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writing before the letters a(f>p shows that there is a pause in the
sense at this point, i.e. that the last word cannot be taken closely
with the foregoing. It is mainly in the light of this consideration
that the interpretation here offered is new. 3

Now o-cfypiyu, with its short penult in classical usage, is impossible,
and is hardly to be justified by Oppian, Cyn. III. 368, where
crcfrpiyda might be read for MS. crfypiya, or by Draco Stratonicensis
(p. 119. 7 Hermann), who gives a-^plyw in a list of words with long
penult, — a list teeming with demonstrably false quantities. 4

1 The final letter is probably <r, but it may be a blotted t.

2 There are traces of the a of 8.6iktos, and Kv6 is fairly certain. The space
between this <r and Kvdrjplrjv appears to me much too small for vai, at least as val
is written a few lines below, and elsewhere (I. 66, 86; VII. 71, etc.).

3 Rutherford has proposed &6iktos ewv Kvd^p-qs • ijv, <r<pp7]yis, but it cannot be
wholly right : it offends against the metre besides being too much of a departure
from the clear traces of the letters on the papyrus. All other editors have com-
bined <r<ppf)yls closely with the foregoing words : either with SlOiktos, or with ■?
KvOyjpirjs (Biicheler's first proposition).

4 If ffcppiyiji were possible, it would refer to the manly vigor and strength of
the athlete Gryllus, lover of Metriche. In an epigram of Leontius we read
of an aged athlete vanquishing his vigorous younger rivals : irpe<r(3vs 6Vt <r<ppiy6uv-
ras iv iinroddfjLCp ir\4ov a\icq. \ viKrjaas, Anth. Pal. XVI. 359; cf. also 7]j3r) <r<ppi-
yQvres i/j.TropeijovTa.1, said by Achaeus irepl tt}s eve^ias tQiv dOXrjT&p diyiyo^/xevos,
Athen. x. 414 c, D. (Nauck, p. 747). — 20pt7^tj, if admissible, could be taken
either as a parenthetical interrogative (like YeXas in II. 74), addressed to Me-
triche, — ' Don't you glow with desire? ' (at this description) ; or as a parenthetical
remark — ' Ah ! you glow with desire, I see.'

1 88 John Henry Wright.

Rejecting o-<ppt.yr}i<s or crcppiyrji, and accepting the reading o-cpprjyk,
we have yet to find a wholly satisfactory interpretation of the word
in this context. It is possible in classical Greek to understand
atfiprjyLs (o-cppayLs), ' seal/ in the literal sense, as either the metal
seal or the stone (with inscribed device or legend, or uninscribed)
or as the impression made by whatever kind of a seal, often also
expressed by <j<ppa.yi<Tp.a} Horace's grata sigitta pudico {Epist. I.
20. 3), cited by Bucheler, is hardly apposite, at least in the meaning
attached to it by Horace. Here the reference is to seals impressed
upon the barred doors of the apartments of the chaste one, who
delights in the protection assured by them. Horace probably had
in mind such passages 2 as Aristophanes's rats ywaiKwviTicnv \ <r<ppayi-
Sas €7n/3aAAouo-iv tjStj Kal p-o^Xov 1 ; \ TrjpovvTCi rj/xa<; {Thesm. 414—6) ;
or Euripides's piovq Se K\rj9p' iyu> crcppayi£,op.cu {Phaethon, Fr. 781. 10
Nauck) ; or the Euripidean 3 ocms 8e p.oy\oi<i kox Sia cr<ppayi(Tp.a.Tu>v \
o-a>£a Sa/xa/jxa (T. G. F.? Eur. 1063. 9 Nauck) ; or Lycophron's to. S'
aWa. OpnrofipwTos aijjav(TTO<s 8o/xa)v | a<ppayl<; 8ok€v€L {Alex. 508, where
see also the Scholiast), but hardly the passage in Herondas, which
gives us a situation the exact opposite of that in Horace. That
Metriche shall cease to be pudica is Gyllis's contention and errand.

The use of <r<ppr}y£<s in the sense of an uncut stone — "a gem for
Aphrodite's service " (R. Ellis) , gemma Veneris (Biicheler's first prop-
osition) — is possible here, but hardly certain, in view of other

1 Most of the examples refer to the engraved metal or stone, but there are a
few where the uncut stone is meant. The interchangeableness of the two senses
of 'seal' and 'impression' are seen in Xenoph. Hellen. I. 4. 3, and VII. I. 39:
in the former o-fip&yiafia, in the latter <r4>payl.s are used of the impression. Cf.
Dittenberger, Sylloge, I. 195. 15. See also, for the various senses of the word,
Steph.-Dind. Thes., s.vv.

2 Aristoph. Av. 560, iiri^dWeiv \ (rcppayld' airols iirl ttjv ipuXrjv, 'iva. p.7]
fiivCocr' iKelvas, is an amusing parody on this practice.

8 The passage in which these words occur is ascribed to Menander by Stobaeus,
Flor. 74. 27. Cobet conjectured Euripidean authority {Nov. Led. p. 46), and his
conjecture has been confirmed by a sentence in the recently discovered Choricius,
Apol. pro mitnis 7. 4 Graux (rpayiKTiv prjcrLV . . . dvdpbs p.Laoyvvov Kal a-dxppovos).

An expansion of this thought is found in a Danae of Byzantine date, a feeble
Euripidean imitation : irar^p 5^ p.iv k\tj<t<xs \ iv irapdevuxxi. <r<ppaylat. 5^u,as cpv\dcr-
<rei. (7\ G. F., Eur. 1132. 58, 59 Nauck). The same idea was expressed in
Lucian, Tim. 13: KaraKeKXeXtrdai . . . vwb p,ox^ois Kal K\earl Kal ar]p.eiuv iiripo\ais
. . . Kadairep ttjv Aavarjv napdeveuecrOai, /ctX.

Herondaea. 1 89

more probable possibilities. If the lexica and word-lists are to be
trusted, this sense of acppayts is mainly petrographical and technical,
and not popular. There remains to be considered the interpretation
which takes the expression — <x0iktos es Kvdrjpirjv <r<f>pr]yis — in a
figurative sense, ' a seal unbroken in love,' or ' a seal of inviolate
virginity.' In support of this view of the passage Crusius cites
Nonnus, Xvaap-ivq 8' aij/avcrTOV irj<s (KppaylSa KOpetys {Dionys. II. 305),
and compares Paul the Silentiary, 1 x/jvo-eos dt/wwrroio SieVjwayev ap.pa
KOjoetas [ Zeus, SiaSus Aavaas xaXKtX&TOVs Oa\dp.ovs {Aflth. Pal.^J . 217 j
also Suid. s.vv. Kao-tov 6'pos, afifiara) . These examples appear to be
very apposite, and almost silence objection, especially if we group
with them the ail/avo-ros . . . acppayts of Lycophron. But they
obtain compelling force only on three rather violent assumptions,
viz. (1) that the expression 'inviolate seal of virginity' in the words
oBiktos (axpav<iTo<s) o-cppayfe with some word for love or maidenhood,
had become a stereotyped phrase in early Hellenistic poetry ; (2) that
as such it was here used by Herondas, and (3), that as such it was,
centuries later, reproduced by Nonnus and Paul. The truth of these
assumptions it will be impossible to demonstrate, at least from these
examples or from others like them. No one would dream of turn-
ing to Lycophron as a mirror of current usage, and both Nonnus
and Paul, Christians of the fourth century a.d., are quite too far
removed from the Hellenistic age to require us to explain the
phenomena of their art only on the theory of an imitation of Hellen-
istic models. The collocation cLOiktos acppayis is not in itself so
extraordinary as to require us, finding it in Lycophron, to view it as
already a stereotyped one, or to prevent our taking the words sepa-
rately under some circumstances. The words o.6ikto<s (ai/ravo-ros)
o-cpprjyls TrapOevL-qs, xopd-qs, or the like, do not occur in the Anthology,

1 It is not impossible that the received text of this much-quoted epigram may
be incorrect, and that we should read xpveeos aOpavcrroio oiirixayev cfyi/xa Kopeias
for d^/avaroLo. This is the reading of Cod. Leidensis of Suidas, s. Kdaiov, though
elsewhere we have a\j/a.\><TToio. Probably the situation is conceived by Paul in
this epigram, about Danae imprisoned in a tower, much in the way that a cor-
responding situation is represented by his contemporary Agathias in Anth. Pal.
V. 294. 19, &ja\<x7raf<x (pLXrjs irvpyu)p,a Kopelys, and a classical adjective for
irvpywfjLa and a word used in the sense of wvpyufj,a is adpava-ros, rather than
&-J/av<TTos : Eur. Hec. 17, irvpyoi ddpavcrroi.

190 John Henry Wright.

where if the expression had become common in Hellenistic times,
it would certainly have been reflected, so numerous are the situations
that might well call for it; indeed, the frequency of the some-
what similar a/^a irapQevlus renders yet more significant the absence
of phrases with a^payis. It seems to me quite probable that the
expression a\j/av(TTos o-<j>payk was suggested to Nonnus, if not by
Lycophron, by current usage in his own time, 1 in which the word
<rc/>payis had gained, largely through Christian influence, many new
and sacred associations. This expression he combines with refer-
ences to maidenhood, influenced in part by literary models from the
later epigrammatists (a/A/m 7rap#evias ktX.), and in part by Christian
ideas which had given to maidenhood as well as to acppayts new
meanings. 2 Paul the Silentiary, known as an imitator and student
of Nonnus and of Antipater of Sidon, mainly imitates these and other
late writers, and not necessarily writers of the Alexandrine age ; he is
besides also more or less under the influence of certain Latin poets. 3
Hence the presence in Nonnus and Paul of expressions apparently
equivalent to the oBiktos i<s KvO-qptyv cr^p-qyis of Herondas by no
means proves that the latter must be taken in the sense of the

The strong punctuation in the verse between KvOrjpirjv and crcpprjyLs
requires us to take o.0lkto<; es Kv8rjpLrjv together, and to separate them
from o-4>pr)yLs. This independent use of <x0iktos can be abundantly
illustrated: cf. 7ra.Tpos . . . <j> L ^° T V TL Ocye, Soph. Aj. 1410; oBiktov 8'
ovKir a.v izkXoi Keap, Aesch. Suppl. 784 (where oBiktov is Dindorfs
safe emendation for o.$vktov) ; Tracrqs /ca/aas oBiktov yStos, Plut. Num.
20. In the sense of 'virgin,' 'chaste/ cf. oBiktov evvrjv, Eur. Hel.

1 The words Kopd-q, &\pav<TTos, irapOevlr] very frequently recur in Nonnus, and
are used in a hackneyed way.

2 Cf. iireiBTj rb <r<ppayi<rij.a ttjs irapdevtas ko.1 rb ivayts Trpotrxyna T ^ v Ayy^w?
•7repi/3e/3\i5/ue0a al ava£iai, Martyr. S. Arethae, ap. Boissonade, Anecd. Graeca, V.
p. 15. See Steph.-Dind. Thesaurus, on <r<ppayls and its various compounds.

3 See Merian-Genast, De Paulo Silentiario Byzantino Nonni sectatore, Leip-
zig, 1889. — Antipater of Sidon has 6 irplv &8uctci | 7}p.eripas Xvcras Ep-fiara irap-
Oevlas (Anth. Pal. VII. 164, found in Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca, 248. 8, and compare
also Meleager's irapdevlas &p./xara Xvo/jL^va, Anth. Pal. VII. 1 82) while Paul writes
dipavtrroio dUr/xayeu &p.p.a tcopelas. — The most superficial comparison discloses
the dependence of Paul's epigram {Anth. Pal. V. 217) upon Horace, Carm.
III. 16; see Jacobs ad loc.

Herondaea. 191

795 l yvvaiKos Oiyelv, Eur. El. 255 : and in the gloss oBiktos' rj irap-
Oevos in Bekk. Anecd. 828, where the word is quoted from Araros,
a poet of the New Comedy, the reference is, of course, to a maiden.
These and other examples justify us in taking oBikto% is KvOrjpLTjv,
like adiKTos KwrpiSos, as ' [hitherto] untouched of love, heart-free.'

It may be that in the appended a-(pprjycs we have only an emphatic
appositive, — ' untouched by love, — a very seal,' 1 — but I am disposed
to believe that there is here an added thought, coordinate with the
leading expressions : viz. the thought of secrecy which often attaches
to o-<£payts and its derivatives, rather than that of inviolateness or
purity. This sense — not sufficiently noted in L. and S. — maybe
illustrated by the following examples : 2 <r<£joayi£e tov Xoyov a-iyr},
Solon ap. Stob. Serm. III. 79, p. 87 Mein. ; appyrwv «reW yXwaarj
acpp-qyls i-KUceta-Ow, Lucian ap. Anth. Pal. X. 42 ; aXXa Se 6avp.ara
ttoXXcl (rocprj cre^piyytWaTO cnyfj, Nonn. Ioh. xxi. 1 39 ; yeiXecri 8' a
<f)66yyot(TLv lire<j(^p-f]yi(T<jaTO <nyrjv, Nonn. Dionys. XLVII. 218; aAAa e
T *X V V X 01 ^-^ 6 "? 5 eireSrjO-ev virb acppyylSa <na)7r^s, Christod. Ecphr. 31,
i.e. Anth. Pal. II. v. 31. Probably it was in large part the idea
of secrecy associated with the seal that lent special force to o-^payis
and its derivatives in reference to the Greek mysteries : e.g., Itti-
cr^payi^eo-00.1 means ' to initiate,' ' to make one of the p.vcrrai (juw,
'to be closed').' Of course the term has chiefly the connotations
of authority and completeness, and these meanings develop especially
in the numerous applications of the words to Christian usages. (Cf.
Steph.-Dind. Thes., s.vv.)

This interpretation — whereby cn^yis is understood to suggest the
idea of secrecy — is quite in the spirit of Herondas. It furnishes
an additional example of a motive elsewhere found in the mimes,
that of caution and silence in matters of love and intrigue (I. 47,

1 To Paul the Silentiary the expression might mean ' untouched of love, yet
bearing love's own image or seal ' : cf. ttjv irplv eve<r<ppriyi.<Tev "'Epoos[6paavs]elK6va,
Anth. Pal. V. 274. — Rutherford's yv, <r<pp-qyls, ' look, his seal,' is rather abrupt
and harsh, but it has the advantage of preserving the punctuation.
' 2 In Aeschylus the same thought is expressed by k\t?'s : dXX' eo-Tt kol/xoI k\tjs
iirl y\d>cro"ri <pv\a% {Frag. 316 Nauck), with which compare Soph. O. C. 1052,
OvaToiffiv (Sv Kal %piWa /cXiys ^7ri y\tbcrcrr) (Hfiaice irpoffwoXwv WiixokiriSav, and
Frag. 849. 2 Nauck. Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. I. p. 36, note. Ancient rings made
of key and seal combined have been sometimes found : cf. Daremberg et Saglio,
Diet. Ant. I. p. 295, fig. 349.

192 John Henry Wright.

VI. 70). It is also in keeping with the context and with the course
of thought : the crowning excellence in the young athlete com-
mended by Gyllis to the favor of the coy Metriche is his habit of
perfect secrecy and discretion ; he is ' very rich, modest and quiet, 1
heart-free, — and silent; at sight of you, etc' {irkovriuyv to kol\6v,
ovSk /<dp</>os ck t^s y^s I /aveW, cLOlktos 6s ¥Lv9iqpiy}v, — (Ttpprjyis ' | ) .
Finally, the juxtaposition of similar ideas at III. 66, 67 (eyw o-e
6rjo-u) Koo-fAiwTepov Kovpys \ kwovvto. p-^Se /<dp<pos) supports this inter-
pretation. Perhaps, however, in this passage we have only a literary
reminiscence of Aristophanes, Lys. 474.

If the papyrus would only allow us to read either aOiKros, vol
Kv6r]pir]V, o-cpprjyLS or aOtKTos, vat pa. JfLvTrptrjv, o-cpprj-yts (the adjective
having a negative force) there would be no objection to connecting
iiOlktos and o-^prjyk, 'unbroken seal.' But these appear to be
palaeographically out of the question.



Tpi8rjp,epa Mdpwva ypapp.aTt£oi>TOS

tov 7ra.Tpos avTio tov Maptova IttoitjO'^.v

ou'tos 2t/u.wva 6 xprjo-To^. — Herond. III. 24-26.

els 8' ctaro TacrSe, (pepiare, MdAwv ayx otTO ^aAaiOTpas.

— THEOC. Id. VII. 125.

The Scholium on Theoc. Id. VII. 125 in Cod. Ambr. 222 (k), as
reported by Ziegler, reads MoXcdv tj Sipwv, "Aparos dvrepao-T^s. 2
The vulgate reading is MoXwv «at Si'pwv, 'Aparov avrepao-Tcu. Before
the publication of the Ambrosian Scholia, Meineke had already pro-
posed to emend the vulgate to MoAoov r} St^w, 'Apdrov avrepao-Ti/js.
This reading, apparently confirmed by that of Ambr. k, where, how-
ever, "Apa-ros avrepacrry/s Stands (not 'Aparov avTepao-n/s) , has been
accepted, as definitely established, by Ziegler, Hiller, Maass, and
others. It has been suggested by Hiller 3 with much plausibility

1 The gloss in Diogenianus (VI. 67) on the proverbial expression . . . /«j8£
K&pcpos Kiveip, is iirl tQ>v tjo-vxw. Suidas has itrl tov Tjcrvxov.

2 This reading, at least M6\wv rj XI/jluv, is given also in Par. L (Reg. 2831).

8 On this theory of Hiller, I should be disposed to explain Hl/xuv as originally

Herondaea. 193

that a Simon might have been mentioned by Aratus in one of his
lesser poems 1 as a rival in love, and thus may have been regarded
by the Scholiast as identical with Molon (rj %(fi<av). Meineke's
suggestion that MoXwv in the text of Theocritus is a corruption of
2,£fiu)v is hardly probable in view of the impossible quantity of the
penult of the latter word.

The vulgate reading goes back to the manuscripts used by Cal-
lierges in his editio princeps of the Scholia (Rome, 1506) ; these
were several in number {Ik ha^opoiv avTiypd(f><j)v) , and at least one
of them appears to have belonged to the same family as Ambr. k. 2
If we bear in mind the easy confusion of the ancient abbreviation
for KO.L with majuscule rj it is not difficult for us to believe that even
Ambr. k's MoXwv rj 2t]uw may be a mistake for an earlier MoA.wv koI
^tifjioiv. On palaeographical grounds then we might accept as the
original reading something like this : Mo'Aw /cat %l/jlo)v • "Aparos
avT£pa<TTrj<s (' Molon and Simon: Aratus was their rival in love'),
which involves the least possible departure from the manuscript
tradition ; or the vulgate reading MdXwv kcu St/xwv ' 'Apdrov avrepao-TaC
('Molon and Simon : Aratus's rivals in love ').

It is well known that in the Scholia Vetustiora of Theocritus lurk
several pieces of extremely explicit information upon matters in Cos,
which may safely be ascribed to an early commentator on the poet,
himself a resident or native of the island, apparently recording and
reporting stories and traditions locally current. This was Nicanor
the Coan : he is certainly the authority for several items in the long
Scholium on Theoc. Id. VII. 6, where he is cited by name (NtKavcop
6 Kwos vTroixv-qfxaTL^wv) , probably also for much in Schol. Idd. I. 57,

a marginal explanatory gloss in a text in which fj,o\d>v (participle) was read or
understood: see below, p. 197, note 2. The Scholiast of Ambr. k, endeavoring to
stand on two stools and to reconcile the older and better text-tradition of M6\wv
(proper name) with the suggested 21/j.wv, connects the two names in his remark
on the verse. But I do not believe we are forced to such a conclusion.

1 On Aratus's iXeyeiai, iirLypdfji,fiaTa, and iraiyvia, see now Maass, Aratea,
pp. 230 ff. (Wilamowitz-Kiessling, Phil. Unt. XII., 1892). In the epigrams
Philocles was celebrated : Anth. Pal. XII. 129.

2 For some remarks on the very complex sources of Callierges's Scholia, see
Ahrens, Bucolicorum Graecorum . . . Reliquiae, vol. II. pp. lxi, Ixii. — I regret
that it is impossible for me to identify the manuscript sources at the place under

194 John Henry Wright.

V. 123, VII. 1, 5, 10, 21, 45, XVII. 68, 69, Syr. 12 ; and doubtless
to him also we owe some of our information as to Theocritus's family
connexions at Cos.

Now it seems to me highly probable that among the minor chro-
niques scandaleuses of the prominent men of the little island was a
piquant story to the effect that the great Aratus, 1 and two other per-
sons known as Molon and Simon were rivals in certain love-affairs in
which one Philinus figured ; and that this story, gaining doubtless
greater currency from the fact that the liaison may have been cele-
brated in part by Aratus in one of his minor poems, was recorded by
Nicanor in his commentary, and lies at the bottom of the Scholium
on Id. VII. 125. It is a matter of indifference to the argument
whether the names Molon, Simon, and Philinus were the actual 2
names of the persons concerned or were partially fictitious, though
the former seems to me more probable. At all events it was under
the names of Molon and Simon that the story was current, and was
reported by Nicanor. Molon, from the fact of his mention in such
good company 3 as that of Id. VII., which appears to have included,

1 Maass, Aratea, c. viii (de Coo poetarum sodalico), discusses the question of
Aratus's sojourn in Cos, and his friendships in the island, where he passed several
years in his youth. The Phaenomena were there composed, and were read and
recited to the literary coterie, mainly pupils of Philetas, among whom Aratus was
a leading figure. — Were Herondas, and, after an interval, Artemidorus, the editor
of Theocritus, later members of the same fraternity?

2 From the fact that so many of the persons mentioned by Theocritus in Id.
VII. appear under fictitious names (see the next note), and commonly in forms
shorter than those of their actual names, Maass suggests that Molon is a pseudonym
for an otherwise unknown Anchimolus (M6Xwj> tiyxoiro : 125). He and Knaack
associate Philinus with Philocles, ibid. pp. 230 f., 322 f. But the identification
of Philinus and Philocles is by no means certain : Philinus may well have been
the actual name of a real person; and certainly Aratus's own name appears in
this idyl in an undisguised form, as does also that of Philetas. The presence of
the name Molon in Coan legend is an argument for the name Molon rather
than Anchimolus: Dibbelt, Quaestiones Coae mythologae, Greifswald, 1 891, cited
by Maass.

3 Philetas (v. 40); Aratus (v. 98, 122); Theocritus (ZifuxlBas, w. 21, 50, 96;
cf. Syrinx 12); Dosiades (Au/c/5os, vv. 12, 27, 55, 91; unless Lycidas be O. Rib-
beck's Astacides; he cannot have been Gercke's Callimachus) ; Alexander
Aetolus (Tlrvpos, i.e. Zdri/pos, the name of Alexander's father, 72) ; Asclepiades
(EtKeX(5as, 40). With 'A/wrts (v. 99) Maass (i.e. p. 320) would identify Aris-
totherus the astronomer; Bergk makes of Aristis the astronomer Aristarchus of

Herondaea. 195

besides Theocritus, Philetas, and Aratus, the names of Dosiades,
Alexander Aetolus, Asclepiades, and possibly Hegesianax, Alexus,
and Aristotherus, was doubtless a person of some distinction. And
the same might have been true of Simon. Unless he was a Coan
citizen, perhaps we have in this name a vague reminiscence of
another hitherto unsuspected member of the Coan fraternity of
poets, viz. Simias 1 of Rhodes, the author of the Alae, Ovum

Samos. Haberlin (Carmina figurata Graeca, pp. 53, 54) finds Hermesianax
referred to in 'Ayeava£ (vv. 52, 61) ; Alexus (Athen. xiv. 620 E; this name may
be the double for Alexander Aetolus; cf. Crusius, Jahrbb.f. Philol. 143, p. 387)
in ' ' Afdvras or 'Afivvrixos (vv. 2, 132) ; and a possible Pericles, brother of Theoc-
ritus, in EvicpiTos (w. I, 131).

Probably Haberlin is not right in identifying <$i\ivos (vv. 105, 121) with the
runner of the same name, friend of Daphnis, in Theoc. Id. II. 115. The latter,
as Wilamowitz has suggested, is certainly the famous Coan sprinter who won
the prize in the StauXos at Olympia in at least two successive Olympiads (b.c 264,
260: Euseb. Chron. L, Schone, vol. I. pp. 208, 209; cf. also Paus. VI. 17. 2, who
makes him winner at five Olympic contests — boys' race, B.C. 268? H. Forster,
Die Sieger in den Olytnpischen Spielen, nos. 440-445). If there is at vv. 98 ff.
a reference to an actual love-affair of Aratus's youth, — and this seems highly
probable, since with all its anachronisms Id. VII. gains its main charm from its
reminiscent character, — this Philinus, in the prime of his youthful powers in
260 B.C., could hardly have been old enough, if actually then born, to have been
the object of Aratus's affections as early as circa B.C. 292-288, when Aratus appears
to have sojourned in Cos as a young man. Perhaps, however, unless the name
be wholly fictitious or a substitute for that of Philocles or of some other person,
— it is the type of the youthful lover in Eupolis {Pol. Fr. 206, p. 314 Kock; so
Crusius), — Aratus's Philinus may have been, as Haberlin suggests, the one named
by Strato (C.A. III. p. 362 Kock), or the glossographer of Athen. xvi. 681, 682
(pupil of Philetas?). But the extreme frequency of the name $i\ivos, espe-
cially in Coan inscriptions, should make us pause before insisting upon an iden-
tification. The name, referring to different persons, occurs in the following
inscriptions, not later than the third century B.C. : Paton-Hicks, Inscriptions of
Cos, nos. 10 b 48; 10 c 36, 70, 75, 83, and 45 a 9.

It is an interesting coincidence that on the same set of stones, to be dated
not far from B.C. 260, we find the names of Nannacus, Aratus (of course not the
poet, who had long since left Cos), Philinus, and Simus (see the next note),
referring each to more than one person. One of the older inscriptions (Paton-
Hicks, no. 149) is that of a family Simonidae (Aids T/ceo-iov Si^wi/tSSv).

1 Of the date and literary affiliations of Simias we know little. He preceded
the tragic poet Philicus (Hephaest. Ench. p. 58, Gaisf. : in Athen. v. 198 B.C.
his name appears as Philiscus) ; wrote in his carmina figurata a kind of
poem, on which Dosiades and Theocritus tried their hands, and like Asclepiades

196 John Henry Wright.

and Securis, companion-pieces of Dosiades's Ara and Theocritus's

Have we not in Herond. III. 25, 26 another covert reference, if

1 3

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