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were steadily changing western and central Euro[)e. Cen-
sorship kept out the new books and prevented new teach-
ings; police suppressed all innovators or drove them away.
Almost all the people were illiterate and simple. In
Russia, accordingly, socialism as yet had no footing, and
evolution was scarcely known of. The Russian Church
thus remote continued to be generally followed and
obeyed by the people, whose great teacher it remained,
whose traditions it embodied, and whose national con-
sciousness it fostered. Most of the Russian people were,
as ever, simple-minded peasants, cherishmg their ikons
or images, crossing themselves devoutly as they passed
by the shrines and the churches.

Since the French Revolution the Roman Catholic The Roman
Church had been passing through vicissitudes much (,^|J^°^^*^
greater. In several countries it had been deprived of its
property; in 1860 most of the territory of the popes had
been taken from them; they still held the city of Rome
and a little district about it, though twice, in 18G2 and
1867, Garibaldi had tried to take this, and the papal
tenure was now entirely dependent upon European politi-
cal conditions. One of the popes had been carried off
a prisoner by Napoleon. Furthermore, the populations
of western and central Europe, in the midst of which this
Church was established, were far more enlightened than
those of the eastern lands. Its adherents were much
in contact with the great changes in science and culture
and much more affected by them, so that the western



The French
and Na-

Older condi-
tions re-

Church had again and again to encounter new ideas
which threatened to undermine its power.

The Roman Cathohc Church had been touched by the
French Revolution much more than the Protestant
Churches, for the effects of the Revolution were greater
and lasted longer in Catholic countries. During the
Revolution the lands of the Church had been confiscated
in France. A little later, during the Terror, the extreme
revolutionists suppressed the Christian religion, closed
the churches, and proclaimed the worship of Reason. A
reaction had, indeed, soon followed, and Napoleon, under-
standing the sentiments of most of the people and their
veneration for the faith of their fathers, had respected
Christianity and given it the protection of the govern-
ment. In 1801 he had made with Pius VII the famous
Concordat or agreement; but he had soon come into
conflict with this pope and cast him into prison. For a
short time after 1809 Napoleon made good the ideal of the
greatest medieval emperors; he considered himself to be
head of the Empire and superior to the Church, with the
pope subordinate and dependent. Not since the time
of the Babylonian Captivity in the fourteenth century,
when the popes resided at Avignon under the shadow of
the power of France, had papal authority been so much

All this came to an end with the fall of Napoleon;
and after the Congress of Vienna the Church recovered.
The ecclesiastical property confiscated in France was not
restored, but the gifts of pious Catholics founded a new
wealth for it. During this period of restoration and reac-
tion people remembered that the Church had been at-
tacked at the same time that so many other venerable
institutions were overthrown; and the ruling class often
believed that the worst excesses of the radicals and
revolutionists could not have happened had not religion
and the Church been abandoned. Accordingly, it was



thought well that priests should have their old influence;
education was placed in their hands; and they were sup-
ported by the government, to which in turn they gave
faithful assistance.

It was presently seen, however, that it was not the
violence of Hebert or Napoleon, but the continuing ideas
of the French Revolution and those now brought about
by the Industrial Revolution in process, the scientific
advance, and the new ideas, that were dangerous to the
old beliefs and to the temporal power of the Church. Civil
and religious equality made people different from what
they had been. Socialism was rising, and during the
remainder of the century it had greater and greater effect
upon the outlook of people in the lower as well as the upper
classes. From the first the teachings of the socialists
made men less inclined to follow without question the old
doctrines cf the Churches. During all this time also
great discoveries, strange inventions, and bold specula-
tions laid the foundation for an entirely different way of
looking at things, which made it impossible for some to
believe any longer what their fathers had accepted with-
out question.

Among the great movements of this time none was
more striking than the spread of education in the western
half of Europe. Hence people were more easily brought
to a knowledge of the great new doctrines and the wonder-
ful experiments and discoveries that were taking place,
and the alterations in human knowledge which followed.
A different spirit had been developing since the eighteenth
century and constantly spreading. INlore and more did
people require reasons for what they were asked to believe,
and demand proofs of what was submitted. Discover-
ies in the realms of biology, chemistry, and physics ex-
plained an immense number of things, and promised
to explain many more. In course of time those who
understood the writings of Lyell, Darwin, and Huxley

with the
new ideas

and scienti-
fic spirit



Science and
religion in

and religious

came to conceive of things in terms of science where
before they had as a matter of faith beheved what was
taught. These people or their teachers began to subject
even the Bible to "higher criticism," just as they would
examine the texts of Shakespeare or Virgil; to investigate
the history of religions just as they would search for the
origins of feudalism or the rise of parliaments in the Mid-
dle Ages; and in consequence they began to doubt or reject
many things which the Church had said must be believed.
All the Churches of western Europe had to encounter
this spirit increasingly in the century after the French
Revolution, and all of them were shaken by it. The
Roman Catholic Church met the situation as it had met
similar ones in the past. The doctrines it taught were to
be considered divinely inspired and unalterably true.
Circumstances in the world around might change and
science bring revelation and discoveries, but always the
teachings of the Church remained true as they had been
from the first ; and they were to be entirely accepted by the
faithful. Accordingly, as the gap widened between what
had been of old and what the effects of the French Revolu-
tion were producing, between the old industrial system
and the results of the Industrial Revolution, between the
teachings of the fathers and hierarchs of the Church and
the new ideas taught by the socialists, between the stories
contained in the Bible and the conclusions of scientific
scholars. Catholic populations remained divided in two
parts, as, indeed, they had been in the eighteenth century
when the enlightened sceptics were doing their work:
many belonging to the upper intellectual classes with bet-
ter education either 'abandoned their religion or remained
Catholics merely in name; the larger body of the poor, the
humble, and the simple clung to priests and the Church as
their fathers and their mothers before them, together with
many of the cultured and learned, to whom the new knowl-
edge seemed less good than the old.



The Roman Catholic Church was far from remaining
a passive spectator of tlie conflict going on around il. Gen-
erally speaking, it su^jported the best of the old order and
opposed revolutions and changes; it favored monarchies
rather than the revolutionary republics which a})i)eared;
it opposed socialism and set itself sternly against "free
thinking" or any attempt to compromise with the new
knowledge by abandoning any part of the older faith.

The authorities of the Church condemned the new
socialist teachings completely. Generally the ecclesiastics
of western Europe were against the ideas of Marx, but
the most formidable opposition came from the Roman
Catholic Church. In 18G4 Pope Pius IX denounced
socialism and communism in the Si/IIabus of Errors.
Churchmen, remembering the extremities of the French
Revolution, and considering some of the teachings of the
socialist leaders, believed that communism aimed at the
overthrow of Christianity altogether. Socialists looked
upon the churches, and especially the Roman Catholic
Church, as great established interests, founded upon the
old system and identified with its fortunes, and hence
great obstacles in the way of alteration for the better.

Against all other innovations the Church spoke no less
strongly. In 1864 Pius IX issued the encyclical (circular
letter) Quanta Cura at the same time with the Syllabus
(summary) of Errors. Here he rigidly upheld all the old
contentions of the Church, and condenmed all who tended
toward free thinking, religious liberty, or any diminution
of the authority of the Church by abolishing ecclesiastical
courts, by making the clergy less subordinate to Rome,
by establishing lay marriage, and putting education under
laymen's control. Nor was this all. In 1854 the Pope
had promulgated the doctrine of the Immaculate Con-
ception of the Virgin, INIary. In December, 1809, was
assembled an ecumenical council of the (,'hurch at Rome,
the first which had been brought together since the

of the


The Sylla-
bus of



The Vatican



The Prot-

Council of Trent concluded its sessions in 1563. At
this Council of the Vatican proposals were made to
affirm the doctrine of the Infallibility of the Popes.
This was so counter to the tendencies of the age, in
which philosophy and science were making many people
increasingly doubtful about the absolute truth of any-
thing, that many Catholics were strongly opposed to it,
and at first only a minority in the Council could be brought
to support it. Through skilful management, however,
and largely because of pressure and persuasion from the
pope, the doctrine of Papal Infallibility was affirmed;
that is to say, that the pope, speaking ex cathedra (as pope)
with respect to affairs of the Church, could not err. Even
after the work of the Council was done, some Catholics
refused to accept the doctrine newly proclaimed; but in so
far as they remained in the Church, after a while they were
forced to yield. Thus in 1870 the Church was presenting
to the world a front unchanged and unchanging; but
circumstances around it were altering more swiftly than
ever before.

The Protestant Churches during this period were con-
fronted with many of these same problems, but there is
less to be said about them, since no one of them presented
so striking or powerful an organization as either the
Greek Catholic or the Roman Catholic Church. The
Protestant creeds were professed in some of the greatest
countries of Europe, but the character and the organiza-
tion of their Churches was such that they could not play
the large part in politics and international relations taken
by the Papal See. The circumstances of the Reformation
had brought it about that when the Protestant Churches
were established, they were put under the control of the
State, and after that time the Anglican Church in Eng-
land and the Lutheran Church in Prussia had remained
great and wealthy, but usually passive and obedient in
their established position.



During the nineteenth century they strove, Hke the
CathoHc Church, to hold to the privileges and the teach-
ings they had long maintained. They also had to meet the
changes in life and thought that arose all during this
time, and their adherents also were often torn by struggle
between the old beliefs and the new revelations of science.
But notwithstanding that many Protestant ministers
regarded Darwin and Huxley as atheists and accursed,
and the doctrines of Saint-Simon and Marx as dangerous
and grounded in error, and notwithstanding that the
Protestant Churches also regarded their own doctrines as
unquestionably true and unchanging, yet in the case of
Protestants it was often less difficult to reconcile science
and new social doctrine with religion; for Protestantism,
in spite of itself, had always conduced toward freedom
of thought. The early Protestants had had no idea
whatever of permitting intellectual or religious freedom,
but they had broken away from the Roman Catholic
Church; and what they had done others did more easily
afterward. Not only had many new Protestant sects
been founded, but within these sects individuals tended
more and more to the belief that each person might be
his own judge. A great many Protestants, therefore,
were less under the authority of the heads of their Church,
and more in the habit of judging for themselves. Ac-
cordingly, after some struggle, many Protestants modi-
fied their religious beliefs so as to bring them, as they
thought, into conformity with the new teachings of
philosophy and science, and in course of time a consider-
able number of their ministers and leaders had been able
to do this likewise.

with the
new teach-

Freedom of


Evolution: H. F. Osborn, From the Greeks to Darwin (1894),
for a brief account of the development of the doctrine; G. F.
Romanes, Darwin and After Darwin, 3 vols. (1906-10); Charles


Darwin, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection
(1859), The Descent of Man (1871); Life and Letters of Charles
Darwin, edited by Francis Darwin, 2 vols. (1887); Thomas H.
Huxley, Collected Essays, 9 vols. (1893-4); James Marchant,
Alfred Russcl Wallace, Letters and Reminiscences, 2 vols. (1916).
Rationalism and freedom of thought: A. W. Benn, A History
of English Rationalisjn in the Nineteenth Century, 2 vols. (1906);
J. T. INIerz, A History of European Thought in the Nineteenth
Century, 4 vols. (1896-1914), excellent; A. C. McGiffert, The
Rise of Modern Religious Ideas (1915); J. M. Robertson, A Short
History of Free Thought (3d ed. 1915).

Socialism: R. C. K. Ensor, Modern Socialism, as Set Forth
by Socialists in Their Speeches, Writings, and Programmes (3d
ed. 1910), a convenient collection of sources. For general ref-
erence: EncyclopSdie Socialiste (ed. by Compere-Morel), 8 vols.
(1912-13); Josef Stammhammer, Bibliographic des Socialismus
mid Communismus, 3 vols. (1893-1909). M. Beer, Geschichte des
Sozialismus in England (1913), A History of British Socialism,
2 vols. (1919-20), an improved English version by the author;
Alfred Fouillee, Le Socialisme et la Sociologie RSformiste (1909) ;
E. Fourniere, Les Theories Socialistes an XIX' Siecle, de Babe^if
a Proudhon (1904); Morris lAiWqmi, Socialism in Theory and
Practice (1909) ; Gaston Isambert, Les IdSes Socialistes en France
de 1815 a 18^8 (1905); Thomas Kirkup, A History of Socialism
(5th ed. 1913); J. R. Macdonald, Socialism and Government,
2 vols. (1909), The Socialist Movement (1911); W. H. Mallock,
A Critical Examination of Socialism (1907); O. D. Skelton,
Socialism: a Critical Analysis (1911), excellent criticism of;
John Spargo, Socialism: a Summary and Interpretation of
Socialist Principles (ed. 1909).

Socialist leaders and their writings: J. Tchernoff, Louis Blanc
(1904); John Spargo, Karl Marx, His Life and Work (1910);
Karl Marx, Das Kapital (1867), trans, by S. Moore, E. B.
Aveling, and E. Untermann, Capital, a Critique of Political
Economy, 3 vols. (1907-9); Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels,
Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), numerous editions;
Frank Podmore, Robert Given, a Biography, 2 vols. (1906).

Roman Catholicism: William Barry, The Papacy and Mod-
dern Times (1911); Antonin Debidour, Ilistoire des Rapports de
VEglise et de VElat en France de 17S9 a 1870 (1898); Pierre de
la Gorce, Histoire Religieuse de la Revolidion Frangaise, 3 vols.
(1012-19); -Joseph MacCaffrey, History of the Catholic Church in


the Nineteenth Centiiry, 2 vols. (1010), by a Catholic Scholar;
Fredrik Nielsen, trans, from the Danish by A. J. Mason, //I'.v/or?/
of the Papacy in the Nineteenth Century, 2 vols. (1906), from the
Lutheran point of view; Paul Pisani, Ij'fjjlise de Paris ct la Revolu-
tion, 4 vols. (1908-11); G. Weill, Ili.sluire du Catholicisvie Liber-
al en France, 1 828-1908 (1909). A convenient and excellent
collection of the sources is Carl Mirbt, Quellen zur Geschichte
des Papsttums und des Romischen Katholizismus (3d ed. 1911).
Protestantism: F. W. Cornish, A History of the Church of
England in the Nineteenth Century (1910), best; II. W. Clark,
History of English Nonconformity (1913).


Kingdom of
Great Brit-
ain and


The prospects with which the year terminated were those of durable
peace to this country, and of a general settlement of the affairs of
the continent. . . . There were, indeed, appearances which a
boding mind might regard as presaging an interruption of the
calm. . . .
Annual Register, For the Year 1870, p. 1 (on the state of affairs
at the end of the year 1869).

Le peuple frangais est convoque, . . . pour accepter ou rejeter
le projet de plebiscite suivant: "Le peuple approuve les reformes
liberales operees dans la Constitution depuis 1860, par rEmi>er-
Decree of Napoleon HI, April 20, 1870: £mile Oluvier; L' Em-
pire Liberal, xiii. 332.

Es ist in einem anderen Lande von amtlicher Stelle aus gesagt
worden: der Friede Europas beruhe auf dem Degen Frank-
reichs . . . aber dass . . . jeder Staat, dem seine Ehre
und Unabhangigheit lieb ist, sich bewusst sein muss, dass sein
Friede und seine Sicherheit auf seinem eigenen Degen beruht, — ich
glaube, meine Herren, dariiber werden wir alle einig sein.

Speech of Bismarck, May 22, 1869: Horst Kohl, Bismarck-
Regesten (1891), i. 373.

In 1870 the most powerful European state was the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, of which
the important member was Great Britain, with England
the principal part. Close as was the proximity of Britain
to the European continent, important and constant as
her relations with the rest of Europe necessarily were, her
insular position continued, as during a long time in the
past, to make her principal interests elsewhere. Before
the period of her greatness England had been a small and
unimportant country on the outskirts of Europe, though




sometimes her excellent soldiery had won great victories
in France. The fundamental change in trade routes and
relative geographical position made the beginning of a
great alteration in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies, during which time the English, through good
fortune, through their enterprise and skill, and because
their geographical position was now one of the best in the
world, laid the foundations of a great colonial empire,
and became the wealthiest trading nation in the world.
This position they maintained in a series of successful wars
with Spain, with Holland, and with France. In 1707
England and Scotland were firmly and finally united.
After the middle of the eighteenth century the Industrial
Revolution, beginning in Britain, advanced there with
gigantic strides, bringing much increase of wealth and
power to the nation. In 1801 Ireland, previously con-
quered and long held in dependence and subjection, was
incorporated with Great Britain in the United Kingdom.
During all this time the colonial dominions were extended,
and although the best of the colonies had revolted and
become independent, as the United States, yet all through
the first half of the nineteenth century the British Empire
continued to expand in wealth, in greatness, and in power.
In the course of this development the principal inter-
ests of Britain had been outside of Europe, over the
oceans, in the dominions, and along the trade routes of the
world. In European affairs usually she took as little part
as she could. The wars wuth Spain and Holland and
France were fought largely about colonies and trade. In
general, it was the great pmrpose of Britain to maintain
the Balance of Power in Europe, and prevent any state
from obtaining such greatness as to be a danger to its
neighbors and herself. Hence she had twice taken part in
great wars against France, assisting Germans and others
to resist Louis XIV and Napoleon. Her greatest duel
had been with France during the Revolution and under

Causes of
the great-
ness of








Extension of
the fran-

Napoleon; and during some years in the period of Na-
poleon's greatness, she alone, guarded by her navy and
supported by her industry and trade, had held out against
him. During those years she had assisted all of his enemies
and expended vast sums in the struggle. After Waterloo
the great menace of his power had been finally removed,
and Britain, needing time to restore her strength and
reduce the immense national debt of £840,000,000 which
weighed down upon her, soon withdrew as much as
possible from European affairs, into what was sometimes
spoken of as "splendid isolation."

The government of Britain in 1870 was the most
advanced and liberal in Europe; and, except for certain
years during the French Revolution when Frenchmen
made such rapid reforms, it had been so for many gene-
rations. Practically this government was vested in a
parliament, the more important part of which, the House
of Commons, was elected by a portion of the people. At
the beginning of the nineteenth century this parliamentary
representation had not been in proportion to population,
nor had more than one man out of ten the right to vote,
the franchise being generally restricted by property quali-
fications. The French Revolution and ideas of political
equality and the rights of man had little direct effect upon
Britain for some time, save to cause a temporary reaction,
but after the threatening danger of revolution and war
had passed, gradually great changes were made. In 1832
the franchise was somewhat extended. In 1867 it was
extended considerably more. Even this latter reform
law by no means permitted all the men of the United
Kingdom to vote, the franchise still being restricted by
property qualifications. Such restriction might seem to
compare unfavorably with conditions in the French Second
Empire and in the new North German Confederation,
where universal manhood suffrage now prevailed; but in
the Confederation the legislature thus elected did not



really control the government, and in France all real power
had been taken into the emperor's hands. In Britain
by the beginning of the nineteenth century the executive,
the cabinet or ministry, had come to be, in effect, a com-
mittee of the House of Commons, directly dependent for a
continuance of power on the supi)ort of a majority of the
representatives elected to the Commons. In Prussia the
ministers were the king's ministers, and in France since the
Restoration, though the British system of government
had been copied, as it was during the nineteenth century
in most European countries when constitutionalism was
established, generally the ministry had not been de-
pendent upon a legislative majority and hence not con-
trolled by it. However, it should be noticed, that in
France at this very time, since the power of Napoleon III
had been weakening year by year, he had been striving to
conciliate the people to his rule by making the government
more liberal to please them, and that in 1870 the ministry
was made dependent upon the representatives elected, as
in the United Kingdom.

During this time, while the franchise was being more
widely extended in the United Kingdom — so that gradu-
ally the government was being transformed from an
aristocracy, which it had been at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, to a commonwealth in which a great
part of the people had direct control of the government for
themselves — the rule of the Empire also was liberalized.
In the first half of the nineteenth century the armed forces

Online LibraryEdward Raymond TurnerEurope since 1870 → online text (page 8 of 49)