,
time was almost certainly on their side. But domestic
considerations now caused them to lose heart and abandon
the struggle. President Roosevelt of the United States
attempted to mediate between the contestants, and their
plenipotentiaries met at Portsmouth, where a treaty was
signed September 5. By the terms of the Treaty of
Portsmouth Russia abandoned to Japan Port Arthur and
her rights in the Liao-tung Peninsula, gave over her at-
tempts upon jNlanchuria and Korea, and ceded to Japan
the southern part of Sakhalin, an island to the north of

Struggle for
control of
the sea

The Treaty
of Ports-
mouth, 1905



and disorder
in Russia

Terror and
uprising: the
Russian Re-
volution of

the Japanese group, and, indeed, forming an extension of
the archipelago of Japan. The enormous consequences
tJiat followed from this war, which even yet can but
dimly be seen, belong only in part to the history of Europe.
In the Far East Japan became the dominant power, and
presently seemed to threaten China. In Europe, so
greatly was Russia weakened that the balance of power
was completely destroyed, and Germany for a while
dictated the politics of Europe.

Russia had yielded to Japan partly because her resources
were strained, but mostly because such unrest and con-
fusion had arisen that the whole structure of her govern-
ment seemed near to collapse. The system which the
government had upheld by force, by arbitrary arrests, by
secret trial, by banishment to Siberia, through the power
of the secret police and the army, could be maintained
only so long as Russia was at peace. Now the government
was deeply involved in a distant war, which was never
popular, which most of the people ill understood, in which
patriotic fervor was never aroused. Had there been a
great success, the military glory abroad might have stilled
discontent at home; but when news came of repeated and
shameful defeats in Manchuria and on the seas about
China, popular fury burst out. So the radicals among
the workingmen of the towns, the radical peasants in the
country, the liberals of the upper and middle classes, and
all the oppressed peoples — the Jews, the Poles, the Finns,
and others — turned against the authorities; and in the
confusion of the war it was no longer possible to resist

In July, 1904, Von Plehve was blown to pieces by a
bomb. In the following February the Grand Duke
Sergei, reactionary uncle of the tsar, was assassinated.
Thereafter a great many murders of officials took place.
In the cities workingmen declared great strikes, and pres-
ently a general strike brought widespread demoralization.



In the country districts angry and ignorant peasants drove
away country gentlemen and noljle landlords, burning their
houses and taking their lands as peasants in France had
done a century before. In some parts of the country it
was diflBcult to operate the railways, and in outlying
provinces armed insurrections broke out. On "Red Sun-
day," January 22, 1905, a great procession of strikers in
St. Petersburg followed a priest to present a petition t(j
the tsar; but the troops fired upon them, and the blood-
shed aroused wild indignation and horror. During all
this time the liberals of the upper classes were demanding
reforms; and they along with many others insisted that
the war should be ended.

Nicholas II soon yielded to the general clamor. He
tried at first to satisfy the people with small reform. Some
concessions were made to the Poles, the Lithuanians, and
the Jews; presently Finland recovered her constitution;
and the arrears due from the Russian peasants were re-
mitted. But he was urged to summon a national assem-
bly; so in August, 1905, he proclaimed a law establishing
an Imperial Duma, or assembly, to advise him in legislative
work. He dismissed Pobiedonostsev and other reaction-
aries previously all-powerful, and appointed Witte to be
prime minister in the cabinet now to be set up. Then he
issued the October Manifesto which established freedom of
religion, of speech, and of association, and promised that
thereafter no law should be made without the Duma's
consent. A series of decrees provided that the members
of the Duma should be elected practically by universal
suffrage. The old Council of State, which had been much
Hke a king's council in the Middle Ages, was now clianged
so that part of its members were indirectly elected, and
it was made the upper house of the National Assembly
with the Duma as the lower.

These reforms had been yielded in a period of great
weakness. It was soon possible for most of them to be

The first
Duma pro-
claimed 1905

The October






The "Black

The first
Duma, 1906

taken away. The bureaucracj'^ of officials and most of
the powerful upper class were sternly against the conces-
sions. INIoreover, the reformers almost immediately be-
gan to fall apart. To the radicals it seemed that little
had been accomplished, and they desired to bring about
much more fundamental changes. The liberals divided
into two parties: the "Octobrists" were content with
what had been granted by the tsar in the October Mani-
festo, and they wanted a strong united Russia now under
his rule; the "Constitutional Democrats" or "Cadets"
mider their well-known leader Professor Miliukov, wanted
a constitutional government like that of England or
France, with responsible ministers completely controlled
by elected representatives of the people, and they ad-
vocated a federal union for the different parts of the Em-

In September, 1905, the war with Japan was ended. The
government was immediately relieved from much of its
embarrassment, and it had now a far greater military
force to be used at home. It was not long before the
nobles, great landlords, and reactionaries generally,
united, and becoming stronger, by means of armed forces
known as the "Black Hundreds," began to drive away the
radicals and undo the changes which they had accom-
plished. During the same time the tsar began to with-
draw the powers he had given to the Duma. In a
decree of March, 1906, he proclaimed that the fundamental
laws of the Empire were not to be within the power of the
Duma, and declared that foreign affairs, the army, the
navy were exclusively within his own jurisdiction. In
May, 1906, the first Duma assembled, but it was unable to
control the ministers, and after a bitter struggle it was
dissolved in July. The Cadets, who had made up the
majority of the body, would not accept the dismissal, and,
retiring to Viborg in Finland, called on the Russian peo-
ple to support them. But reaction was now running



strongly; many of the government's opponents were put
to death, and many more hanislied from tlie country.

A second Duma was assembled next year, but the op-
ponents of the government again controlling it, and
again seeking radical changes, it also was dissolved after
sitting for three months. The tsar n(nv issued a decree
by which the electoral law was so altered that control
would pass to the conservatives and the wealthy classes.
The third Duma, elected in 1907, contained a majority
willing to acquiesce in the government's policy. The
Duma, accordingly, remained a consultative body, much
like the English parliament had been three hundred years
before, which was, perhaps, as nmch as the Russian people
were capable of using in their stage of political evolution.
The Almanack de Gotha, with what the Russian radical
Trotzky described as unconscious humor, declared that the
government of Russia was "a constitutional monarchy
under an autocratic tsar." Under Stolypin, the principal
minister, stern measures were taken against the radicals,
and they were completely suppressed. Some reforms were
mdeed made. In 1906 the peasants were allowed to be-
come individual owners of their land allotments in the
Mir; and so far as this was carried out, it brought the old
communal holding to an end.

Such was this first Russian Revolution. Temporarily,
in the midst of the weakness of the government, it ac-
complished striking reforms, and was not unlike the first
part of the French Revolution long before. But it was
soon seen to be more like the Revolution of 1848 in
central Europe, for its movers were really too weak to ac-
complish important, lasting results, and it soon lost most
of its gains in the period of reaction that followed. There
was needed a mightier outburst, more like the destructive
part of the French Revolution, to quickly break the old
order to pieces.

What the future of Russia might have been had peace

The second
Duma, 1907

The third
Duma, 1907

Failure of
the Russian
of 1905



The years
before the
Great War

Russia and
the Balkans

lasted, whether the reactionaries would have seated them-
selves more firmly in power, or whether constitutional
progress would have gone slowly forward, cannot be
knoANTi. In the years between the Revolution of 1905 and
the Great War the country seemed to settle down ; slowly
the harsh measures of government were lessened ; the rav-
ages of the war were repaired; the army was strengthened;
a great appropriation was made to rebuild the navy; and
increasingly Russia took her place once more in European
councils. Again she became a powerful member of
the Dual Alliance, and presently settling her differences
with England, along with England and France made the
Triple Entente. Her expansion in the Far East having
been checked she turned again with greater interest to the
Balkans, coming there into more and more dangerous
rivalry with Austria-Hungary and the German Empire.
It was this clash of interests which produced the Bosnian
crisis of 1908-9, in which Russia yielded; the crisis of 1912,
occasioned by the Balkan War, in which she held her
own; and the crisis of 1914, which led to the War of the
Nations, m which presently Russia, Austria-Hungary, and
the German Empire all went down into ruin.


General: Gregor Alexinsky (trans, by B. Miall), Modern
Russia (1913), by a socialist; Maurice Baring, The Russian
People (2d ed. 1911) ; H. G. S. von Himmelstjerna (English trans,
by J. Morrison), Russia under Alexander III and in the Preceding
Period (1893) ; Ludwik Kulczycki, Geschichte der Russischen Revo-
lution, 3 vols. (1910-14), German trans, from the Polish, covers
the period 1825-1900; Alphons Thun, Geschichte der Revolution-
dren Bewegungen in Russland (1883); and for a book revealing
with peculiar ability and force the part of the ruling class, Kon-
stantin P. Pobiedonostsev, Reflections of a Russian Statesman
(trans, by R. C. Long, 1898).

The Jews: Israel Friedlander, The Jews of Russia and Poland
Siberia: George Kennan, Siberia and the Exile System, 2 vols.


(4th ed. 1897); M. M. Shoemaker, The Great Siberian Railway

The Russians in Asia: A. J. Beveridge, The Russian Advance
(1903); Lord Curzon, Russia in Central Asia (1889); Alexis
Krause, Russia in Asia (1897), hostile; II. Lan.sdell, Russian
Central Ada, 2 vols. (1885) ; G. F. Wright, Asiatic Russia, 2 vols.
(1902), best account.

Japan: F. Brinkley and Baron Kikuchi, A History of the
Japanese People from the Earliest Times to the End of the Meiji
Era (1915), best; Marquis de la Mazeliere, Le J upon: Ilistoire
et Civilisation, 5 vols. (1907-10); G. H. Longford, The Story of
Korea (1911).

The Russo-Japanese War: K. Asakawa, The Russo-Japanese
Conflict (1904); A. Chcradame, Le Monde et la Guerre Russo-
Japonaise (1906); A. S. Hershey, The International Law and
Diplomacy of the Russo-Japanese War (1906); A. N. (General)
Kuropatkin, The Riissian Army and the Japanese War, 2 vols,
(trans, by A. B. Lindsay, 1909); The Russo-Japanese W^ar, by
the Historical Section of the German General Staff, trans, by
Karl von Donat, 5 vols. (1908-10), it was the German military
experts who most thoroughly comprehended the lessons of this
conflict; F. E. Smith and N. W. Sibley, International Law as
Interpreted During the Russo-Japanese War (1905).

The Revolution of 1905 and the years following: Alexander
Iswolsky, Recollections of a Foreign Minister (1921); Maxime
Kovalevsky, La Crise Russe (1906) ; Paul Miliukov, Russia and
Its Crisis (1905); Bernard Pares, Russia and Reform (1907); S.
N. Harper, The New Electoral Law for the Russian Duma (1908);
Paul Vinogradoff, The Russian Problem (1914) Count Sergei
Witte, Memoirs (1921).




[Austria Erit In Orbe Ultima
Austriae Est Iinperare Orbi Universo
AUes Erdreich 1st Oesterreich Unterthan]

Motto of the Hapsburgs, adopted in 1443.

Ich bin kein Deutscher, sondern ein Oesterreicher, ja ein Nieder-
oesterreicher, und vor allem ein Wiener.

Letter of Franz Grillparzer to Adolf Foglar, November 1,

The Turkish Empire is in its last stage of ruin, and it cannot be
doubted but that the time is approaching when the deserts of
Asia Minor and of Greece will be colonized by the overflowing
population of countries less enslaved and debased. . . .

Shelley, A Philosophical View of Rejorm (1820, printed 1920),
p. 26.

Austria be- In THE seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the history

fore 1867 q{ Austria has to do largely with contests against France

on the one hand and contests with the Turks on the
other. After the downfall of Napoleon and the decay of
the Ottoman Empire the activities of the Austrian Govern-
ment were directed principally to maintaining the restored
system in Europe and Austria's primacy among the Ger-
man peoples. After her defeat in 1866 Austria settled
her most pressing domestic difficulties by admitting the
Hungarians to partnership with her German citizens in
the government, and forming the Dual Monarchy. Shut
out from Germany and expelled from Italy now she
turned her attention and ambitions from the north and
the west to the south, and dreamed of enlarging her do-



minion and expanding her power down the Adriatic and
down through the Balkans to the -^gean. For more tlian
a generation she was sueeessfiil, espeeially as she luid in-
creasing support from the German Empire as time went
on ; so that she added to the number of her subject Slavs,
and continued to increase her influence in Balkan affairs.
In all this her great rival was Russia, with whom at last
she came into fatal collision over one of the Balkan states.
In the Great War which then began she encountered ir-
remediable destruction.

By the Ausgleich or Compromise of 18G7 Hungary was ThuAus-
put on a footing of complete equality with Austria, and 6Jeich, 1867
given entire control over her internal affairs. There were
now two states, each with its own ministry, its owti parlia-
ment, and its own officials. They were to have one flag and
a single ruler, who was to be emperor of Austria and king
of Hungary. Thus they were to be united. But they were
also to be united with respect to affairs concerning them
jointly, such as war, finance, and foreign affairs, by a
joint ministry of three parts, these "ministries" to be
supervised by "delegations," or committees of the two
parliaments, meeting together alternately in Vienna and

This remarkable system of dual government, whieli Success of
seemed strange enough to peoples more uniform and
united, lasted successfully for half a century, and was not
destroyed until the Great War broke it to pieces. It
was, indeed, a very successful solution of the difficult
problem of holding together, under one government, two
peoples not like enough to unite completely, and not strong
enough to go their own separate way. Its greatest defect,
as was afterward clearly seen, was that it erected a
system of dualism in an empire where there were three
important races, not two. Hungarians and Germans
were largely content, but the more numerous Slavs were
not. Indeed, the Ausgleich was an arrangement whereby

the Aus-



Discord and

under the

a minority, the Germans in Austria, allied themselves
with a minority, the Magyars in Hungary, to hold in
subjection the more numerous Slavs whom they ruled.
And in after years it was to be seen that the Slovaks, the
Jugo-Slavs, and the Rumanians were just as discontented
with the Dual Monarchy as ever the Magyars had been
before the Ausgleich was granted.

The domestic history of Austria during the period 1867-
1914 was one of poHtical discord and much discontent on
the part of the subject peoples, but withal much advance
in prosperity and material greatness. The Industrial
Revolution, which had for a generation been changing
central Europe, went forward in the Dual Monarchy as
in the new German Empire, though it was far eclipsed by
the mighty progress there. Railway communications
were developed and great factories arose in Austria and
Bohemia, bringing industrial prosperity for part of the
people. During the second half of the nineteenth century
also agriculture in the fertile plain of Hungary was devel-
oped as never before there, until Hungary became one of
the great wheat-producing districts of Europe. Further-
more, public improvements were made, and education
was fostered, not as in Germany and in France, yet so far
that Austria-Hungary was one of the progressive coun-
tries of Europe.

The domestic politics of all this period were concerned
with the relations between the two partners in the Dual
Monarchy, and then with the relations between each one
of them and the subject peoples whom they ruled. By the
Ausgleich Austria and Hungary were joined together
under an agreement which was arranged for ten years.
Accordingly, once in a decade the arrangement was
brought forward for renewal, and on each occasion there
was more strain and confusion than a presidential election
caused in the United States. Each time it was neces-
sary to renew or rearrange commercial relations and decide


about apportionment of contril)ution.s to suj)port the
general government. Austria continued her inchistrial
development, while Hungary remained for the most part
an agricultural district. There was accordingly between
the two of them the same difference that had once
existed between the North and the South before the
American Civil War. In the Monarchy, however, the
interests of both were subserved by putting protective
tariff duties upon foreign manufactures for the benefit
of Austria, and protective duties upon foreign agricultural
products to benefit Hungarian proprietors. The propor-
tion to be contributed by each for joint expenditure
caused much difficulty. By the first Aii.sgleich treaty
Austria was to give 70 per cent, and Hungary 30 per cent.,
but forty years later Hungary's share was increased to
36.4 per cent., she having meanwhile enjoyed much ad-
vantage. More furious were the disputes which raged
about the question of the army. Like France, Austria-
Hungary, after the defeat by Prussia, adopted the system
of compulsory military service. Since unity was deemed
necessary in the making of strong military power, the

Online LibraryEdward Raymond TurnerEurope since 1870 → online text (page 25 of 49)