It helps to keep the rank and file members in separate camps, gives the dis-
gruntled Red another place to go to help the movement, spurs members on
to rivalry, confuses and ensnares some of the bourgeoisie into believing
Socialism different from Communism, and enables the Parties, like two flanks
of an army, to carry on separate, even apparently hostile, coordinated Red
movements one penetrating, the other agitating.
While the Socialist Party in a practical, gentlemanly manner has bored
from within and secured governmental power and now guides NRA as far
toward complete Socialism as the leash of legalism will stretch, sanctions de-
stroying food and confiscating property, has forced upon the A. F. of L. its
former enemy, the pro-Soviet Amalgamated Clothing Workers unions, and is
aiding the A. F. of L. to unionize America in the expectation of using the
enlarged organization as an instrument for the general strike as suggested by
the Second International Conference at Paris 1933, the Communist Party has
adopted the definite program of utilizing the deepening discontent NRA is
80 The Red Network
creating, and is agitating rabid hatred against the NRA "slave regime,"
and, with hundreds of violent strikes to its credit already within the past
few months, hopes with increasing strikes to finally bring on a psychological
moment of chaos and despair, in which that taut leash of legalism may be
broken by a united front General Strike culminating in Red seizure of power.
Then would Socialists and Communists hold this power together, and with
violence. For, as Socialist Norman Thomas says in "Why I am a Socialist"
(p. 11): "Socialists are not non-resistants. We want to minimize violence
and place the onus of it when it comes where it belongs: On an owning class
that will not give up while it can hypnotize anyone to fight in its behalf."
Concerning the "General Strike" (the I. W. W. specialty), the Com-
munist International, May 25, 1928, stated: "The task of the party (Com-
munist) is to lead the working class into the revolutionary struggle for
power. When the revolutionary tide is flowing, when the dominant classes
are disorganized . . . and the masses are prepared for action and for sacrifice,
the task of the party is to lead the masses into the direct attack upon the
bourgeois state. This is to be achieved by propaganda in favor of all tran-
sition slogans ... to which all other branches of party work must be subordi-
nated. This includes strikes, strikes combined with demonstration, the com-
bination of armed demonstrations and strikes, and finally the General Strike
conjointly with the armed uprising against the political party of the bourge-
oisie. This struggle must be subjected to the rules of military art; it must
be conducted according to a plan of war and in the form of a military offen-
sive. . . . Communists do not think it necessary to conceal their views and aims.
They openly declare that their goal can be achieved only by the violent over-
throw of the whole of the present social system." Both the Russian and the
Cuban Red revolutions were preceded by a "General Strike".
In the communist Daily Worker, Oct. 21, 1933, appears the headline
"Roosevelt Invites Soviet Envoy, U. S. S. R. Decides to Send Litvinov," and
an editorial saying: "The chief conflict in the present-day world is between
the system of advancing Socialism and of decaying world capitalism. . . . The
United States is now forced to step aside from its traditional policy of non-
recognition and undertake diplomatic negotiations with the workers' father-
land. . . . The Roosevelt regime now grasps for this market." Other captions
are typical of Communist opposition to NRA and include: "New Revolt
Looms As Miners Sense Deception of NRA"; "NRA Cuts Wages at Sheffield
Steel Mills"; "Farms Rise in Strike Against NRA" this last over the gloat-
ing announcement that "Government officials are unable to conceal their
alarm at the unusual depth and prevalence of the farmers' bitterness against
the Roosevelt regime"; and announcement that the next convention of the
National Farmers Committee of Action would take place under Communist
auspices Nov. 15-18 in Chicago (to stir up further strikes).
Page 4 (same issue) is entirely devoted to the speech of the Communist
Party general secretary, Earl Browder, before the Central Committee of the
C. P. U. S. A., in which he said: "We point out the increased and more effec-
tive participation in strikes" (against NRA) ; and, after covering the com-
munist Anti-War Congresses and other Party activities, he terminated with
The New Deal and Roosevelt Appointees 81.
this advice: "An essential part of the whole propaganda of the revolutionary
solution of the crisis, the proletarian dictatorship, is the example of the suc-
cessful revolution and building of socialism in the Soviet Union. ... A large
number of our leading comrades in many districts who think they can get a
larger number of workers to join the Party by talking to them only about
the immediate demands, and who soft-pedal the ultimate program of our
Party in order to be popular, are making a big mistake. Precisely this line
is what keeps workers out of the Party, because it doesn't give them the
essential reason why the Party is necessary and why they must join ... it is
essential to bring forward the revolutionary program, the revolutionary
character of our Party, to propagandize the revolutionary way out of the
crisis, the problem of seizure of power, the problem of building socialism in
America as a problem of the next future of the United States."
An article in the Daily Worker of Sept. 30, 1933 by Joseph Stalin, head
of the Soviet government, of the Communist Party of U. S. S. R., and of
the Third International, is entitled "The Peace Policy of the U. S. S. R." He
states: "Our policy is a policy of peace and strengthening of trade relations
with all countries" and refers to the U. S. S. R. as the "citadel of the revo-
lution". Then in the adjoining column is this quotation from Lenin:
" 'We do not only live in one State but in a system of States, and the
existence of the Soviet Republic side by side with the imperialist States is
inconceivable jor any considerable length of time. Eventually, one or the
other must win' " (Emphasis in original), with the following comment: "The
Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist International, under
the leadership of Comrade Stalin, have worked untiringly for the realization
of this bequest. To win over the workers and peasants of the imperialist
powers, ... to obtain the sympathy of the petty-bourgeoisie and the intellec-
tual middle class, to utilize the imperialist antagonisms in the interest of
Socialist construction and the extension of peace, of the breathing space
this has been, and still is, the meaning of the policy of the Soviet Union . . .
because the peace policy of the Soviet Union was linked up with the
realization of the First Five Year Plan, and the beginning of the realization
and carrying out of the Second Five Year Plan."
The "breathing space" is the Communist term for Russia's present period
of preparation. Propaganda abroad and industrialization in the U. S. S. R.
must both be supported in order that the Red Army's millions, now train-
ing, may be supported when they step forth to fulfill their promise to the
"Workers of the World" to aid them in overthrowing such capitalist govern-
ments as have not by that time already been overthrown by means of revo-
lutions inspired by Red propaganda. Communists everywhere confidently
hope that if sufficient credits can be secured from capitalist governments
particularly from rich Uncle Sam to aid in this preparation, that the end
of the Second Five Year Plan will find Russia able to support its Red Army
in the field.
"Long live the American proletariat! Long live the Communist Inter-
national, the general staff of the World Proletarian Revolution," says the
Daily Worker in the column adjoining Stalin's article, while Rooseveltian
82 The Red Network
supporters are now flooding the press with the statement that Stalin now
ignores the Third International which he heads, and the embargo against
slave-made Soviet products (1934) has been lifted!
Communist leaders long ago said that capitalists would commit suicide
for the sake of temporary profits (on paper). American patriotic societies,
I know, have flooded Pres. Roosevelt with information concerning the one-
ness of the Soviet Government and Third International which spreads sedition
in the U. S. A. for the purpose of overthrowing this government and setting"
up a Socialist Soviet one. The U. S. S. R. has "cried" for recognition, as a
baby cries for a bottle. It needs credits for industrialization and the sub-
sidization of world revolutionary propaganda. It wants above all else this
freedom in America, world prestige, and money to strengthen itself for our
assassination, all of which recognition will give.
Then why does Pres. Roosevelt, against all precedent, in effect say "Nice
kitty!" to this man-eating tiger which would devour America's government
and invite him over to feed and roam in America? Is he stupid, blind, badly-
informed and played-upon by radicals, or well-informed and deliberately
playing the Red game as socialist Ramsay MacDonald and every other clever
socialist statesman plays it?
The Literary Digest, Nov. 4, 1933, quotes the editor of "L'Echo de Paris"
as stating: " 'Doubtless Roosevelt was influenced by members of the "brain
trust" and by intellectual snobs who believe that Communism would be a
diverting experiment.' " It must be assuring to our capitalistic Reds to read
that Litvinov, the proletarians' spokesman, sailed for America occupying the
Royal Suite on the Berengaria.
Concerning Soviet Recognition, the Chicago Daily News, Oct. 24, 1933
(Paul Mallon), says: "The real inside negotiations were handled by Wm. C.
Bullitt, special assistant to Hull. He is the man who made a secret trip to
Europe last spring. . . . Bullitt's real mission was to sound out European
governments as to how they were getting along with the Reds. His report
was favorable." It would be, as Pres. Roosevelt must have known.
Bullitt, Roosevelt appointee as special adviser of the State Department,
and now as Ambassador to the U. S. S. R., was, until recently, married to
Louise Bryant Reed, widow of John Reed, a founder of the American Com-
munist Party. Louise Bryant and Lincoln Steffens of the Anarchist-Com-
munist group sent a joint telegram, quoted in the Lusk Report, asking Lenin
and Trotsky to appoint a man in America with whom they could cooperate
in aiding the Russian revolution. After this, Bullitt and Lincoln Steffens
went over on a confidential mission to Russia. To quote magazine "Time"
of May 1, 1933: "Wm. C. Bullitt went to Sweden on Henry Ford's Peace
Ship in 1915. . . . In Feb., 1919, Diplomat Bullitt, with Journalist Lincoln
Steffens, was entrusted with a confidential mission to Russia to make peace
terms with the Soviet. . . . Mr. Bullitt spent a week in Moscow and came to
terms with Dictator Lenin. On his return to Paris his peace proposal, involv-
ing recognition of the Bolshevist regime was suddenly tossed into the waste
basket by Messrs. Wilson and Lloyd George. ... He impulsively resigned from
the Peace Commission after Pres. Wilson refused to give him an audience.
An admirer of Lenin, he predicted that the Reds would oversweep all Europe.
The New Deal and Roosevelt Appointees
. . . Mr. Lloyd George referred to 'a journey some boys were reported to have
made to Russia' and flayed the Bullitt report as a tissue of lies. After a Paris
divorce in 1923 Bullitt married Anne Moen Louise Bryant Reed, widow of
Red John Reed of Greenwich village who went to Russia and today lies
buried in the Kremlin wall."
Paul Mallon states in the Daily News of Sept. 13, 1933: "The Com-
munists used to have no shoulder on which to weep in Washington. They
have one now. It's Louis Howe's." (Roosevelt's secretary.) "A Washing-
ton detective tried to cross-question several well-known Reds a few days ago.
'We don't want to talk to you' they said. 'We are going to see Howe.' They
got in. Howe is also credited with the appointment of two former leaders
of the bonus army to the department of justice. What they do is not gen-
erally known in the department, but they are on the payroll." The bonus
army was Communist-led. Einstein, barred as a Communist from Germany,
in Jan., 1934 was an over night guest of the President at the White House.
Under the heading "An Alarming Appointment," Francis Ralston Welsh
reports: "In 'Science' for Sept. 6, 1933 is the following notice: 'Prof. Vladi-
mir Karapetoff, of the department of electrical engineering of Cornell Uni-
versity, has been appointed Lieutenant Commander in the Naval Reserve
and has been assigned to the Volunteer Naval Reserve for engineering
duties.' " Karapetoff is and has been vice president of the League for Indus-
trial Democracy, the left-wing Socialist organization spreading Socialist and
Communist propaganda in schools and colleges. To quote Mr. Welsh:
"Appointee Karapetoff should be kept under closest scrutiny."
Under the heading "A Shameless Appointment," Mr. Welsh reports the
appointment of Frederic Clemson Howe as chairman of the Consumers' Board
of AAA. When Mr. Welsh brought about an investigation of Howe's activities
when Howe was Commissioner of Immigration at the Port of New York,
Howe resigned, but the Congressional investigation brought out letters show-
ing Howe's close connection with Emma Goldman, Eliz. Gurley Flynn and
other Anarchists and Communists and his aid to their cause. "Byron H. Uhl
testified that he had issued orders to the Ellis Island officials to stop the
circulation of radical literature among inmates of Ellis Island, but that this
order was held up under Howe's regime and the circulating of I. W. W. and
Anarchist literature permitted. Howe was shown also to have held up depor-
tation proceedings against the Reds brought to Ellis Island and that various
Reds were released without giving bail and permitted to travel about the
country continuing their Anarchist and Communist work. The proceedings
of the committee were reported at the time in the 'New York Times'. Just
before Howe resigned as Commissioner, information came to me that he
had been tipped off that there would be a Congressional investigation. This
information came from inside the Berkman anarchist gang. From whence
they got it is not disclosed." (Welsh) (See also "Who's Who").
"Miss" Perkins, who is the mother of Mr. Paul Wilson's daughter, follows
the custom popular with Red married ladies who refuse to acknowledge the
"private ownership" of marriage and show that they "wear no man's collar"
by refusing to use a husband's name. The cry of the Socialists and Com-
munists had long been "Down with Deportation Doak". Secy. Doak utilized
84 The Red Network
the machinery of the Department of Labor to deport and bar certain notorious
Red alien agitators. "Miss" Perkins, his successor as Roosevelt's Secretary
of Labor, ended this activity at once. Tom Mann, notorious English Red
agitator, jailed in England, barred from Ireland, and previously absolutely
barred from the United States, recently (1933) preached sedition and Red
revolution in the United States, with his temporary visa extended, due to the
new policy. Henri Barbusse, Communist agitator, has lectured in many
American cities advocating Red revolution, and Frank Borich, vicious Com-
munist agitator slated for deportation, has been turned loose to create vio-
lence and disorder.
Yet, because the smokescreen must ever be kept before the public, the
Daily Worker of Oct. 5, 1933 actually "razzes" Secy. Perkins; to quote:
"The lady, Miss Perkins, whom the wily Roosevelt chose as the liberal
window-dressing for his cabinet" . . . "claims to have 'liberalized' the immi-
gration regulations regarding the admittance of foreign visitors to the United
States. The hypocrisy of her claims can find no better proof than the delay
in granting Tom Mann's visa. . . . Mann's visa was not granted by the
American Consul in London until too late for him to attend the U. S. Con-
gress Against War"; and again, slightingly, the Daily Worker of Oct. 18,
1933 refers to "Miss" Perkins as a former member of the Socialist Party.
She was an executive and fellow worker with Mrs. Roosevelt in the New York
National Consumers League.
Of the Blue Eagle, which Senator Schall (Minn.) calls "the Soviet Duck,"
P. H. Hatch, writing in the Literary Digest of Nov. 4, 1933 asks: "I would
very much like to know why the Soviet eagle is selected, that bears electricity
in its talons, and is placed here, there and everywhere, instead of our Amer-
ican eagle, carrying an olive branch, and which is shown on the obverse side
of the great seal of the United States?"
The Daily Worker, Sept. 8, 1933, found it necessary to take Communist
Theodore Dreiser to task for not following the Party line of attack on NRA,
saying: "Theodore Dreiser has come out with a statement of his conversion
to NRA on the grounds that the New Deal comes to us direct from Moscow."
Rexford Guy Tugwell (see "Who's Who"), whose radical speech on doing
away with private business entirely is quoted under "National Religion and
Labor Foundation," said in Chicago, Oct. 29, 1933: "We are passing through
a fairly sensible mass revolution," to which the Chgo. Daily News replied
with a great editorial, Nov. 1, 1933, headed "Did You Vote for Revolution?"
He is Pres. Roosevelt's Assistant "Commissar" of Agriculture and one of
the principle spokesmen for the administration.
To quote Cong. Hamilton Fish's speech before the House of Repre-
sentatives, May 2, 1933: "Mordecai Ezekiel, Economic Adviser to the Secre-
tary of Agriculture, is a real shadow of Prof. Tugwell so far as the Russian
farm plan is concerned. He appears to be the Professor Einstein of the admin-
istration and carefully elaborates the working of the 'new deal' to Congress
by the use of logarithms, letting a hog equal X, the squeal equal Y, and the
price equal Z. If it works out 'everything will be all right'. Prof. Ezekiel has
visited Russia, where he made a considerable study of the Gosplan. . . . Here
is a clipping from the greatest propagandist of Soviet Russia in the world, a
The New Deal and Roosevelt Appointees 85
writer for the N. Y. Times, Mr. Walter Duranty, who says that after IS
years the agricultural plan in Russia has failed. . . . The heading of this article
in the N. Y. Times is 'All Russia suffers shortage of food, supplies dwindle,
two- thirds of people are not expected to get sufficient allowances for winter;
crops below 1930; live stock reduced more than 50 percent from 5 years ago,
with fodder lacking; new plans dropped'. These are the agricultural plans
that were commended by Mr. Tugwell and probably are the plans now being
suggested or copied from Soviet Russia in the pending farm bill. If its pur-
pose is to reduce production of farm products, as has happened in Soviet
Russia, then this farm bill ought to succeed at least in that respect, although
that was not the intention of the framers of the Soviet Gosplan in Russia.
"Where did the 'new deal' come from? ... is it possible that the 'new deaF
was borrowed from the Socialist book 'A New Deal,' from which apparently
a large part of the proposed legislative program has been taken? ... in which
Stuart Chase says that 'in a way it is a pity that the road to revolution is
temporarily closed'." I note that the last line of this same book is "Why
should Russians have all the fun of remaking a world?"
When Smith Wildman Brookhart, defeated radical Iowa Senator, Roose-
velt's Foreign Trade Adviser of Agricultural Adjustment Administration,
debated with Hamilton Fish in Chicago, 1932, under L. I. D. and A. S. C.
R. R. auspices, with Prof. Paul H. Douglas, executive of both, presiding, he
took the side of Soviet Russia and of Soviet recognition. He spoke in
friendly familiar terms of his friend Boris Skvirsky, unofficial Soviet repre-
sentative in Washington, and to judge by the plaudits of the audience he
might well have been born in Russia instead of the United States. The hall
was packed with Reds who cheered Brookhart and hissed Fish.
Among other radical Roosevelt appointees is Robert M. Hutchins, self
assured young president of the University of Chicago, under whose admin-
istration the U. of C. has become a hotbed for Communist propaganda. The
Student Congress Against War with Scott Nearing and Earl Browder of
the Communist Party as speakers, mass meetings with Wm. Z. Foster, Carl
Haessler, and others, advocating overthrow of our government in defiance
of the Illinois sedition law, are not only held in University auditoriums, but
the communist National Student League is an officially recognized U. of C.
student activity. Hutchins, accompanied by Victor Olander of the Illinois
Federation of Labor, Pres. Walter Dill Scott of N. U., etc., opposed me in
testifying before the Illinois Legislative hearing at Springfield on the Baker
Bills, aimed at curbing sedition in colleges. Jane Addams opposed me at the
second Chicago hearing. I was in the unique position at Springfield, at
Senator Baker's invitation, of being the only person to testify in favor of
curbing sedition. The presidents of St. Viator's College, and Northwestern
and Chicago Universities were pitted against me, with Mrs. Ickes, wife of
Secy. Harold L. Ickes, leading Roosevelt appointee, applauding on the side-
lines the remarks of the opponents of the sedition bills.
When I showed documentary proof of my charges that Communism is
allowed to flourish at the U. of C., young Hutchins came back with the very
good answer that he did not know why Communism should not be a student
activity at the U. of C., since Wm. Z. Foster and the Communist Party were
86 The Red Network
allowed on the ballot of the State of Illinois (and a scandal that it is true!),
and that he taught Marxism and Leninism himself. Hutchins heads the Chi-
cago Mediation Board of NRA. Jane Addams was invited to serve also but
declined, but Victor Olander, his ally at the Springfield Hearing, serves under
him, as does James Mullenbach (see "Who's Who") and John Fitzpatrick
(appointed through Leo Wolman), president of the Chicago Federation of
Labor and a member of the Chicago Committee for Struggle Against War,
which put over the huge Communist mass meeting I attended Oct. 23, 1933
in honor of Communist Henri Barbusse. Only the Red flag was displayed and
the Internationale sung, and Revolution was cheered. Fitzpatrick's com-
mittee were seated on the stage and a Communist pamphlet sold at the meet-
ing stated that Fitzpatrick had been asked to address the meeting but had
not dared do so as a representative of the A. F. of L.
This Chicago Labor Board (according to the Chicago Tribune, Oct. 20,
1933) was chosen from nominations submitted to Senator Robt. E. Wagner,
chairman of the National Board. Wagner himself is a warm advocate of
Russian recognition and a contributor to the radical Survey, Graphic and
According to the Daily Worker of March 19, 1934, Sen. Brookhart
praised Soviet agriculture at the New School for Social Research (Mrs. F. D.
Roosevelt was on its Advisory Board, 1931) and said similar collectivisation
could be achieved here by means of his Bill. To quote: " 'My Bill is the rev-
olution. A couple of Bills like that and there would be no more Wall Street!'
Brookhart suggested that the audience read Stalin's speech on agriculture
mimeographed copies of which he distributed free."
We are not surprised at Mrs. Roosevelt's lavish praise of Jane Addams,
her friend, with whom she shared the program led by Newton D. Baker, in a
drive for relief funds, Oct. 30, 1933 in Chicago, nor to read: "Mrs. Franklin
D. Roosevelt and Mrs. Henry Morgenthau, Jr., motored from the summer
White House at Hyde Park, N. Y., to pay a visit tonight to Miss Lillian
Wald, welfare worker and sociologist. The President's wife and her com-
panion joined Miss Jane Addams . . . and Dr. Alice Hamilton ... as dinner
guests of the founder of Henry St. Settlement, New York." (Chicago Trib-
une, Aug. 8, 1933.)
The A. S. C. R. R., a Communist subsidiary, was formed at Henry St.
Settlement. Lillian Wald and Mrs. Roosevelt served together on the Non-
intervention Citizens Committee, 26 of the 75 members of which were out-
right Socialists or Communists, and the others all more or less connected