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The abdication of the tsar was demanded. March 15
Nicholas II, "Emperor of all the Russias," laid down his
power, and the dynasty of the Romanovs came to an end.

As after events were to show this was one of the momen-
tous events in the history of Europe. For ages autocracy
had maintained itself in eastern Europe. For a thousand
years at Constantinople the Byzantine emperors had ruled
absolutely, heads of Church and State, and from their
empire some civilization had gone up through the Balkans,
and also into south Russia. Of this civilization the Rus-
sians had been principal heirs, and their government and

of the Rus-
sian Revo-

Fall of the



First stage:


sian \


the Bol-

their religion had in the course of centuries been spread
over half of Europe. Under the Russian tsars lived a
fourth part of all the white people in the world. While
most of the other white people in Europe and the Ameri-
cas had developed self-government and gone forward in
material civilization, the Slavs had lagged far behind.
Now, after supporting the old system for a long time or
else passively enduring its evils, they suddenly overthrew
it, and, as was evidenced very soon, they overthrew it
completely. Everywhere was the Russian Revolution of
1917 hailed as a great advancement for democracy, and
rash expectations were cherished of the benefits im-
mediately to follow.

The provisional government attempted to effect liberal
reform, set up a constitutional government after the
model of the states of western Europe, restore order, and
continue a vigorous prosecution of the war. This govern-
ment was in the hands of the Constitutional Democrats led
by Prince Lvov, and by Miliukov, assisted by Kerensky, a
moderate socialist leader. An assembly was to be called
to draw up a new constitution. Meanwhile, a general
amnesty was proclaimed for political offenders, and
freedom of speech was announced, and universal suffrage,
for both men and women.

But the liberal leaders were by no means able to control
the revolution now started. The socialists and radicals
in both city and country joined forces, and soon proved to
be the most powerful and aggressive body in the country.
They began to be known as the BolsheviJd. Twelve years
before, at the time of the earlier revolution, the Social
Democratic Party of the industrial workers had split into
two parts, a moderate minority, the Menskeviki (Russian
menshe, less) and the majority of radicals, led by Nicolai
Lenine, the Bolsheviki (Russian bolshe, more). Now in
1917 the more radical peasants of the Social Revolutionary
Party combined with the radical socialists of the cities.


desiring a far more complete revolution than they thought
had yet been attained, and caring less for mere political
change than thorough social alteration. To bring this
about they wished to end the war at once. Their leaders
taught that the Great War had been brought about by
capitalists and imperialists of all the countries alike, all of
whom had as their chief interest the exploitation of the
masses. Everywhere the proletariat and the mass of the
people must compel the making of peace, after which the
people must overthrow the upper class and the selfish
bourgeoisie and capitalists, then usher in the great reforms
of the socialists, which would bring real freedom to the
masses of the world.

Such were the Bohhevild. Their teachings were not
new, but to many of the hungry, disheartened, suffering
people of Russia, most of whom had no political experience
whatever, these doctrines came as a great new message or
else made no difference whatever. All over the world the
dislocation caused by the wjir had produced a stirring and
unrest, and a willingness of men to hearken to strange,
revolutionary doctrines. The teachings of the Bohhevild
began to spread over the country, everywhere undermining
the existing order. The Germans soon understood how
greatly Russia would be weakened by this. So they
helped some of the Russian extremists to return to their
country, and assisted them as much as they could. The
Russian soldiers holding the east front against the Ger-
mans were told that they need not obey their officers, and
all discipline was soon at an end. They were likewise told
that the land was being divided up among the people, and
they, deserting to get their share, the Russian armies
melted away. The socialists demanded a "democratic"
peace with "no annexations and no indemnities." Ger-
man soldiers fraternized with the Russians, declaring that
they also desired this, and military operations in the east
came nearlv to an end.

Social and

The Ger-
mans and
the Bol-
shevik i

"No annexa-
tions and no



stage: the
get control




The Bol-
accept the
Peace of

Meanwhile, a provisional government of liberals was
trying to rule the country and continue the war. In
many places, however, the radicals took affairs into their
own hands, the people choosing Soviets, or councils of dele-
gates of the soldiers, sailors, and workingmen. The most
powerful and important was the soviet at Petrograd, which
regarded itself as representing, in effect, the radicals of the
country. In every way possible it opposed the Provisional
Government, and was determined to get control of the
government itself. It was not long before Miliukov and
Prince Lvov lost power and Kerensky became the head of
affairs; but he, who had formerly seemed a radical, was
soon left far behind in the violent progress of the revo-
lution. He strove valiantly to restore the armies, but
the Germans completely routed the Russians and in
September they captured Riga. Lenine, the bolshevik
leader, was now in the country, as was Trotzky who had
also taken part in the Revolution of 1905. Boldly
and with great energy and skill they urged the work-
men to overthrow the old system completely. More
and more did disorder and anarchy increase as the old
system went down in ruin, as Kerensky and other moder-
ates lost hold, and as the Bolsheviki took their place. In
November the garrison of Petrograd went over to them
and Kerensky fled from the city. He strove to recover
his power but was defeated, and fled from the country.
Meanwhile, the Bolsheviki gained Moscow, Kiev, and
other places, fighting fiercely, and putting down their
enemies with iron hand.

The Russian Revolution now entered upon another
phase. The Bolsheviki abandoned the Allies, and began
negotiations for a separate peace. The Germans, who had
no more to gain by pretended friendship, threw off the
mask, and at Brest-Litovsk, in March, 1918, compelled the
Russian leaders to agree to a terrible peace, which undid
the work of Russian expansion and development for the


past two hundred years, and broke the Russian Empire
into fragments. Finland, Pohind, the Bali ic Provinces, the
Ukraine, were to be abandoned along with other territory,
and Russia, paying a large indemnity, was to be left cut
off almost entirely from the sea, in economic subservience
to the German Empire. Germany now was completely
victorious in the east. Lenine and Trotzky regarded all
this without great concern. They had no desire for un-
willing peoples to be held subject by Russia, and they be-
lieved that bolshevism among the German masses would
soon overthrow German autocracy also. They turned
with greater interest to domestic problems, which always
they had most at heart.

They attempted to set up a political organization
different from what existed in other countries. Lenine
wished Russia to be a republic in which political power
would be vested in Soviets or councils of workmen, soldiers,
or peasants. The state was to be socialized, taking over
banks, railways, industrial enterprises, and land, to
nationalize them and make them the property of all of the
people. A series of decrees was issued to effect these
designs, and to abolish inheritance and private ownership
of property. Actually, while many changes were made,
some of them in theory at least having much merit, a great
part of the programme soon broke down. The peasants had
already seized most of the land and divided it, and were
little disposed to see it taken away and made the property
of the nation. The new order in Russia was regarded with
much suspicion elsewhere. The bolshevists announced
their intention of overthrowing capitalism and the bour-
geoisie in all countries; hence the Allies were hostile.
Disorders broke out and numerous counter-revolutionary
movements, in the course of which there was great cruelty
and slaughter, and much destruction of property. Appar-
ently Russia sank lower and lower in economic demorali-
zation and confusion, but Lenine and Trotzky, who had

The Russian
Empire in

The bolshe-
vist system
in Russia

and de-



ary move-

War with

dispensed now with most of the Soviets, ruthlessly crushed
all resistance. Great numbers of the upper classes and
more intelligent people were slaughtered, and some time
in 1918 the tsar was murdered miserably in Ekaterinburg
far away.

In the autumn of 1918 Germany and Austria, exhausted
by the length of the struggle, weakened by the influence
of bolshevism in the east, and overwhelmed by their foes
in the west, abandoned the contest and surrendered. But
the end of the Great War brought no peace for Russia. By
most of the people in the rest of the world the bolshevists
were regarded with fear and suspicion, and Russia was not
permitted to have communication with other countries.
In the next two years several great counter-revolutionary
movements were organized. In Siberia Admiral Kolchak,
in south Russia General Denikine, along the Baltic General
Yudenitch, all prepared to march upon the center of the
country and overthrow bolshevist rule. At one time they
all seemed near to considerable success, but by the end of
1919 Lenine and Trotzky were completely triumphant.
Somewhat later the Poles, who beheved that their new
state was gravely threatened by bolshevist activities,
suddenly invaded Russia and drove on until their armies
captured Kiev. But the Russian people, whatever their
attitude toward bolshevism and a socialist government
might be, were filled with strong national feeling against
their old enemies the Poles. They ralhed to the support
of Lenine's government, drove the invader out of Russia,
pressed on across Polish territory and were stopped only
at the gates of Warsaw. There they were held and
defeated. While the tide of war was flowing and ebbing
across this wasted country, and while Poland and Russia
were both being reduced to the last stages of exhaustion,
the relics of Denikine's forces, assisted by the British and
the French, took refuge in the Crimea, and, under the
leadership of General Wrangel, rapidly gained new strength.



During such time as the Poles and the bolshevist armies AH opposi-
were engaged in figliting each other, Wrangel's forces ^'°° ""^ ^
moved north from their strongliold and for a moment
seemed to have some chance of success. But no sooner
had the Poles and the Russians made peace than the .soviet
forces were marched to the south, the narrow neck of the
Crimean Peninsula was forced, and before the end of 1920
the counter-revolutionary movement had been everywhere
utterly crushed.

Much obscurity continued to surround these events.
It would seem that the efforts of Kolchak and Denikine,
which were supported by the Allied governments, were
in Russia regarded to some extent as outside aggression;
and that the Russian people, with national spirit aroused,
rallied to support the government in power, even though
many of them had as little love for Lenine and his system
in 1919 as some Frenchmen in 1793 had for Robespierre
and a French republic. It is probable, moreover,
that some of the strongest supporters of the counter-
revolutionary leaders were members of the upper classes
and dispossessed landowners, who hoped that the over-
throw of bolshevism would make possible a return of the
privileges and possessions they had lost. Accordingly, a
great number of Russian peasants, who had no desire for
socialism and no understanding of it, rallied under the
Bolsheviki to defeat reaction. In 19'-20, therefore, it
seemed that bolshevism had established itself firml}', for
the time being, in Russia.

No event for a hundred years had aroused such strong Causes of

feeliuff as this Russian Revolution, and such diverse te success

. . , , „. . . of the Bol-

opinions arose concernmg it and such connictmg m- sheviki

formation that it was almost impossible to find out the

truth. It would seem that the Bohhcrihi were only a

small minority, perhaps not more than 600,000 in a

population of 180,000,000. They succeeded because they

acted with the most vigor and determination in a time of




The Russian
people de-
sire agrarian

Prospect of
the future

distress and confusion. They were supported partly by
Russian national spirit and partly by those who dreaded
reaction. Furthermore, they maintained themselves by
means of a reign of terror, and also because they held the
chief cities and such railway facilities as remained. But
it seemed probable that their extreme socialistic pro-
gramme was a failure, and that they were doomed to fall.
Most of the Russian peasants had no knowledge of social-
ism and no desire for it, and in most of the country bolshe-
vism never took root. Nevertheless, it was certain that
the old Russia had gone, even as the old France was
gone by 1795. Perhaps later on, after exceeding misery
and exhaustion, the Russians, without autocracy and
with the lands in possession of the people, would go for-
ward in the construction of a new and better state,
more nearly on the model of the great democracies else-


Socialism : in addition to the volumes cited in the bibliography
at the end of Chapter V, The Socialism of To-Day, edited by W.
E. Walling, J. G. P. Stokes, and others (1916), contains docu-
ments and statements of principles; The Socialist Year Book
and Labour Annual: a Guide Book to the Socialist and Labour
Movement at Home and Abroad (published by the National
Labour League, Manchester, 1913-); August Bebel, Aus
Meinem Leben, 3 vols. (1910-14), abridged trans. My Life
(1912); L. B. Boudin, The Theoretical System of Karl Marx in
the Light of Recent Criticism (1907) ; Alfred Fouillee, Le Socialisme
et la Sodologie Reformiste (1909); Robert Hunter, Socialists at
Work (1908); Karl Kautsky, The Social Revolution (trans. 1907),
Ethics and the Materialist 'Conception of History (trans. 1907),
The Class Struggle (trans. 1910); Edmond Kelly, Twentieth
Century Socialism (1910); Emile de Laveleye, Le Socialisme
Contemporaine (2d ed. 1883); J. Longuet, Le Mouvement Social-
iste International (1913); Franz Mehring, Geschichte der Deuts-
chen Sozialdemokratie (1904), best on the subject, by a
socialist; T. G. Masaryk, Die Philosophischen und Sociologischen


Gnmdlagcn dcs Marxi.wius: Studien zur Socialen Frage (1899j;
S. P. Orth, Socialism and Democracy in Europe (1913); J. Rae,
Contemporary Socialism (ed. 1908), excellent; Jjme T. Stodclart,
The Neic Socialism, an Impartial Inquiry (1909).

By critics and opponents of socialism : II. C. Day, S. J., Catho-
lic Democracy: Individualism, and Socialism (1914), Catholic;
W. H. Mallock, A Critical Examination of Socialism (1907); A.
Schaffle, trans, by B. Bosanquet, The Quintessence of Socialism
(1880); V. G. Simkhovitch, Marxism versus Socialism (1913);
O. D. Skelton, Socialism: a Critical Analysis (1911), excellent.

Anarchism: P. J. Proudhon, Qu'est-ce qne la Propriete?
(1840), trans, by B. R. Tucker, What Is Property^, 2 vols.
(1902); E. A. Vizetelly, The Anarchists (ed. 1916); E. V. Zenker,
Anarchism (Eng. trans. 1898).

Trade unions: L. T. Ilobhouse, The Labour Movement (3d
ed. 1912); Sidney and Beatrice Webl), The History of Trade
Unionism (ed. 1920), Industrial Democracy (1902).

Social problems: J. G. Brooks, The Social Unrest (1913); F.
A. Ogg, Social Progress in Contemporary Europe (1912); Roger
Fighicra, La Protection Ugale dcs Travailleurs en France (1913);
Gabriel Ilanotaux, La Democratie et le Travail (1910); Paul
Leroy-Beaulieu, La Question Ouvriere au XIX' Siccle (1888);
E. Levasseur, Questions Ouvrieres et Industrielles en France sous
la Troisieme Repuhlique (1907) ; A. R. Orage, ed., National Guilds
(1914); S. and B. Webb, Problems of Modern Industry (1898).

Syndicalism: J. II. Harley, Syndicalism (1912); Robert Hun-
ter, Violence and the Labor Movement (1914); Louis Ix^vine, The
Labor Movement in France (1912), best; J. A. Little, Industrial
Warfare; the Aims and Claims of Capital and Labour (1912);
Paul Louis, Ilistoire du Mouvement Syndical en France, 1789-
1910 (2d ed. 1911), Le Syndicalisme Europeen (1914); Bertrand
Russell, Roads to Freedom: Socialism^ Anarchism, and Syndical-
ism (1918); Georges Sorel, Reflexions sur la Violence (1909),
trans, by T. E. Ilulme, Reflections on Violence (1916); Philip
Snowden, Socialism and Syndicalism (1913) ; J. Spargo, Syndical-
ism, Industrial Unionism, and Socialism (1913).

The Russian Revolution : Claude Anet, La Revolution Russe,
4 vols. (1918-19); Otto Bauer, Bolschevismus odcr Sozialdc-
mokratie (1920); Catherine Breshkovsky, A Message to the
American People (1919); ttienne Buisson, Les Bolchcviki (1917-
1919): Fait^, Documents, Commentaires (1919); E. J. Dillon,
The Eclipse of Russia (1918): A. F. Kerensky, The Prelude


to Bolshevism, the Kornilov Rebellion (1919); Colonel V. I.
Lebedeff, Tlie Russian Democracy in Its Struggle Against the
Bolshevist Tyranny (1919); Paul Miliiikov, Bolshevism: an Inter-
national Danger (1920); Report of the British Labour Delegation
to Russia, 1920 (1920); E. A. Ross, Russia in Upheaval (1919);
Bertrand Russell, The Practice and Theory of Bolshevisvi (1920);
^Irs. Philip Snowden, Through Bolshevik Russia (1920); John
Spargo, Bolshevism: the Enemy of Political and Industrial
Democracy (1919); Leon Trotzky [Bronstein], The History of the
Russian Revolution to Brest-Litovsk (1919).

The bolshevist leaders: M. A. Landau-Aldanov, Lenine
(1919); Nicolai Lenine [V. I. Ulianov], The State and Revolution
(1919); L. Trotzky, Our Revolution: Essays on Working-Class
and International Revolution, 1901^-1917, collected and trans-
lated by M. J. Olgin (1918), for many of the ideas about sup-
pressing the bourgeoisie and erecting a dictatorship of the
proletariat, and The Bolsheviki and World Peace (1918).






Francis Joseph, 1848-191G Charles I, 1916-18

Leopold II, 1865-1909 Albert I, 1909-


Principality until 1909, kingdom afterward.

Alexander, 1879-80 Boris I, 1918-

Ferdinand I, 1887-1918


Christian IX, 1863-1906 Christian X, 1912-

Frederick VIII, 1906-12


Government of National Defence, 1870-1

Presidents of the French Republic

Adolphe Thiers, 1871-3 Emile Loubet, 1899-1906

Marshal MacMahox, 1873-9 Arm and Fall: eh es, 1906-13

Jules Grevy, 1879-87 Raymond Poincare, 1913-20

Sadi Carnot, 1887-94 Paul Deschanel, 1920

Casimir-Perier, 1894-5 Alexandre Millerand,
Felix Faure, 1895-9 1920-




William I, 1871-88 William II, 1888-1918

Frederick III, 1888


Prince Bismarck, 1871-90
Count von Caprivi, 1890-4
Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfiirst, 1894-1900
Count von Bulow, 1900-8
Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, 1908-17
Georg Michaelis, 1917
Count von Hertling, 1917-18
Prince Max of Baden, 1918
The German Republic, 1918-



Victoria, 1837-1901 George V, 1910-

Edward VII, 1901-10

Prime Ministers

William Ewart Gladstone, 1868-74

Benjamin Disraeli (Earl of Beaconsfield, 1876), 1874-80

W. E. Gladstone (ii), 1880-5

Robert Cecil (Marquis of Salisbury), 1885-6

W. E. Gladstone (in), 1886

Marquis of Salisbury (ii), 1886-92

W. E. Gladstone (iv), 1892-4

Archibald P. Primrose (Earl of Rosebery), 1894-5

Marquis of Salisbury (iii), 1895-1902

Arthur James Balfour, 1902-5

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, 1905-8

Herbert Henry Asquith, 1908-16

David Lloyd George, 1916-


George I, 1863-1913 Alexander I, 1917-1920

CoNSTANTiNE I, 1913-17 CoNSTANTiNE I (restored) 1921-




Victor Emmanuel II, 1849-78 Victor Emmanuel III, 1900-
HUMBERT, 1878-1900


Principality until 1910; kingdom, until 1018; then incorporated
into Jugoslavia

Nicholas I, 1860-1918

William III, 1849-90 Wilhelmina, 1890-


Ruled by the kings of Sweden, 1814-1905

Haakon VII, 1905-


Pius IX, 1846-78 Pius X, 1903-14

Leo XIII, 1878-1903 Benedict XV, 1914-


Luiz I, 1861-89 Mangel II, 1908-10

Carlos, 1889-1908 Republic. 1910-


William I, 1861-88 William H, 1888-1918

Frederick HI, 1888


Principality until 1881, kingdom afterward.
Charles I, 1866-1914 Ferdinand I, 1914-


Alexander II, 1855-81 Nicholas II, 1894-1917

Alexander III, 1881-94 Provisional government, 1917

Republic of Soviets, 1918



Principality until 1882; kingdom afterward; in 1918 the ruler
became king of the " Unitary Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slo-
venes" (Jugo-Slavia).

MiL.^N, 1868-89 Peter I, 1903-

Alexander, 1889-1903


Amadeo of Savoy, 1870-3 Alphonso XII, 1875-85

Spanish Republic, 1873-5 Alphonso XIII, 1886-


Charles XV, 1859-72 Gustavus V, 1907-

OscAR II, 1872-1907


Abdul-Aziz, 1861-76 Mohammed V, 1909-18

MuRAD V, 1876 Mohammed VI, 1918-

Abdul-Hamid, 1876-1909



Abdul Hamid, 193, 324.

Abgeordnetenhau.i, 311.

Abyssinia, 34!), 371, 389.

Accident Insurance Laws, 163.

Act of I'nion, concerning Scotland
and England, "iHH; concerning Ire-
land and Great Britain, 258.

Adowa, 389.

Adrianople, captured by the Turks,
316; by the Russians, 323; by the
Bulgars, 327, 328; reoccupied by
the Turks, 331; ceded to Greece,

Adriatic Sea, 13, 180, 305, 315, 350,

^gean Sea, 305; islands of, 320.

AflFairof 1875, 233. 23-i.

Afghanistan, 378, 405.

Africa, in 1920, 522.

Agadir, 411.

Age of Reason, 29.

Agrarian Reform, in Ireland, 200; in
Rumania. 338. 3;J9.

Agricultural Laborers, in Great Bri-
tain, 252

Agriculture, in the German Empire,
152, 153; in Italy, 347; in Spain, 352.

Aisne, Battle of the, 463.

Alabama Claims, 101.

Albania, 13, 319, 323, 325, 328, 334,
416, 417, 519.

.\lexander I, Tsar of Russia, 111, 502.

Alexander II, Tsar of Russia, 25, 112;
accession of, 269, 270; emancipa-
tion of the serfs by, 270; reforms
under, 273; becomes conservative,
274; assas.sination of, 280, 281.

Alexander III, Tsar of Russia, reign
of, 281-90; policy of, 281; reaction
under, 282, 283; policy of Russifi-
cation under, 283, 284. 287-9.

Alexander, Prince of Battenberg, 340.

Alexander ("ouza, 337, ,338.

Alfonso XII, King of Spain, 350.

Alfonso XIII, King of Spain, 350, 351.

Algeciras, Conference of, 403.

Algeciras Agreement, 403, 412.

Algeria, 181. 382, .38,3, 394.

Ali, Pasha of Janina, 319.

Allies, The, advantages of in the Great
War, 456, 457; superior resources of,
450; tenacity and moral courage of,
457; conmiand of the sea kept by,
472^1; great offensive of, 492-4;
triumph of, 495.

Almanack de Golha, 301.

Alsace, 136.

Alsace-Ix)rraine, under German rule,
lOU 170; taking of, 190; a Reichs-
land, 310; desire for the recovery of,
431; question of, 505, 506; ceded to
France, 514.

Amadeo of Siivoy, 350.

Americans, arrive in France, 491;
take the St. Mihiel salient, 493;
clear the Argonne, 493, 494.

Amiens, 14, 490.

Anarchism, 279, 280, 5.30, 531.

Anatolia, 116, 195.

Ancien Regime, 7-9, 17-20.

Anglo-French Agreement of 1899,

Anglo-CJerman Agreement of 1890,

Anglo-German Agreement of 1914,

Anglo-Russian Accord, 404, 405, 432.

Anglo-Saxon Conquest of Britain, 256.

Online LibraryEdward Raymond TurnerEurope since 1870 → online text (page 45 of 49)