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mon's quite as much as any of the rest of his writings {Testimon. ii. 1, iii. 6.
12, 35, 51, 53, 95, 96, 97, 109, 113; Ad Fortimatum, chap. ix. ; De opere et
eleemosijnis, chap. v. ; Epist. iii. 2). Similarly other Latin writers. See
especially the passage quoted above from the Latin version of Origen, In
Numer. homil. xviii. 3 (Lommatzsch, x. 221), and also Jerome who, in his
Comment, in Daniel, chap. ix. (0pp. ed. Vallarsi, v. 68G), reproduces the
passage from Euseb. Demonstr. evang. viii. 2. 71, as follows : Simon, quo
regente populura Jesus filius Sirach scripsit librum, qui Graece ■7rxv»per6i,
appellatur et plerisque Salomonis falso dicitur. On the further history of
the use of the book in this way, comp. the works and dissertations devoted
to the history of the Old Testament canon, also Jahn's Einleitung in die
gottl. Buclier des A. B. 2nd ed. vol. ii. § 3 and 4 (1803), 1st and 2nd
appendices, as well as my article in Herzog's Rehl-Enc. i. 485-489.

The most important manuscripts are : (1) The Vaticamis, 1209, i.e. the
famous Vatican manuscript of the Bible, which however, if we except the
eclectic use made of it in the Sixtine edition, has not as yet been made
available for the criticism of the text in connection with any edition of our
book, not even that of JVitzsche (comp. p. 10). (2) The Sinaiticus, in
Fritzsche's edition marked No. x, (3) The Alexandrimis, in Fritzsche, as
in Holmes and Parsons before him, marked No. iii. (4) The fragments
of the Codex Ephraemi, in Fritzsche = C. (5) A Venetian codex, in
Fritzsche, who, following Holmes and Parsons, marks it No. xxiii. For
further information regarding these manuscripts, see Herzog's Real-Enc.
2nd ed. i.489-491.

On the editions, see p. 10, and Herzog's Real-Enc. i. 494 sq.
Separate edition : Liher Jesu Siracidae Graece, ad fidem codicwn ci
versionum emendatus et perpetua annotatione illnstratus a C. G. Bret-
schneider, Ratisb. 1806. For further separate editions, see Herzoo-'s Real-
Enc. i. 495.

Of the earhj translations the following may be specially mentioned:
(1) The old Latin one which Jerome did not revise {praef. in edit, lihrorum
Salmonis jiixta Sept. interpretes [Vallarsi, x. 436] : Porro in eo libro qui a
plerisque Sapientia Salomonis inscribitur et in Ecclesiastico, quem esse
Jesu filii Sirach uuUus ignorat, calamo temperavi, tantummodo canonicas
scripturas vobis emendare desiderans). It found its way into the Vulgate,
and hence it came to be printed in all subsequent editions of this latter.
The variations of four manuscripts (for Jesus the Son of Sirach as well as
for the Wisdom of Solomon) are given by Sabatier in his Bibliorum
sacrorum versiones antiqnae, vol. ii. Remis 1743. The text of the Codex
Amiatinus has been published (for those two books also) by Lagarde in his
Mitthelungen, 1884. (2) The two Sijrian versions: (a) The Peschito
or the Syrian received text, on the editions of which comp. p. 11 ;
(h) the Sijrus hexaplaris which, for our book as well as for the Wisdom of


Solomon, was edited for tbe first time from a Milan manuscript by Cerini,
('odex Syro-I/cxajilaris, Amhrosianus photolithographice editus, MedioL
1874: (forming vol. vii. of the Monum. Sacra et prof.). For more on the
early versions, see Herzog's lieal-Enc. i. 491-494. Also texts in the London
I'cli/glot, vol. iv.

For the exegetlcal aids generally, see p. 11. Commentaries: Bret-
Bclmeider in the separate edition previously mentioned. Fritzscbe, Die
Weisheit Jesus Sirach's erkldrt und uhersetzt {Exegetisches Handbuch zu den
Apokryphen, 5 Thl.), Leipzig 1859. For the earlier literature, see Fabricius,
JJililioth. graec. ed. Ilarles, iii. 718 sqq. Fiirst, BihUuth. Judaica, iii. 341 sq.
Fritzsclie, p. xl. Herzog's Real-Enc. i. 496.

Special disqiusit ions : Gfrbrer, Philo, vol. ii. (1831) pp. 18-52, Diihne,
Geschichtl. Darstcllung der jiidisch-alexandrinischen licligionsphilosophie,
vol. ii. (1834) pp. 126—150. Winer, De utriusque Siracidae aetate, Erlang.
1832. Comp. also Winer's Realwortb., art. " Jesus Sirach." Zunz, Die
gottesdiensd. Vortrdge der Jnden (1832), pp. 100-105. Ewald, " Ueber das
griech. Spruchbuch Jesus' Sohnes Sirach's" (^Jahrlh. der hibl. Wissensch. vol. iii.
1851, pp. 125-140). Bruch, Weisheitskhre der Ihbracr, 1851, pp. 266-319.
Geiger, Zeitschr. der deutschen morgenUind Gesellsch. xii. 1858, pp. 536-543.
Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, iv. 340 sqq. Horowitz, Das Buck Jesus
Sirach, Breslau 1865. Fritzsche in Scheukel's Bibcllex. iii. 252 sqq. Gratz,
Miinatsschr.fiir Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1872, pp. 49 sqq., 97 sqq.
ilerguet, Die Glaubens- und Sittenlehre des Buches Jesus Sirach, Kouigsbeig
1 874. Seligmann, Das Buch der Weisheit des Jesus Sirach (Jusua ben Sira)
in seinem Terhdllniss zu den salomonischen Spriichen und seiner historischen
Bedeutung, Breslau 1883. The various introductions of Jahn, Eichhorn,
liertholdt, Welte, Scholz, Noldeke, De Wette-Schrader, Eeusch, Kcil,
Kiiuleu, Kleiuert, Reuss (see p. 12),

2. Tlic Pirhc Alotk

Nor did the gnomic wisdom become extinct in the period
following that of Jesus the son of Sirach. Jesus Christ
Hiniself indeed frequently clothed His teaching in this
aijhoristic form. But besides the work we have just been
considering, there is still extant, and that in Hebrew, a
collection of such proverbial sayings as we have referred to
above, and which, so far at least as its substratum is con-
cerned, belongs to our period, we mean the so-called Firke
Ahoth (^i^x \7"iQ, sayings of the fathers), known also under
the abbreviated form of Ahoth. This collection was inserted
among the tractates of the ^lishna (among those of the fourth


division), though strictly speaking it is quite out of place
there. For while the rest of the Mishna is simply a codifica-
tion of Jewish law, our tractate contains a collection of
aphorisms after the manner of Jesus tlie son of Sirach. The
only difference is that the Pirke Aboth is not the work of a
single individual like that book, but a collection of sayings by
some sixty learned doctors, who are mentioned by name. The
majority of these latter are also otherwise known as distin-
guished doctors of the law. As a rule each doctor is
represented in the work by a couple or more of his charac-
teristic maxims, such as he had been in the habit of
inculcating upon his disciples and contemporaries as rules of
life well worthy of special consideration. Many of those
maxims are of a purely utilitarian character, but tlie most of
them are related in some way or other to the domain of
religion ; and it is extremely significant as regards the
characteristic tendency of this later age that here the import-
ance and necessity of the study of the law are inculcated
with quite a special emphasis (comp. the specimens given at
Div. ii. vol. ii. p. 44). The authorities whose utterances were
collected in this fashion belong for the most part to the age
of the Mishna, i.e. to the period extending from the year 70
to 170 A.D. Besides these a few, but only a few, of the
authorities belonging to earlier times are also taken notice of.
The tractate consists of five chapters. In many editions a
sixth chapter is added, but it is of much later origin.

Our tractate is given in every edition of the Mishna (on this see § iii.
above). In the edition of the Mishna published under Jost's supervision
by Lewent in Berlin 1832-1834, there is an excellent German translation
printed in the Hebrew character. . There is also a Latin version in Suren-
husius, Mishna., etc. vol. iv. 1702, pp. 409-484. Of the numerous separate
editions (some of them accompanied with translations) the following may
be specially mentioned : P Ewald, Pirke Aboth oder Spriiche der Vater,
ubersetzt und erkliirt, Erlangen 1825. Cahn, Pirke Aboth, sprachlich und
sachlich erldutert, erster Perek (all that has been published), Berlin 187o.
Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, comprising Pirke Aboth and Pereq
R. Meir in Hebrew and English, with critical and illustrative notes, etc.,
Cambridge 1877 (where the text is given exactly in accordance with a


Cambridge manuscript, University Addit. 470. 1). Strack, nnx ""pia
Die Spriiche der Vdter, ein cthischer Mischna-Traktat, viit kurzer Einleitunq,
Aiimerknngcn und einem Wortregister, 1882 (wiiere additional literature is to
be found in the introduction).

1. I7ie Book of Judith.

The hortatory narrative was a peculiar species of literature
which was frequently cultivated during our period. Stories
of a purely fictitious character were composed wliich the author
no doubt intended to be regarded as founded on fact, though
at the same time the object in view was not so much to impart
historical information, as to use these stories as a vehicle for
conveying moral and religious lessons and exhortations. From
the incidents narrated — and wliich are taken from the history
of the Jewish people, or from the life of certain individuals —
the readers are expected to learn the truth that the fear of God
is after all the highest wisdom, for God always delivers His
children in some wonderful way in the end, although for a little
He may bring them into circumstances of trouble and danger.

The history of Judith is a narrative of this description.
The following is an outline of the story. Nebuchadnezzar,
the king of Assyria {sic !), calls upon the peoples of Asia
Minor, and among them the inhabitants of Palestine, to
furnish him with troops to help him in the war he was waging
against Arpliaxad the king of Media. As those who received
this summons did not think proper to comply with it,
Nebuchadnezzar, as soon as he had vanquished Arphaxad,
sent his general, Holoferues, with a large force against the
nations of the West, with the view of chastising them for
their disobedience. Holofernes executes his orders, devastates
the various countries one after another, and demolishes their
panctuaries in order that Nebuchadnezzar alone might receive
the worship due to God (i.-iii.). When he got as far as the


plain of Esdrelon, the Jews, who had just returned from the
captivity, and had ne'wly re-established their worship (sic ! iu
Nebuchadnezzar's time), prepare to offer resistance. By-
order of Joakim, the high priest, they intercept Holofernes on
his way to Jerusalem at Fort Betylua {BervXova; Latin,
Bethulia), opposite the plain of Esdrelon (iv.-vi.).^ Now
when Holofernes was besieging Betylua, and the distress
within the town had reached a climax, a wealthy, beautiful,
and pious widow called Judith resolved to save her people by
an act of daring (vii.-ix.). Richly attired, and having no one
with her but a bondwoman, she betakes herself to the enemy's
camp, and there, under the pretext of wishing to show him
how to get to Jerusalem, she contrives to obtain an interview
with Holofernes. This latter reposes confidence in her, and
is charmed with her beauty. After spending three days in
the camp she is called upon to be present at a banquet, at the
conclusion of which she is left alone with Holofernes in his
tent. But the general is so intoxicated with wine that Judith
now finds an opportunity for carrying out her design. She
accordingly takes Holofernes's own sword and cuts off his
head with it. She then manages to get away from the camp
without being observed, while the slave brings away the head
of Holofernes in a bag. Having thus accomplished her object,

^ The town of BsTfXova (Bethulia) is mentioned nowhere ehe (except
by Christian pilgrims who, on the ground of our story, point sometimes to
one place and sometimes to another, as the spot where it stood). That the
town actually existed however is hardly to be doubted, for it is scarcely likely
that the author would also have to invent an artificial geography to suit his
story. On the probable site of the place, see Robinson's Pahittine, iii.
pp. 337 sq. Idem, Modern Biblical Researches, p. 443. Fritzsche ia
Scheukel's Bibellcx. i. 431. Guerin, Samarie, i. pp. 344-350. The Pales-
tine pilgrim Theodosius (ed. Gildemeister, 1882) speaks in § xx. of Betulia,
uhi Olofernes mortuus est, as being in the extreme south of Palestine, twelve
miles south of Raphia. There no doubt a place of this name must have
existed (see Wesseling, Vetera Jiotiianorum itineraria, p. 719. Kuhn, Die
ytddtische und lurgerliche Verfassung des romiscken Beichs, ii. 367 sq.
Gildemeister's notes to Tiieodosius). But this cannot have been the locality
in question, for our Betylua must have been much farther north, viz. iu



she returns to Betylua, where she is welcomed with great
rejoicings (x.— xiii.). When the enemy discovered what had
been done they fled in all directions, and were without
difficulty mown down by the Jews. But Judith was extolled
by all Israel as their deliverer (xiv.— xvi.).

As our book happens to have found a place in the Christian
Bible, not only Catholic but also many Protestant theologians
have felt it to be their duty to defend the historical character
of the narrative (as was still done, on the Protestant side,
above all by 0. Wolff, 1861). But the historical blunders
are so gross, and the hortatory purpose so obvious, that one
cannot venture to assume even a nucleus of fact. The book
is a piece of fiction composed with the view of encouraging
the people to offer a brave resistance to the enemies of their
religion and their liberties. The standpoint of the author is
already entirely that of Pharisaic legalism. It is precisely
the scrupulous care with which she observes the laws regard-
ing purifications and meats that is so much admired in Judith,
while it is plainly enough intimated that it was just for this
reason that she had had God upon her side. But the story
points to a time when danger threatened not only the people
themselves, - but their religion as well. Por Holofernes
demands that Nebuchadnezzar should be worshipped instead
of God. This is suggestive of Daniel and the Maccabaean age-
Consequently the origin of the book may with great proba-
bility be referred to this period (so also Fritzsche, for example,
and Ewald, Hilgenfeld 180 1, Noldeke). Seeing that the
author appears to be quite as deeply interested in political as
In religious liberty, probably we ought to understand him as
referring, not to the earlier days of the insurrection, but to a
somewhat later period. It would hardly be advisable to come
so far down as the Eoman age, for the political background
(the high priest as supreme head of the Jewish common-
wealth, the Hellenistic cities as independent towns, and
subject to the suzerain only to the extent of having to furnish
troops in time of war) corresponds far more with the Greek


than the Eoman period. It is entirely out of the question to
refer the composition of the book to the time of Trajan (so
Hitzig, Gratz, and above all Volkmar, who finds in it a
disguised account of Trajan's campaigns) ; for the story of
Judith was already known to Clement of Eome (toward the
end of the first century of our era).

Jerome had the book before him in a Chaklee text (see
below). How far this agreed with or differed from our Greek
text we are not in a position to say exactly, fur we have no
means of knowing to what extent Jerome followed the
Chaldee text when he was preparing the Latin one. In any
case, judging from internal grounds, it is tolerably certain —
and moreover almost universally acknowledged — that our
Greek text is a translation of a Hebrew (or Aramaic) original
(see Movers in the article mentioned below, and Fritzsche,
Hanclh. p. 115 sq.).

In tlie time of Origen the book was not in use among the (Palestinian)
Jews, nor was any Hebrew text of it known to exist, for in Epist. ad
African, cbap. xiii. be says: ''Efipxlot tw Tufit'x. ov •/,paiurtx.t oyBsr^'IofB^j^*
uvhi yoip Sycovaii etvrei lu ii'TroKpvfot; sSpoctaTi' u; u.tz' uvtu-j fixdoi/ri;
iyvuKot,y.iv. It may tberefore be conjectured tbat tbe Hebrew original was
lost at an early period, and that the Chaldee text, with which Jerome was
acquainted, was a later version based upon the Greek one. For yet later
.lewish versions, see Zunz, Die gottisdienstl. Vortnige der Jnden, p. 124 sq.
Lipsius, "Jiidische Quellen zur Judithsage" {Zcitschr. /ilr wlasenschaftl.
Tfceol. 18G7, pp. 337-3GC).

Use in the Christian Church: Clement of Eome, chap. Iv. : ^lovVid ij
fiXKctpix. Tertullian, De monogam, chap. xvii. : Nee Joannes aliqui Christi
spado, nee Judith filia Merari nee tot alia exempla sanctorum (!). Clement
of Alexandria, Strom, ii. 7. 35, iv. 19. 118 (Judith being expressly mentioned
in the latter passage). Origen, Fragm. ex Uhro sexto Stromatum, in Jerome,
ado. Rnfin. Book I. (Lommatzsch, xvii. 69 sq.): Homo autem, ciii incumbit
necessitas mentiendi, diligenter attendat, ut sic utatur interdum meudacio,
quomodo condiraento atque medi-camine ; ut servet mensuram ejus, ue
excedat terminos, quibus usa est Judith contra Holophernem et vicit eum
jirudenti simulatione verborum. Further quotations in Origen are to be
found : Comm. in Joann. vol. ii. chap. xvi. (Lommatzsch, xi. 279). In Lib.
Judicum homil. ix. 1 (Lommatzsch, xi. 279) ; JJe Oratione, chap. xiiL
(Lommatzsch, xvii. ISl) ; De Oralione, chap. xxix. (Lommatzsch, xvii.
2-46). For the further history of the use, see the history of the canon.

The Greek text exists in three different recensions: (1) Tiie original text,
which is that given in the majority of manuscripts, and among others also


in tlic Codex Vaticanus (marked in the critical apparatuses as No. ii.),
Alexandrinua (No. iii.) and Siuaiticus (No. x.). (2) A revised text, viz.
that of Codex 68 (according to numbering of the manuscripts iu Holmes and
Parsons). It is ou this text also that tlie Latin and Syriac versions are
l)ased. (S) Another recension, tliough akin to the one just mentioned, i«
to be found in Codices 19 and 108. On the clilions, see p. 10.

Of tlie early vc7-sion.s the following call for special mention in the
case of our book as well: (1) The Latin, and that (a) the I'ctus Lati/iiis
(previous to Jerome), for which SubatiiT collated five manuscripts, in
which the deviations from each other are found to be so great as entirely to
corroborate what Jerome says about the multorum codicum varittas vitinsis-
sima in his day (Sabatier, BUdiuruvi sacrorum Latinae versiones antiquae,
voL i. Remis 1743, pp. 7-4-1-790). On the relation of the texts to one
another and to the Greek text, see Fritzsche's Commeiitar, p. 118 sqq.
(b) Jerome's translation ( = Vulgata), on the origin of which he himself
fays in the preface (Opp. ed. Vallarsi, x. 21 sq.): Apud Hebraeos liber
Judith inter apocrypha (ah hagiograplia) legitur , . . Chaldaeo tamen
Rcrmone conscriptus inter historias computatur. Sed quia hunc librum
Synodus Nicaena in numero sanctarum scripturarura legitur coniputasse,
acquievi postulationi vestrae, iiumo exaclioni, et sepositis occupationibus,
quibus vehementer arctabar, huic unam lucubratiunculam dedi, magia
sensum e sensu quam ex verbo verbum transferens. Multorum codicum
varietatcm vitiosis.simam amputavi : sola ea, quae intulligentia intrgra in
verbis Chaldaeis invenire potui, Latinis expressi. According to this, his
own confession, the work is a free rendering and one too that was executed
somewhat hurriedly. It was based upon the old Latin version. Comp.
Fritzsche's Commentar, p. 121 sq. For the criticism of the text, see Thiel-
manii, Deilnicje zur Te.vtkrilik der Vulrjata, inshesondcre Jes Bitches Judith,
a school program, Speier 1883. (2) The Sijriac ]'ersion, on which and
its editions see p. 11. The Loudon Polyglot gives, in addition to the
Greek text, only the Latin Vulgate and the Syriac version.

For the exeyetical aids generally, see p. 11. Commentaries : Fritzsche, Die
Bikher Tohi und Judith crkldrl (Exegctisches Ilandbuch zu den Apul:rif])hen,
2 vols.), Leipzig 1853. 0. Wolff, Das Bitch Judith als gcschichiUche Urkunde
rerthcidlgt und crklcirt, Leipzig 1861. The older literature in Fabricius,
Bihlioth. graec. ed. Harles, iii. 7:50-738. Piirst, Bihlioth. Judaica, ii. 51
(under "Jehudit '). Volkmar, Ilandh. der Einl. in die Apokri/jthin, i. 1
(18G0), pp. 3-5. Herzog's Ileal- Enc. 2nd ed. i. 49G.

Special disquisitions: Montfaucon, La ve'rite de Vhistoire de Judith,
Paris 1C90. Movers, "Ueber die Ursprachc der dcuterokanonischcn Biicher
des A. T." {Zeitschr. fiir Philos. vnd kathol. Thcol, Part 13, 1835, p. 31
sqq. [on Ju(5ith exclusively]). Schoenhaupt, Etudes historiqnes et critiques
HUT le livre de Judith, Strasb. 1839. Keuss, art. "Judith,'' in Ersch and
Gruber's Allg. Enc. § ii. vol. x.xviii. (1851) p. 98 sqq. Nickes, De lihro
Judithae, Vratislav. 1S54. Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical
liecord, vol. iii. 1H50, pp. 342-3G3, vol. xii. 18G1, pp. 421-440. Volkmar,
'' Die Coniposition dcs Huches Judith " {Theol. Jahrlih. 1857, pp. 441-498).
Iliigenfeld, Zeitschr. fiir uis.'enKchaftl. Theol. 1858^ i>p. 270-281. R A.


Lipslus, ibid. 18')9, pp. 39-121. Ilitzig, ihid. 18G0, pp. 240-250. Volkmar,
Handbuch der Elnleitung in die Apokryphen, Part 1, Div. 1, Judith, 1860.
Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr. f. tvissensch. Tlieol. 18G1, pp. 335-38.5. K. H. A.
Lipsius, " Sprachliches zura Buche Judith" {Zeitf:chr. f. wisxensch. Theol.
1862, pp. 103-105). Ewald, Gescli. des Volkes hrael, vo\. iv. (3rded. 18C4)
p. 618 sq. Gratz, Gesch. dcr Juden, vol. iv. (2nd ed. 1806) note 14, p. 439
sqq. E. A. Lipsius, '" Judische Quellen zur Judithsage " (Zeitschr. f. wissen-
schaftl Thcol. 1867, pp. 337-366). i^'ritzsche in Schenkel's BibeUcx. iii.
445 sqq. The introductions of Jahn, Eichhorn, Bertholdt, Welte, Scliolz,
Noldeke, De "Wette-Scbrader, Reusch, Keil, Kaulen, Kleiuert, Reus& (see
p. 12).

2. The Booh of TuUt.

The Book of Tobit is a work of a similar cliaracter to that
of Judith, only it does not move in tlie domain of political
history, but in that of biography, though like it it addresses
its exhortations not to the people at large, but to the individual .
reader. Tobit, the son of Tobiel, of the tribe of Naphtali,
who, in the days of Shalmaneser king of Assyria, had been
taken captive to Nineveh, relates how, both before and after
going into captivity, even under the succeeding kings
Sennacherib and Esarhaddon, he, and his wife Anna, and his
son Tobias, had always lived in strict accordance with the
requirements of the law. Besides this he had been particularly
in the habit of interring the bodies of such of his countrymen
as had been put to death by the Assyrians and allowed to lie
unburied. One day, after performing a kind service of this
sort, he lay down to sleep in the open air (in order that,
defiled as he was by contact with a dead body, he might not
communicate the defilement to his house), when some sparrow's
dung fell upon his eyes, in consequence of which he lost his
sight (i.-iii. 6). At the " same time there was living in
Ecbatana in Media a pious Jewess called Sarah, the daughter
of Eaguel, who already had had seven husbands, but all of
whom had been put to death on the marriage night by the
evil spirit Asmodeus (iii. 7-17). Meanwhile the aged Tobit
remembered, in the midst of his distress, that on one occasion
lie had left ten talents of silver at Eages in Media, in charge


of one Cabael a member of his own tribe. Consequently
-when li6 saw that his end was approaching he sent his son
Tobias to Eages with instructions to get the money, which lie
was to retain as his patrimony. Tobias sets out, taking with
liiin a fellow-traveller, this latter however being, in reality, no
other than the angel Raphael (iv.-v.). On his way Tobias
l)athes in the Tigris and, while doing so, he catches a fish.
At the angel's behest he takes out the fish's heart, liver and
gall, and carries them away with him. Having now reached
Ecbatana they take up their quarters at the house of Eaguel.
This latter recognises in Tobias one of her own relations and
gives him her daughter Sarah to be his wife. As soon as the
new-married couple had entered the bride-chamber, Tobias,
acting on the instructions of the angel, raises a smoke by
burning the heart and the liver of the fish, which had the
effect of expelling the demon Asmodeus, who was bent on

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