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tihravy of Che theological ^eminarjp

PRINXETON • NEW JERSEY

FROM THE LIBRARY OF
ROBERT ELLIOTT SPEER



-i^S)-



.5.6363



f AUG 31 1959
A HISTOEY^^OGui Si»^



THE JEWISH PEOPLE

IN THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST.



EMIL SCHUEEE, D.D, M.A.,

PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF GIESSEN.



Being a Second and Revised Edition of a " Manual of
the History of Jfew Testament Times."



SeconD Division.

THE INTERNAL CONDITION OF PALESTINE, AND OF THE
JEWISH PEOPLE, IN THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST.



TRANSLATED BY

SOPHIA TAYLOE AND EEV. PETER CHRISTIE.



VOL. III.



NEW YORK:

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS.

18 91.



THE PORTIONS OF THE TRANSLATORS RESPECTIVELY ARE—

By Rev. Peter Christie, pp. 1-155.
By Miss Taylor, pp. 156 to end



CONTENTS OF DIVISION II. VOL. III.



§ 32. The Palestinian-Jewish Literature, .
I. Historiography,

1. The First Book of Maccabees,

2. The History of John Hyrcanus, .

3. Josephus' History of the Jewish Wai
II. The Psalmodic Literature,

1. The Psalms of the Maccahaean Age.

2. The Psalms of Solomon, . . .

III. The Gnomic Wisdom, .

1. Jesus the Son of Sirach, .

2. The Pirke Aboth,

IV. Hortatory Narrative, .

1. The Book of Judith,

2. The Book of Tobit,
V. Pseudepigraphic Prophecies,

1. The Book of Daniel,

2. The Book of Enoch,

3. The Assumptio Mosis,

4. The Apocalypse of Baruch,

5. The Fourth Book of Ezra,

6. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarch

7. The Lost Pseudepigraphic Prophecies,
VI. The Sacred Legends, .

1. The Book of Jubilees,

2. The Martja-dom of Isaiah,

3. The Lost Legendary AVorks : The Books of Adam —

Abraham — Moses and his Time — (Jannes and
Jambres),
VII. Books of Magic and Magical Spells,
§ 33. The Graeco-Jewish Literature,
I. Translations of Holy Scriptures,

1. The Septuagint, .

2. Aquila and Theodotion, .
II. Eevision and Completion of Scripture Literature,

1. The Greek Ezra, .

2. Additions to Esther,



FAOE
1

6

6

13

14

15

15

17

23

23

30

32

32

37

44

44

59

73

83

93

114

124

133

134

141



146
151

156
159
159
168
175
177
181



VIU



CONTENTS.



3. Additions to Daniel,

4. Tlie Pniyer of llanasseli,

5. The Book of Baruch,

6. The Letter of Jeremiah,

III. Historical Literature,

1. Demetrius,

2. Eupolemus,

3. Artapanus,

4. Aristeas, .

5. C'leodemus or Malchus,

6. An Anonymous Writer,

7. Jason of Cyrene and the Second Book of Maccabees,

8. The Third Book of Maccabees,

9. Philo's Historical Works,
10. Josephus,
IL Justus of Tiberias,

IV. Epic and Dramatic Poetry,

1. Philo, the Epic Poet,

2. Theodotus,

3. Ezekiel, the Tragic Poet,

V. Philosophy,

1. The Wisdom of Solomon,

2. Aristobulus,

3. PhUo,
■ 4. The Fourth Book of Maccabees,

VI. Apologetic,

1. The Literary Ojiponcnts — Manntho— ApoUonius Molon

— Lysimachus — Chaoromoii — Apion,

2. Apologetic,

VII. Jewish Propaj^anda under a Heathen Mask,

1. The Sibyllines, .

2. Hystaspcs,

3. Spurious Verses of Greek Poets, .

4. Ilecatacus,

5. Aristaeus,

6. Phocylides,

7. Smaller Pieces perhaps of Jewish Origin under Heathen

Names,

34. PuiLo, tiieJkwi.su Philosopher,

1. Philo's Life and Works,

2. Philo's Doctrine,



§ 32. THE PALESTINIAN JEWISH LITERATURE.

Preliminary Observations.

Unquestionable as it is on the one hand that zeal for the
law of God and the hope of a better future constituted the
two distinctive marks of the Judaism of the period now under
consideration, still it must not be forgotten on the other that
those interests sought to express themselves in a great variety
of forms, and that, in the sphere of the spiritual life, there
were yet other aims that claimed to rank along with them,
though having no immediate connection with them. How
far this was the case may be seen from a glance at the Jewish
literature of our period. The aspect which that literature
presents is of so diversified a character that it is difficult to
combine all the different elements into one connected whole.
And if this be true of the literature of Palestinian Judaism
alone, it becomes much more so if we take into account the
literature of Hellenistic Judaism as well. In that case there
will be seen to stretch before us a field of so extensive and
varied a character that it is scarcely any longer possible to
make out the internal connection between all the various
products of this literature.

In this strangely varied mass two leading groups may in
the first instance be distinguished, the Palestinian and the
Hellenistic. We select those designations for want of better ;
and to correspond with them we also divide our subject into
two leading sections. But, at the same time, it must be
distinctly borne in mind that the line of demarcation between
those two groups is of a somewhat fluctuating and indefinite
character, and that the designations applied to them are to he

DIV. II. VOL. ni. A



2 § 32. THE PALESTINIAN JEWISH LITERATURE.

taken very much cum grano sails. By tlie Palestinian Jewish
literature we mean that which, in all essential (but only
essential) respects, represents the standpoint of Pharisaic
Judaism as it had developed itself in Palestine ; while by the
Hellenistic Jewish literature again we mean that which, either
as regards form or matter, bears traces, to any noticeable
extent, of Hellenistic influences. The products belonging to
the first-mentioned group were for the most part composed
in Hebrew ; but the fact of their having been so composed
must not be regarded as a decisive criterion, and that for the
simple reason that, in numerous instances, it is no longer
possible to make out whetlier it was Hebrew or Greek that
was the original language, but further because, in the case of
several compositions, the circumstance of their being written in
Greek is a thing purely external and accidental And hence
it is that we also include in this group several writings that
possibly, nay probably, were composed in Greek at the very
first, while reserving for the other group only those that show
pretty evident traces of Hellenistic influence either in the
form or the matter. But the line of demarcation between
the two cannot be sharply defined, there being in fact some
writings that have almost as much title to be included in the
one group as in the other. And just as the distinction we
have adopted is not intended to imply that those belonging
to the one group were written in Hebrew and those belonging
to the other in Greek, so as little do we intend it to be
understood by our use of the teriii " Palestinian " that all the
compositions included under this designation were written
in Palestine. For there was Palestinian Judaism outside of
Palestine, just as conversely there was Hellenistic Judaism
within it.

In the period now under consideration, literary efforts as
such were essentially foreign to " Palesilnlaii " Judaism.
One might almost venture to say that it had no literature at
all. For the few literary productions of which it could boast
had, fur the most part, a purely practical aim. and had but a



§ 32. THE PALESTINIAN JEWISH LITERATURE. 3

very slender connection with each other. It is precisely from
these writings themselves that we can see how trite it is that zeal
for the law and for the faith of the fathers eclipsed every other
interest. When any one took to writing he did so as a rule for
the purpose of, in one form or another, exhorting his readers to
keep firm hold of those precious blessings, or of indirectly helping
to increase and strengthen a spirit of faithful devotion to the
law. Literary pursuits as such, and the cultivation of
literature in the interests of culture generally, were things
quite unknown to genuine Judaism. Its " culture " consisted
in the knowledge and observance of the law.

Looked at from this standpoint, it was a somewhat extra-
ordinary thing to find that, in the, palmy days of the
Hasmonaean dynasty, works of native history had been
composed (the First Book of Maccabees, the Chronicles of Eyr-
canus). This presupposed the existence of a patriotic
self-consciousness, for which native history as such was a
thing of some value. Later on, after the Hasmonaean dynasty
had been overthrown, we no longer meet with any further
traces of Jewish historiography such as those now referred to ;
and so for his information with regard to this period Josephus
had to depend on other than Jewish sources. We already
begin to notice indications of an intimate connection with the
aims of legal Judaism in those Psalms that were composed
during this period in imitation of the older models (the Macea-
bacan Psalms, the Psalter of Solomon). The whole of those
compositions were written with a view to religious edification,
and therefore — for at that time religion meant simply a firm
adherence to the law — more or less with the view of fostering
and quickening a spirit of faithful devotion to the law. In
our period, what is known as gnomic wisdom, exercised a direct
influence in the way of promoting the spirit in question. For
notwithstanding the very diversified character of the wisdom
of life exhibited in the proverbs of Jesus the son of Sirach,
their alpha and omega is simply this : fear God ai)d keep His
commandments. Then in the maxims of the scribes of the



4 § 02. THE PALESTINIAN JEWISH LITERATURE.

time of the Mislma, and whicli have been collected in the
Pirke Ahoth, we hear from beginning to end and in every
variety of tone the exhortation to a strict observance of the
law. But there was a species of literature of a totally
different character that also served precisely the same end,
viz. the liortatory narrative {Judith, Tohit). When, in com-
positions of this class, we have brought before us, in a
somewhat imaginative fashion, the doings and the fortunes of
persons who had been distinguished for their heroic faith or
their exemplary piety, and who had at the same time been
sustained by the divine help, the object of the story is not to
entertain the reader, but to inculcate the truth that the fear
of God is the highest wisdom, and that a fear of God in the
sense of legal Pharisaic Judaism. But in our period a more
favourite kind of literature still than the hortatory naiTative
was the genuine prophetic exhortation, i.e. exhortations based
upon alleged special revelations with regard to the future
destinies of the people. It was a favourite practice to put
such revelations in the mouths of tlie recognised authori-
ties of the olden time, with the view of thereby giving
peculiar weight to the exhortations and the consolations based
upon them. The object therefore of those pseudcpigra'phic
jjrophetic compositions {Daniel, Enoch, The Ascension of Moses,
The Apocalypse of Bariich, Tlie Apocalypse of Ezra, The Testa-
ments of the Twelve Patriarchs and others) was always of an
eminently practical kind, viz. consolation amid the sufferings
of the present, and encouragement to maintain a stedfast
adherence to the law by pointing to the certainty of future
rewards and punishments. None of those literary productions
could be said to have had any direct connection with the
professional labours of the scribes. No doubt they served to
promote a spirit of faithful devotion to the law, but they had
no concern with the law and the Holy Scriptures as such ; we
should rather regard them as free literary productions of a
very diversified character, and composed for the most part in
imitation of the older models. In tlie period now in question



§ 32. TUE PALESTINIAN JEWISH LITERATUKE. 5

the labours of the scribes, labours wliich concerned themselves
with the text of the Holy Scriptures and with the work of
forming new adaptations of that text either on its legal or its
historical and dogmatic side, were as yet chiefly of an oral
kind. This holds true above all with regard to the process of
adaptation as applied to the law. It was not till toward the
close of our period, in the time of E, Akiba, that the results of
these learned adaptations of the law began to be committed to
writing (see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 376).^ On the other hand how-
ever there undoubtedly existed as early as our period literary
adaptations or reconstructions of sacred history framed in the
spirit of scribism. The Book of Chronicles may be taken as a
case in point, inasmuch as it treats the earlier history of Israel
in such a way as to make it accord with the ideals of later
Judaism (see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 339). But we have a classical
example of the Haggadic Midrash in the Booh of Jubilees,
which in any case falls within the period with which we are
here dealing. It reconstructs the history of the canonical
Book of Genesis entirely after the fashion of the Eabbinical
Midrash. Other literary productions, which in all probability
fall no less within our period, select certain episodes or
personages from sacred history around which they seek to
shed a halo of glory by means of fictitious legends (the Books
of Adam, the History of Jannes and Jambres, and others).
It would appear however that, at first, Hellenistic did more in
this way than Eabbinical Judaism. For this latter the palmy

^ Epiphanius no doubt repeatedly mentions a MisTina of the Hasmonaeanx
(^Ilaer. xxxiii. S : ^iVTicti)ai; . . . tuv vlau \\icccii3x'i>cc6, ocxip
iTriyiypoiTTTXt 'Zce.p^vid 2o6/3«»«/s7i. Consequently he was acquainted with the
First Book of Maccabees (for unquestionably it is it that is meant) in its
Hebrew form, but as not belonging to the Hebrew canon. Jerome, Pro-
logus galeatus to the Books of Samuel {0pp. ed. Vallarsi, ix. 459 sq.) :
!Machabaeoriun primum librum Hebraicum reperi. Secundus Graecus est,
quod ex ipsa quoque (Ppxast probari potest. An endless variety of hypo-
theses have been advanced with the view of explaining the meaning of the
title mentioned by Origen (see Fabricius-Harles, Biblloih. grace, iii. 745 ;
Grimm, Exeget. Handhuch to 1 Mace. p. xvii. ; Keil, Commentar iiber die
Backer der Makkahcier, p. 22 ; Curtiss, The Name Alachabee, 1876, p. 30 ;
and the general literature mentioned below). But nearly all of them are
based upon the reading 'S.xpfiyid 'Sxpfixfsi'K so generally adopted since
Stephanus, whereas, according to the testimony of the manuscripts, the
only reading that can claim to be recognised is 1xp[irtS la.^a.va.ik'K (so also
Josephus the Christian, Hypomnest. c. xxv. in Fabricius' Codex pseadepigr.
Vet. Test. vol. ii. p. 48 of Appendix).

The acquaintance of Josephus with the First Book of Maccabees is
generally regarded as beyond a doubt; his acquaintance, on the other
hand, with our Greek text has been questioned. In his German translation
of 1 Maccabees (1778), Michaelis has propounded the view that Josephus
made use of the Hebrew text. His arguments however are not of a cogent
nature. The conjecture has recently been hazarded by Destinon {Die
Quellen des Flavins Josephus, 1882, pp. 60-91) that Josephus (or rather, as
Destinon thinks, the anonymous writer whose work. Josephus has merely
remodelled) had an older redaction of 1 Maccabees before him which, on the
one hand, was, in regard to many points, rather fuller than our book, while,
on the other, it wanted as yet the whole of the last section, chaps, xiv.-xvi.,
which is to be regarded as a subsequent addition. But the first point
cannot be sufRcieutly substantiated ; for the extra matters found in
Josephus were either drawn from other sources or had their origin in the
historian's own imagination. As for the other question again, whether
Josephus was acquainted with the concluding section of the book, it is one that



10 § 3>. THE PALESTINIAN JEWISH LITERATURE.

of course deserves consideration in view of the singular brevity with which
the historian disposes of the reign of Simon. As favouring the view that
Josepluis was acquainted with our Greek text, see Grimm, Kxegit. Ilamlbuch
to 1 Mace. p. xxviii. Bloch, Die QiicIUn Jis Flavins Josc]ihn.i, 1879, pp. 80-90.

In the Christian Church our book has been read from the very first. See
TertuUian, Adv. Judaeos, c. iv. : Nam et temporibus Maccabaeorum sabbatis
pugnaudo fortiter fecerunt, etc. (comp. 1 Mace. ii. 41 sqq.). Hippolytup,
in narrating the history of the Maccabean rising in his Comment, in Daniel,
c. xxxi.-xxxii. (0pp. ed. Lagarde, p. 1G3), adheres closely to our book, quot-
ing 1 Mace. ii. 33 sqq. almost word for word. Origen (besides the passage in
Euseb. Hist. eccl. vi. 25. 2, already mentioned), particularly Comment, in epist.
ad Rom. book viii. chap. i. (in Lommatzsch, vii. 193) : Sicut Mathathias, de
quo in primo libro Machabaeorum scriptum est quia "zelatas est in lege Dei,"



Online LibraryEmil SchürerA history of the Jewish people in the time of Jesus Christ .. (Volume 2 pt.3) → online text (page 1 of 51)