Elizabeth Kirkpatrick Dilling.

The red network; a who's who and handbook of radicalism for patriots online

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in wrath. Jane Addams' W. I. L. P. F. sent a message criticizing the Amer-
ican consul for even questioning the idol, Einstein.

Yet, legally, Einstein's membership in only one of these communist organ-
izations was sufficient to exclude him from admission to the United States.

The United States Immigration Act of February 5, 1917, requires: "That
the following classes of aliens shall be excluded from admission into the
United States: Anarchists or persons who believe in or advocate the over-
throw by force or violence of the government of the United States, or who
disbelieve in or are opposed to organized government ... or who are members
of or affiliated with any organization entertaining and teaching disbelief in
or opposition to organized government. . . . The giving, loaning or promising
of money or anything of value to be used for the advising, advocacy or teach-
ing of any doctrine above shall constitute the advising, advocacy or teaching
of such doctrine." Etc. (Section 3.)

Nor is it necessary to prove he "had knowledge of the contents of the
programs ... or any one of them. It is sufficient if the evidence showed that
he was a member of, or affiliated with, such an organization as contemplated
by the statute." (Case of "Kjar vs. Doak," page six.)

The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in the Robert F. Clark case (301

Who Are They? Jane Addams

Pa. 321) held: "Anarchy will stalk in unmolested if individuals, because of
superior education, age or mental reservation, are to be permitted to resist
or to modify the laws of Congress according to their own individual beliefs."
That was a naturalization case where the fundamental principle of the United
States Constitution, namely, the power of government to defend its existence
and enforce its laws by force of arms, was at issue.

The program of Einstein's War Resisters International, which is actually
affiliated with at least three Anarchist-Communist societies, is in entire con-
formity with the teachings of Karl Marx as quoted by Lenin: "Not merely
to hand on from one set of hands to another the bureaucratic and military
machine . . . but to shatter it, and it is this that is the preliminary condition
of ariy real people's revolution."

Jane Addams

Greatly beloved because of her kindly intentions toward the poor, Jane
Addams has been able to do more probably than any other living woman (as
she tells in her own books) to popularize pacifism and to introduce radicalism
into colleges, settlements, and respectable circles. The influence of her radical
protegees, who consider Hull House their home center, reaches out all over
the world. One knowing of her consistent aid of the Red movement can only
marvel at the smooth and charming way she at the same time disguises this
aid and reigns as "queen" on both sides of the fence.

I was impressed with her charm and ability (and subterfuge) at my only
meeting with her, which was at a Legislative Hearing held at the Chicago
City Hall, May 29, 1933. She was there to testify against the passage of the
Baker Bills, which aimed only at penalizing the seditious communistic teach-
ing of overthrow of this government in Illinois colleges. One would not have
believed any person wishing to appear decently law abiding could have
objected to these Bills which easily had passed the Senate; but the vehement
fight the college presidents (Hutchins, Scott, McClelland, and McGuire of
St. Viator's) put up against them at the first Hearing in Springfield was in
itself a revelation.

At the second Hearing in Chicago, in reply to a gentleman's testimony
concerning Prof. Lovett's revolutionary speeches, Miss Addams, after plead-
ing for freedom to teach Socialism and Communism in schools because these
are world movements, said she was sure Prof. Lovett (who lives at Hull
House) had never advocated the overthrow of this government by force and
violence; in fact, said she, "I don't believe I ever heard of any member of
the Communist Party doing so ! Of course you all know I am a pacifist and
would not advocate the overthrow of anything by force and violence." (Lovett
writes the introduction of "Recovery Through Revolution" [see] .)

I arose to remark that Communists do advocate such overthrow as she
should know since she had been associated with enough of them, reminding
her that she had spoken only in December on the same program with Com-
munist Scott Nearing at the Student Congress Against War (see) at the Uni-
versity of Chicago. She started to deny this, but I held up the program of
the Congress with her name on it. Then she said: "But Prof. Nearing is
not a member of the Party any more." I replied: "He is lecturing under

52 The Red Network

the auspices of the Friends of the Soviet Union and for the benefit of the
communist Chicago Workers School of revolution at 2822 S. Michigan Ave."
"O, I didn't know," she murmured. (I had the announcement card with me.)

During this Hearing, Carl Haessler of this same school of revolution sat
taking notes, probably for his communist Federated Press, and when it
adjourned he came along with Jane Addams as she magnanimously sought
me out, her "enemy," to introduce herself. Graciously she said, "I don't
believe we have ever met, Mrs. Billing, I am Miss Addams." We shook
hands and I said "I believe you have a very kind heart for the poor, Miss
Addams, but why is it you have been helping the Communist movement all
these years? Communism only pulls people down!" She said "I am not a
member of the Communist Party." "No, of course not," said I, "You can
do so much more good from the outside. But you have belonged to every
outstanding Red-aid society from the American Civil Liberties Union with
its terrible record in aid of sedition down to this last National Religion and
Labor Foundation which uses atheist Soviet cartoons and talks plain revo-
lution." She said, "I make no apology for my connection with the Civil
Liberties Union. It was quite necessary during the war. But what is this
National Religion and Labor Foundation you mention?" I dug down into
my brief case and drew out its letterhead and pointed to her name on its
national committee. Mildly she professed to know nothing about it, and
her woman companion at her request copied off the address, presumably to
chide the organization for "using her name."

Only a few weeks later (July 21) the Chicago Daily News carried the
story of a radical strike in which three patrol wagons full of strike pickets
were arrested for "hurling missiles at returning workers and the police," and
stated that Lea Taylor of Chicago Commons (who had also testified against
the Baker Bills at this same Hearing), Karl Borders of Chicago Commons,
and Annetta Dieckman of the Chicago Y. W. C. A., along with Francis Hen-
son, Victor Brown, Norman Sibley, and Ralph Barker, jour delegates to the
national conference of the National Religion and Labor Foundation then
being held at Hull House, had joined the picket lines. So, after "discovering"
her membership and making inquiries, Miss Addams must evidently have
approved of the National Religion and Labor Foundation sufficiently to sanc-
tion its convention at Hull House.

Newspaper photographers approached asking to take our pictures, as Miss
Addams stood talking with me after the Hearing, with Carl Haessler grinning
like a little Cheshire cat at her side. He had written me up in the communist
Federated Press as a "rabid D. A. R.," following our previous encounter (see
article "Red Ravinia").

To the photographers Miss Addams said: "If Mrs. Dilling is broadminded
enough to have her picture taken with me, you may take it providing you
will call the picture Two D. A. R.'s' " and to me, "You know I also am a
D. A. R." But before a Haessler-Addams-Dilling photo could be snapped
then and there I truthfully spoke up and said "I am not a D. A. R., I am sorry
to say," which upset her plan.

Roland Libonati, chairman of the Legislative committee holding the Hear-
ings, was impressed no doubt by the array of talent ("important" personages

Who Are They? G. Bromley Oxnam 53

such as college presidents and Jane Addams) which opposed the Baker Bills
and favored freedom for communistic teaching in our schools. Living as he
does within a block of Hull House, he must also realize the influence Jane
Addams wields in his political district. At any rate, the Bills were killed, as
he then intimated to reporters that they would be.

Miss Addams wields great influence also at the Chicago Woman's Club,
where the communist Chicago Workers Theatre (see) play "Precedent" was
given in May, 1933. Its Feb. 1934 play was presented at Hull House.

The communist Daily Worker, Saturday, Oct. 21, 1933, said: "Today the
John Reed Club will hold a banquet for Henri Barbusse at the Chicago
Woman's Club, 72 E. llth St. ... Jane Addams internationally known social
worker, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and head of the Women's Interna-
tional League for Peace and Freedom, writes that although illness will prevent
her from attending the mass meeting, she expects to be present at the banquet
and is anxious to meet M. Barbusse. . . . B. K. Gebert, district organizer of
the Communist Party, and Herbert Newton, editor of the Workers Voice, are
also scheduled to speak at the banquet. . . . Barbusse will be accompanied by
Joseph Freeman, editor of the New Masses and Prof. H. W. L. Dana, noted

(See "Who's Who" for affiliations of Jane Addams.)

G. Bromley Oxnam

Louis Adamic, radical, in an article entitled "Liberals in Los Angeles" in
"Plain Talk" magazine for December, 1929, said: "A few years ago there was
in town a Methodist minister, Methodist only in name Bromley Oxnam, a
man of tremendous personal force, who ran a dingy institution called the
Church of All Nations, preaching in a vacant storeroom in an out-of-the-way
street, interesting himself in all sorts of liberal and radical movements, fighting
for the atheistic wobblies who got into jail, pacifists, anarchists and other
victims of police persecution, running for office on independent tickets, speak-
ing from all sorts of platforms five or six times a week. He wanted to stay
in Los Angeles, but it was no place for a man of his sincerity and capacity
and so when he received an offer of the presidency of De Pauw University
in Indiana he wisely accepted it."

The Daily Worker, Communist newspaper, Oct. 26, 1926, stated: "Rev.
Oxnam, one of the American delegation of 24" (Sherwood Eddy's delegation)
"just returned from Soviet Russia spoke at the open forum of the Civil
Liberties Union at Music Arts Hall to a large audience. After reciting what
he had seen in that immense country he urged that the American government
recognize the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. . . . Such statements as
'priests are considered parasites and are therefore disenfranchised' and 'tho
there is absolute religious freedom in Soviet Russia yet there are no young
people in the churches' were greeted with enthusiastic applause."

The American Vigilant Intelligence Federation of Chicago reprints the
charges which Leroy Smith, a member of the M. E. Church of Los Angeles,
laid before the M. E. Southern California Bishop, A. W. Leonard, on Sept.
22, 1923. To quote from these charges, specifications and mass of data con-
cerning Oxnam's radical activities: "I hereby charge that G. Bromley Oxnam,

54 The Red Network

. . . has proven by many and varied public activities, by many personal
affiliations and by numerous spoken and printed utterances that he is
utterly unfit to represent the Methodist Episcopal Church as one of her

"Specification 1" cites details of a meeting held April 13, 1921, in behalf
of prisoners convicted for sedition at which Oxnam "had as a fellow speaker
Harriet Dunlop Prenter, the well known Communist."

Specification 2 tells how Oxnam spoke at "a protest mass meeting against
the Criminal Syndicalism Act of the State of Calif."; and at this same meet-
ing it was publicly advertised that "members of the I. W. W. now on trial
would address the meeting and did address said meeting, six of these men
being introduced as martyrs."

Specification 3 charges that May 19, 1923 under A. C. L. U. auspices in
the interest of Upton Sinclair and in defense of so-called "Freedom of Speech,"
in company with specified notorious radicals, "Mr. Oxnam opened the
meeting with prayer and as he started to pray, several in the gallery called
out 'Cut out the prayer'; one of these men said, 'Who the hell is that Bird?'
One of the others answered, 'That's Oxnam, the Wobbly Preacher. 7 The first
one asked, 'Is he with us?' The second one replied, 'Is he? You ought to
hear the blankety blank blank preach sometimes.' Then the third man broke
in 'That's the dope that's great, once we get a few of these Holy Joes
coming our way, we'll be able to put the skids on the whole damned works,
president, constitution, government and all' others agreed with fine fervor";
etc. (Note: "Wobblies" is the slang term for "I. W. W.'s.")

Specifications under the second charge concerning Oxnam's unfitness for
the ministry include: "One of Mr. Oxnam's trusted Lieutenants, an enthusi-
astic teacher in his Sunday School, has been Mrs. Kashub. Mrs. Kashub
entertained Harriet Dunlop Prenter and other numerous Communists and
I. W. W.'s on visits to this city. Mrs. Kashub has been teaching the children
from 9 to 11 years of age in the Church of All Nations; she has been using
Walter Thomas Mills' book called The Struggle for Existence' as a text
book. This book is wonderfully adapted to make it easy to understand Social-
ism. On a certain Sunday morning not long since, in the Sunday School Class
of Mrs. Kashub, the following program was carried out: First The studies
in Socialism lasted one hour. Second There was one hour of dancing. Third
There was twenty minutes of singing the meeting closed by singing 'The
Workers' Flag is the Red Flag.' "

Specifications No. 2 states: "The Boy Scout movement of the Church
of All Nations (Methodist Episcopal) is in charge of a young Russian
Socialist by the name of Klussman."

Specification 3: "The Church has a library of most up-to-date Socialist
and Communist books," etc.

Specification 4: "His religious services have not been religious services."
(See "Who's Who" for affiliations.)

"Red Ravinia" Carl Haessler

Several years ago, because of the activities of a certain "Red" clique,
Ravinia acquired the nickname "Red Ravinia" in neighboring communities.

Who Are They? "Red Ravinia"Carl Haessler 55

Carl Haessler spoke at the Ravinia Woman's Club April 13th, 1932, in
favor of Communism and violent Red revolution in America. His audience
was composed of well-dressed women who enjoy the comfortable homes,
great new inventions, and educational benefits of church and school which
the American "capitalistic" system has fostered as never before in the world's
history. To be sure, Haessler is a past master at the art of revolutionary
propaganda. His own account of how he and a few others incited the strike
of 3,200 fellow prisoners in Leavenworth Penitentiary demonstrates practical
ability which no doubt helped him to secure his present position as Chicago
head of the Communistic propaganda news-gathering agency, The Federated

In appearance, Haessler is harmless, even effeminate, and before the
Woman's Club he employed to perfection the manner of a sweet startled deer
beseeching its captors for mercy, which is so appealing to the mother instinct.
He told the ladies he wanted to avoid offending anyone, and apologetically
asked that his propaganda be regarded as an academic question (not a ques-
tion of life and death to all of us). By all the subtle arts of indirection and
innuendo he proposed a revolution of terror and confiscation as smoothly as
though he were offering his listeners a charming prospect or a chocolate cream,
and most of them seemed to accept it as such.

Haessler's introductory remarks were that, while he was not a member
of the Club (laughter), he felt that he had taken part in its life through his
wife, who had acted as Program Chairman, Secretary of the Board, etc., for
over ten years. After hearing this, I could well understand the difficulty
patriotic citizens and club members have had in trying to combat "Red" influ-
ence in Ravinia, where the Haesslers live.

Briefly, his arguments were for the confiscation of all private wealth and
property, and for putting these under state control (control by state political
machines being purer, supposedly, than private control). He said that while
the Socialist and Communist systems were interchangeable, Socialists think
they can win by peaceable means, while "history tells Communists" that
violence is necessary, and that his sympathies were with Communism. He
said Communism is inevitable and we had only to choose between "dragging
along" for several generations or "having it over with" by quick, violent
revolution. He deceptively compared this proposed revolution with our own
Revolutionary War for independence (as Communists always do). He non-
chalantly observed that while revolutions undoubtedly "pull down houses,"
many of these need pulling down anyway, and while they undoubtedly kill
people, all of these would have to die later anyway, so that, after a few gen-
erations this violence becomes immaterial. He omitted to say that property
destruction and death would be very material to this generation. However,
as Haessler's appearance is harmless and appealing, the ladies applauded him
enthusiastically; they had "listened," evidently, to his appearance.

It is interesting to note in Communist literature that criminal violence is
always promoted and excused under a cloak of supposed martyrdom. Negroes
are urged to fight their white "oppressors," who actually have freed them and
given them better jobs and opportunities than exist in Africa. Mooney is
the Anarchist convicted of bombing the 1917 Preparedness Day Parade at

56 The Red Network

San Francisco, when many were killed and injured. To the Communists,
Mooney is "framed" by his "capitalistic oppressors," and freeing him is a
popular Communist cause. Freeing the Scottsboro Negroes convicted of rap-
ing two white girls is another Communist enthusiasm (in order to stir up race
hatred). Patriotic citizens of Ravinia speak with despair and indignation
of their futile efforts to combat "Red" influences in Ravinia and of the per-
sistence required to keep the United States flag displayed there. As soon
as a "Ravinia Red" is reproached for disloyalty to America, he or she at
once assumes the martyr role, giving the role of "oppressor" to the patriotic
person, who is then referred to slightingly as a "hundred-per-center," "a
narrow-minded D. A. R.," or a "super patriot." To praise the American
Legion in "Red Ravinia" society circles, would be the social faux pas inex-

No one in Ravinia has ever accused Brent Dow Allinson of being a "super
patriot." He is the infamous slacker who refused to serve his country in the
World War and, like Haessler, is a penitentiary alumnus. His mother is an
active member of the Ravinia Woman's Club.

Haessler served twenty-six months in Leavenworth and Alcatraz Prisons
(between June 1918 and August 1920), for refusal to serve the United
States during the World War. His reasons for refusing to serve, and his
activities while confined in prison, are clearly set forth in his article describ-
ing the strike incited by the "political prisoners" of whom he was one. This
article appeared in the Communist "Labor Defender" (issue of January,
1927), and is entitled "The Fort Leavenworth General Strike of Prisoners
An Experiment in the Radical Guidance of Mass Discontent." It says in
part: "Not every convict took part in the general strike that brought the
War Department of the strongest nation on earth to its knees. But those
who scabbed will remember the surging of overwhelming cooperative action
that all but engulfed them." (He tells how the 500 out of 3,700 prisoners
who did not join were afraid to return to their cells for fear of the strikers.)
"How was this feeling brought about? It is an interesting experiment in the
solidarity of mobilizing and directing mass discontent. A small but highly
organized and highly conscious body of prisoners led the great majority
almost without the knowledge of anybody but the leaders and their opponents,
the military command of the prison. This small body of leaders were the
political objectors to the Wilson war. . . . Their purpose was general revo-
lutionary propaganda, and, if the occasion proved favorable, revolutionary
action , . . The politicals as a rule had no conscience so far as means of fur-
thering their main purpose was concerned. They deemed Socialism, or Com-
munism, as many of them began to call it after the Russian revolution, as
more important than any specially ordained way of achieving it ... Where
the commandant used spies and propaganda the politicals did likewise with
better effect. In a few months they had the roughneck ordinary military
convict tatooing red flags instead of the national emblem on their arms and
chests. In some weeks more they had them rejecting every chance to shorten
their terms by reinstatement with the colors." (He describes the riots in
which arms were broken, teeth knocked out, and prisoners "bruised to a
jelly.") "That night the commandant surrendered. The men then returned

Who Are They? "Red Ravinia" Carl Haessler 57

to work. Their strike had been successful beyond their dreams. . . . The
political prisoners had not produced the mob but they had supplied the direc-
tion for it. The two factors cooperated in a neat little revolutionary experi-
ment behind the walls and under the guns of Fort Leavenworth. When the
tide of events produces similar conditions on a national scale, it may be that
men of national calibre will be ready to carry out a similar experiment on
national and international lines" (All italicising mine). He was the spokes-
man for the strikers, as is proudly stated in the radicals' Am. Labor Who's

In 1922, Haessler became Managing Editor of the Federated Press, which
is described in the U. S. Government Fish Committee report on Communism
(2290). The Communist Party of America considers the Federated Press its
own press service organization, and upwards of 200 papers in the U. S. are
affiliated with it. It represents and is closely associated with the Soviet Union
Telegraph Agency. Louis P. Lochner is European director and has an office
in Berlin where he is in close touch with the International Propaganda Bureau
of the Communist International of Moscow. Haessler is also an official of the
communist Workers School (of revolution).

Haessler, while lecturing August 12, 1926, is said to have referred to his
sister Gertrude as being then in Moscow studying "Journalism." Gertrude
Haessler writes not only for Communist papers but also for the Communist
"Party Organizer." She is an authority on publications of "shop nuclei,"
or revolutionary units in shops. The April, 1932, issue of that startling Com-
munist paper, the "Labor Defender," bears an article by her entitled "In
Blue Blood Kentucky." In it, she ridicules the "capitalistic" Lindberghs and
their lost baby, as Communist papers have been doing ever since the kid-
napping. She upholds Mooney and the convicted Scottsboro Negro rapists
and says: "Lindbergh shaking hands with the czars of the underworld in
the frantic effort to get back his 'chubby, golden-haired son' doesn't give a
damn for the nine terrified little dark skinned Scottsboro lads . . . Lindbergh,
the ideal of American boyhood, never made a move to see that Mother
Mooney got her son back during the entire fifteen years of his legal kid-

After Haessler's talk at the Ravinia Woman's Club, one of the "Red
Ravinians" said to a friend of mine who has the honor, which I have not,
of being a D. A. R. member; "I don't understand you D. A. R.'s at all. You
are all for that old 1776 Revolution but against this new revolution." Com-
munists delight in making it appear that our Revolutionary War for Inde-
pendence and the second Russian, or Bolshevik, revolution, as well as the
proposed international "Red" revolution, are all similar. They are not
similar. Our Revolutionary War of 1776 was to establish only the right of
this nation to govern itself. The first Russian revolution which overthrew
the Czar in February, 1917, formed the Kerensky government, patterned
somewhat after our own, and was a revolution concerning only Russia. The

Online LibraryElizabeth Kirkpatrick DillingThe red network; a who's who and handbook of radicalism for patriots → online text (page 7 of 59)