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races so as to make one stronger nation; but in Hungary
the Magyars planned to Magyarize the Slavic peoples,
while the Slavs in both Austria and Hungary — Bohemians,
Serbs, Croats, as well as the Rumans of Transylvania —
yearned to keep their own language and culture and even
to attain independence. In 1867 the Germans of Austria
had been forced to concede equality to the Magyars, but
the two then arranged to hold down the other peoples,
who remained as unwilling subjects. Even in Ireland,
where British conquest, apparently, had at last been
succeeded by assimilation, and where by 1850 the Celtic
language began to seem doomed to extinction, the Young
Ireland movement, a precursor of the present Sinn Fein,
was striving to preserve the old spirit and language, and
waken Irish nationality again.



National
feeling also
a disintegrat-
ing force



BIBLIOGRAPHY

The causes of the French Revolution: E. J. Lowell, The Eve

of the French Revolution (1892) ; Arthur Young, Travels in France
and Italy during the Years 1787, 1788, and 1789 (many editions);
Aime Cherest, La Chute de VAncien Regime, 1787-1789, 3 vols.
(1884-6); Charles Gomel, Les Causes Financieres de la Revolu-
tion Frangaise, 2 vols. (1892-3) ; Maxime Kovalevsky, La France
Economique et Sociale d la Veille de la Revolution, 2 vols. (1909-1 1)
excellent.

Political and social thought before the Revolution: T. F.
Rocquain, L'Esprit Revoluiionnaire avanf la Revolution, 1715-
1789 (1878), trans, by J. D. Hunting (1891); Henri See, Les
IdSes Politiques en France an XVIIV Siecle (1920). For the
great writers who assisted and interpreted the changes: John



'88 EUROPE SINCE 1870

(Viscount) Morlej% Diderot and the EncydojxBdists, 2 vols.
(1891), Voltaire (1903), Critical Miscellanies, 4 vols. (1892-
1908); Arthur Chuquet, J. J. Rousseau (1901). It is greatly
desirable that the student examine some of the writings them-
selves: Montesquieu, De r Esprit des Lois (1748); Rousseau,
Co7itrat Social (1762); Voltaire, Dictionnaire Philosophique
(1764).

The Revolution : the best of the shorter works is Louis Made-
lin. La Revolution (1911), trans. The French Revolution (1916).
Also H. E. Bourne, The Revolutionary Period in Europe (1763-
1S15) (1914) ; J. H. Rose, The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era,
1789-18151(1898). Of longer works the best is Alphonse Aulard,
Histoire Politique de la Revolution Frangaise, 1789-180^- (3d. ed.
1905.), trans, by Bernard Miall, 4 vols. (1910). Of longer works:
Albert Sorel, VEurope et la Revolution Frangaise, 8 vols. (1885-
1904); H. M. Stephens, A History of the French Revolution, 2
vols. (1886-91); Heinrich von Sybel, Geschichte der Revolution-
zeit von 1789, 5 vols. (3d ed. 1865-79), trans, by W. C. Perry,
4 vols. (1867-9).

Laws, constitutions, and sources: L. G. W. Legg, Select
Documents Illustrative of the French Revolution, 2 vols. (1905) ;
Leon Cahen and Raymond Guyot, UCEuvre Legislative de la
Revolution (1913), best. Of the sources there are two great
collections: Archives Parlementaires de 1787 a 1860: Recueil
Complet des Debats LSgislatifs et Politiques des Chambres Fran-
gaises, 127 vols. (2d ed. 1879-1913); P. J. B. Buchez and P. C.
Roux-Lavergne, Histoire Parlementaire de la Revolution Fran-
gaise, 1789-1815, 40 vols. (1834-8), containing extracts from
debates, newspapers, and pamphlets of the time.

Napoleon : H. A. L. Fisher, Napoleon (1912), is the best brief
study in English. August Fournier, Napoleon I: eine Bio-
graphic, 3 vols. (3d. ed. 1914), trans, by A. E. Adams (1912),
is the best of the longer works. Also, R. M. Johnston, Napoleon,
A ShoH Biography (1910); F. M. Kircheisen, Napoleon I: Sein
Leben und Seine Zeit, vols. I-III (1912-14); Frederic Masson,
NapoUon et Sa Famille, 12 vols. (5th ed. 1897-1915) ; J. H. Rose,
The Life of Napoleon I (ed. 1907), The Personality of Napoleon
(1912); W. M. Sloane, The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, 4 vols,
(ed. 1910); L. A. Thiers, Histoire du Considat et de VEmpire,
20 vols. (1844-62), laudatory. F. J. Maccunn, The Contem-
porary English View of Napoleon (1914), for much rare and
curious contemporary information,



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 39

The settlement of 1814-15: C. K. Webster, The Congress of
Vienna, 1814-1815 (1918), the best for the Congress; W. A.
PhilHps, The Confederation of Europe (2ci ed. 1919); A. Sorel,
Essais d'Uistoire et de Critique, 12th ed. (1884), contains ac-
counts of such leading statesmen of the period as Metternich
and Talleyrand.

Political Conditions and Progress: F. M. Anderson, Constitu-
tions and Other Select Documents Illustrative of the History of
France, 1789-1901 (ed. 1909); W. L. Blease, A Short Ilistonj
of English Liberalism (1913); Hans Blum, Die Deutsche Revolu-
tion, 1848-1849 (1897), best study of; Albert Cremieux, La
Revolution de Fevrier (1912), best account of the Revolution of
1848 in France; G. L. Dickinson, Revolution and Reaction in
Modern France (1892), excellent account in brief essays on the
period 1789-1871 in France; H. A. L. Fisher, Studies in Napole-
onic Statesmaiiship: Germany (1903), brilliant and admirable,
The Republican Tradition in Europe (1911); Evelyn (Countess)
Martinengo-Cesaresco, The Liberation of Italy, 1815-1870
(1895); Paul Matter, La Prusse et la Revolution de 18/^8 (1903);
Sir T. E. May, Constitutional History of England Since the Ac-
cession of George III (edited and continued by Francis Holland),
3 vols. (1912); W. R. A. Morfill, History of Russia from the Birth
of Peter the Great to the Death of Alexander II (1902) ; E. Ollivier,
UEmpire Liberal, 17 vols. (1895-1914); E. and A. G. Porritt,
The Unreformed House of Commons, 2 vols. (ed. 1909); G. M.
Trevelyan, Lord Grey of the Reform Bill (1920) ; Sir A. W. Ward,
Germany, 1815-1890, 3 vols. (1910-19).

National feeling: J. H. Rose, Nationality in Modern History
(1916).



CHAPTER III

NEW INVENTIONS AND THE INDUS-
TRIAL REVOLUTION

Nam instrumenta navigandi possunt fieri sine hominibus remiganti-
bus, ut naves maximae, fluviales et marinae, ferantur unico homine
regente, majori velocitate quam si plense essent hominibus. Item
currus possunt fieri ut sine animali moveantur cum impetu insesti-
mabili. . . . Item instrumentum, parvum in quantitate, ad elevan-
dum et deprimendum pondera quasi infinita, quo nihil utihus est
in casu.

Roger Bacon, De Secretis Operibus Artis et Naturce, c. iv.
(c. 1249).

Les conditions du travail subissaient la plus profonde modifica-
tion qu'elles aient eprouvee depuis I'origine des societes. Deux
machines, desormais immortelles, la machine a vapeur et la ma-
chine a filer, bouleversaient le vieux systeme commercial et f aisaient
naitre presque au meme moment des produits materiels et des ques-
tions sociales, inconnus a nos peres.
Adolphe Blanqui, Histoire de VEconomie Politique en Europe
ii. 207, 208 (1837).

The essence of the Industrial Revolution is the substitution of com-
petition for the medieval regulations which had previously
controlled the production and distribution of wealth. On this
account it is not only one of the most important facts of English
history, but Europe owes to it the growth of two great systems
of thought — Economic Science, and its antithesis, Socialism.

Arnold Toynbee, Lectures on the Industrial Revolution, p. 85
(1884).

Older con- DIFFERENT as conditions now are from what they were

ditions fifty years ago, the difference between 1870 and 1750 or

1789 is much more striking. In many respects conditions
in the second half of the eighteenth century were nearer
to what they had been five hundred or a thousand years
before than to what they were a hundred years later.

40



INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION



41



There were no railroads then, no steamboats, no tele-
graphs, no telephones. It was diffieult for most people
to get light after the sun went down or heat when the
weather was cold. Refrigeration or preserving of fo(jd
was scarcely employed yet. All sorts of inventions and
mechanical appliances, which later on were to make
life so much easier and more pleasant, had not yet ap-
peared. And above all, the machines which were to
revolutionize industry and transportation and make it
possible for the first time in the history of the world for
a great surplus of necessaries and luxuries to be produced,
had not yet appeared, except to some extent in England,
and even there were only at the beginning of their service.

By 1870 steam and electricity were the servants of man
and for him were performing countless tasks, though many
of the devices employed then seem very crude compared
with what came later. By that time in every important
country in western Europe machines in factories were
performing vastly more work than men unaided could
have accomplished, and were producing immense store
of manufactured things. By that time, through ap-
plication of machinery, means of transportation had been
so revolutionized that it was possible for travellers to
move quickly and freight to be transported more easily
than ever before. It was now possible for many people
in western Europe to get coal for heating their houses,
and artificial lighting was being generally used. News
was now collected quickly, and immediately disseminated
in great numbers of newspapers printed by machinery.
Such large alterations were then going on that the changes
in the nineteenth century have seemed greater and more
important than in all of the centuries preceding. These
alterations were most of all due to numerous scientific
inventions, and to the machines which brought about
the Industrial Rev^olution.

Rude steam engines, invented at least as early as the



Important
things lack-
ing there



Conditions
in 1870



42



EUROPE SINCE 1870



Transpor-
tation



Interchange
of commodi-
ties and
materials



Conveni-
ences in
dwelling
houses



end of the seventeenth century, were first used for pump-
ing water from mines. Many since forgotten probably
contributed to the development, but the invention is now
associated especially with the name of Thomas New-
comen (1705) and above all with that of James Watt
(1769). Many were the industrial uses to which these
engines were put in England. At the beginning of the
nineteenth century efforts were made to apply them to
moving vehicles on land and ships on the sea. Along with
several other inventors Robert Fulton, an American,
devoted himself to the making of a "steamboat," and fully
succeeded by 1807. In the next year Richard Trevithick
ran the first steam engine along a railway in London. In
1825 George Stephenson made a far more powerful loco-
motive, and presently railway systems connected all the
principal cities of Europe. In 1838 the steamship Great
Western crossed the Atlantic in two weeks.

The result of this revolution in transportation was that
food could be moved from districts where it was produced
to other places far away, with a speed never possible be-
fore. In like manner the materials for building and con-
struction were carried from the forests and the quarries
and the mines, making more easily possible the construc-
tion of great edifices, gigantic bridges, and public im-
provements, on a scale scarcely dreamed of before, as well
as a multitude of dwelling houses. And because of im-
provements in mining and the revolution in transporta-
tion, coal was easily procured to be used in factories for
manufacturing and to heat the houses in which people
lived.

The habitations of people were presently furnished
with more conveniences than had ever been the case in
the past. Not since the time when the great Roman cities
were provided with water brought through stone pipes
had men and women had plentiful supply. In the Middle
Ages and for some time after, even in the prosperous



INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION



43



cities and towns, people generally got their water from
wells and cisterns. There was seldom a sufficient supply
of water in the houses themselves. Such was the in-
convenience of getting it that most people washed them-
selves seldom. Baths were apt to be taken in rivers
when warm weather came; and a London apprentice
of the eighteenth century declared that sometimes for
six weeks he never washed his face. It was convenient
to be dirty; and in the Middle Ages some had regarded
filth as a sign of gotxiness. The result was the numerous
skin diseases, with which people were once tortured much
more than now, and the many epidemics and plagues
which came from dirt and unsanitary living. In the
latter part of the eighteenth century and especially during
the nineteenth, the great cities and even the more prosper-
ous towns brought plentiful supplies of water from some
undefiled source at a distance, and distributed it through
small pipes of iron into houses. The better heating now
made it possible to get supplies of hot water in dwellings,
something not easily done since hypocausts were used by
the Romans. This again led to greater cleanliness in
winter, and presently bathtubs of wood lined with tin
appeared in increasing numbers, and many people now
bathed as often as once in a week.

During this same time a marvellous change was made
in artificial lighting. In the absence of sunlight, alwaj^s
man's principal, and often his sole, reliance, torches,
braziers, candles, and lamps had been used at night by
those who were able to afford them. But down to the
beginning of the nineteenth century it was not even easy
to get fire or a light in the first place, since this was usually
done by flint and tinder or else keeping a coal alive.
Moreover, oil and tallow were expensive for most people
and not to be obtained in large amounts. About the end
of the eighteenth century gas made from coal was used to
Illuminate factories and homes; during the next fifty



Supply of
water



Artificial
lighting



44



EUROPE SINCE 1870



Machinery



The

Industrial

Revolution



years its use was widely extended; and poor and ghastly
as such light often seemed to a later generation, it fur-
nished good artificial illumination for more people than
anything before it. In 1782, Argand, a Swiss inventor
working in England, perfected a lamp better than any
previously used. Oil for such lamps now began to be
obtained in ever greater quantities, first from whales, then
petroleum from the earth, until more and more people
without gas supply could have what even now seems a
fairly good light. Then about 1827 certain Englishmen
invented matches, slender splints of wood dipped in some
material easily rubbed and ignited: an invention simple
enough, but affording as much convenience as almost
anything in the nineteenth century.

\^liile these changes, one after another, were effecting
so great a revolution in the life of Europe, and affording
to unnumbered common people conveniences previously
in the reach of the wealthy alone and often not to be ob-
tained at any price, another series of changes was trans-
forming life even more profoundly. These changes came
in consequence of the introduction of labor-saving ma-
chines, which made it possible to produce greater quanti-
ties of goods more quickly and more easily than ever
before, and which presently effected an immense altera-
tion in industry and in social relations.

The Industrial Revolution, as this movement has long
been called, began in Great Britain. During the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries there had been in all the
principal countries of western Europe much progress in
science and invention. In the eighteenth century, for
particular reasons, this progress entered on a new stage
in England and Scotland. The position of Great Britain
made her safe from foreign invaders, and there was already
very great wealth accumulated from business and trade.
A strong, well-organized government afforded security
and order, at the same time that the inhabitants enjoyed



INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION



45



protection of the law and had much individual freedom.
The old guild restrictions, by which industry had first
been regulated and then retarded, had passed away in
Britain much more than in neighboring Continental
countries, giving nmch freedom and opportunity for the
adventurous and those capable of embarking in new
enterprises. Moreover, the genius of the British people
tended particularly toward the practical application of
science and the making of things which would work for
some purpose. Above all, though before that time men had
paid little attention to it, Britain possessed huge stores of
coal and iron, and, what was equally important, they lay
in such close proximity that they could easily be used
together.

The Industrial Revolution began in England with a
series of inventions which revolutionized the textile in-
dustry. In medieval times good clothing was difficult to
make and expensive to buy. Notwithstanding that
princes and great men were splendidly appareled and had
abundance of fine raiment, the process of making clothes
was so difficult and lengthy that the multitude of man-
kind could not have many garments, and wore such as
they had as long as they could hold them together. The
fibres, cotton, silk, or wool, had to be slowly arranged by
hand, then patiently spun on a wheel worked by foot,
then the threads woven by hand into cloth. Relatively
to the number of people, not much cloth could be pro-
duced thus, save by disproportionate expenditure of time.

In 1738 an Englishman, John Kay, invented the flying
shuttle with w^hich weaving could be done more rapidly
than ever before. No great change followed, however,
since the thread used by the weavers was still slowly spun
in the old manner. But about 1770 a spinning "jenny"
or engine was completed by James Ilargreaves, in which
a number of spinning wheels could be turned by revolving
a crank, and a spinner could now make eight threads at



The old
textile in-
dustry



Revolution
in the
textile in-
dustry



46



EUROPE SINCE 1870



Spinning
machines
and weaving
machines



Immense
conse-
quences



The old in-
dustrial
system



once. As a result of these mechanical contrivances
manufacturers, that is laborers working with their hands,
in the old way, could accomplish much more than be-
fore. Nine years later Samuel Crompton perfected the
"spinning-mule" by which a great deal more thread could
be produced. The next large step forward consisted in the
operation of these machines by power. In 1769 Richard
Arkwright began to run his spinning engines by water
power. In 1785 Edmund Cartwright applied water power
to a weaving machine, so that one boy with the machine
could make more cloth than three skilled weavers without
it. During all this time the steam engine had been develop-
ing; it was soon used in the new factories to drive an in-
creasing nmnber of new machines, which were invented
for many different kinds of work.

These machines, especially the power machines, soon
brought enormous changes. In 1837 a French writer,
looking back over the progress which by that time had
become much clearer, declared that while his countrymen
had been passing through such great experiences in the
French Revolution, the English had begun their revolution
in the domain of industry. "Conditions of work," he
said, "underwent the profoundest modification which
had been known since society began." Not only could
immensely greater quantities of goods be produced, but
there arose a new controlling class, the capitalists who
owned the machines, and the position of the artisans
was soon greatly altered.

In medieval times manufacturing had been rudely
carried on in people's houses, or under the guild system,
in which masters, or small proprietors, worked them-
selves along with apprentices in small establishments.
In course of time the guilds decayed, and by the eigh-
teenth century in England had largely disappeared. But
manufacturing continued to be done in small estab-
lishments, mainly in the houses of the workmen them-



INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 47



selves. The man of the house wove his cloth or made
his knives or his shoes, assisted by his wife and his chil-
dren; or, where the guild system survived, the master
worked in the midst of the apprentices who under him
were learning the trade. During the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries this arrangement was being partly
superseded, especially in England, by small factories and
capitalism; nevertheless, most of the manufacturing con-
tinued to be done by the domestic system, in the houses of
the workers, many of whom were their own masters,
toiling for themselves. Where the master worked with
apprentices or hired workingmen the relations which
existed between them were necessarily personal, intimate,
and close. The father might be a little tyrant over
children and wife; a bad master might abuse or overwork
his apprentices; but there were many who looked out for
the welfare of their helpers, and this they were able to do
because they lived and worked in the midst of these help-
ers.

During the eighteenth century capitalism was playing
more and more part in the organization of manufactur-
ing, wealthy men paying house workers for their labor,
supplying them with the material to be wrought, and
taking from them the manufactured goods. The new
machines themselves at first involved no very great
change. The first machines were not very cumbersome
or costly, and successful workmen could buy them. The
heavy power machines, which presently appeared, how-
ever, could only be obtained by those who had consider-
able capital to buy them and put up large buildings in
which to instal them. Accordingly, in England, and
afterward wherever the large machines were brought
into use, the domestic system of industry was largely
crushed out. With the new machines the work could be
done much more easily, and nmch more produced, so that
workers under the old system could not long continue



Domestic
industry



The new

industrial

system



48



EUROPE SINCE 1870



Domestic
industry
crushed out



Depression
of the
workers



competition. For a while they would strive desperately,
working longer hours and selling their products for less
than they had taken before, but generally in the end they
failed. Most of them went from their cottages and
spinning-wheels and hand-looms to the towns where the
factories were rising, and asked for factory employment.
In consequence, the large class of small manufacturers and
masters dwindled away, and in their place arose a small
class of powerful and wealthy capitalist owners of fac-
tories with large machines. Over against them was an
army of employees working in these factories for wages.
Constantly the gap between employers and employees
widened, and less and less close were relations between
them. Once the master had known his men and worked
with them; now the capitalist employed hundreds of
"hands," with whom he often had little contact and no
sympathy and no acquaintance. There had always been
a gap between the upper and the lower members of the
industrial system; now it became a great gulf, constantly
more striking to the eye, and ever more difficult to cross.
Under the new system the condition of the workers at
the start became rapidly worse. The machines forced
them out of the old way of working, but many could find
no employment in the new system. It had long been
understood that new inventions, whatever benefits were
to come later, would deprive some workers of the chance
to labor. Early in the sixteenth century in Danzig a
certain one had invented a weaving machine, which made
four or six pieces at once; but the mayor, so the story
went, "being apprehensive that this invention might
throw a large number of workmen on the streets," secretly
put the inventor to death. In the seventeenth century
such machines brought about riots among the weavers
in Holland and in England, and using them was long
forbidden in some of the German states. Now also in
England it was found that with labor-saving machines not



INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION



49



so many workmen were required, and it was soon dis-
covered, moreover, that women and children could do
much of the work formerly done })y skilled men. The
artisans thus thrown out of work resisted their fate,
smashing the new looms or trying to prevent other workers
from using them; but this soon came to an end when the
authority of the law was turned against them. The
crowds of workers, larger than the number needed by the
factory owners, bid against each other for emplo;yTiient,
and were thus completely at the mercy of employers, be-



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