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there must be no such thinir as doubting, but rather a cliusing


with all stedfastness to the belief that God will conduct His
people safely tlirough all the afilictions which He has been
sending upon them in order to test and purify them, and bring
them at length to greatness and glory. This belief must
meanwhile comfort and encourage the people in the midst of
tlieir present sufferings. But inasmuch as the revolution in
question is represented as being near at hand, the wicked are
meant at the same time to take warning from this and repent
so long as there is an opportunity to do so. For the coming
judgment will be a right stern one, bringing salvation to the
godly and perdition to the wicked. The actual effect of those
enthusiastic predictions appears to have been both powerful
and lasting. Through them the Messianic hope was quickened,
through them the people were confirmed in the belief that they
were called not to serve but to rule. But it is for this very
reason that this apocalyptic literature has played so important a
part in developing the political sentiments of the people. If
we find that, from the date of the tax imposed by Quirinius,
whereby Judaea was placed directly under Eoman administra-
tion, revolutionary tendencies among the people grew stronger
and stronger year by year till they led at last to the great
insurrection" of the year Qf^, then there cannot be a doubt that
this process was essentially promoted if not exclusively caused
by the apocalyptic literature.

The standpoint of the whole of those writings is essentially
that of orthodox Judaism. They exhort to a God-fearing
behaviour in accordance with the regulative principles of the
law, and deplore the tendency to disregard the law that was
manifesting itself here and there. But, at the same time, it
is not the ofiicial Judaism of the Bharisaic scribes to which
expression is give here. The principal stress is laid not on
what the people have to do, but on what they have to expect.
In regard to the former of these, viz. conduct, matters are
treated more in their general aspect, without any special stress
being laid exactly upon scholastic correctness in details. We
should further add that neither are these writings without


numerous iiidividuo.1 peculiarities, as is only to be expected in
the case of the products, such as these are, of an intense
religious enthusiasm. However, we cannot feel warranted in
specifying the particular circle from which any one of those
writings may be supposed to have emanated. The Ussenes
above all have been thought of in this connection. But
what points of contact there are, are far too slender to admit
of our speaking even of one of the writings in question as an
Essenian product. The most we can say is, that they are
not the product of the school, but of a free religious indi-

1. The Book of Daniel.

The oldest and most original of the kind of writings now
under consideration — and the one that at the same time
served as a model for those of a later date — is the canonical
Book of Daniel. The unknown author of this apocalypse
originated with creative energy those modes of representation
of which the subsequent authors of similar works knew how
to avail themselves. The book is the direct ^product of the
Maccdbaean struggles, in the very heart of which it came into
existence. With the conflict actually raging around him, the
author aims at encouraging and comforting his co-religionists
by assuring them of speedy deliverance.

The book is divided into two parts. The first part (i.-vi.)
contains a scries of hortatory narratives ; the second (vii.— xii.)
a series of 2>fophetiG visions. Chap. i. rehearses how young
Daniel and his three companions were brouglit up at the
court of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon. "We are told how,
in order to avoid defiling themselves by partaking of Gentile
food, the four young men refused to eat of the meat provided
ibr them by the king, and preferred pulse and water instead.

^2 So Hilgenfeld in his book entitled Die judiscTie Apvhalyptik (1857),
p. 253 sqq. ; and, to a certain extent, also Lucius, Der Essenismus (1881),
\>. 109 sqq.

DIV. IL VOL. in. D


Kotwitlistanding this, as we furtlier learn, they seemed to
thrive better than the other young men who partook of the
royal fare. The hortatory object of this narrative is olivioua
at a glance. In chap. ii. Nebuchadnezzar the king dreams a
dream, and calls upon the magi not only to interpret it, but
also to tell him what the dream itself was. Xot one however
of the magi of the country is found able to do this. Daniel
alone shows himself capable of performing such a feat, and
for this he is abundantly rewarded by the king, and appointed
to the ollice of chief of all the magi of Babylon, In the
course of the interpretation of the dream it is intimated that
the kingdom of Nebuchadnezzar would be succeeded by yet
three other kingdoms, the last of which (the Greek one) would
be " split up " (into that of the Ptolemies on the one hand,
and that of the Seleucidae on the other) and crushed to pieces
by the hand of God. In chap. iii. Nebuchadnezzar causes a
golden image to be set up and orders it to be worshipped.
For refusing to comply with this order Daniel's three com-
panions are cast into a fiery furnace, but when it is found
that they were not in the least injured by the flames,
Nebuchadnezzar sees his own folly and promotes the three
young men to positions of high distinction. In chap. iv.
Nebuchadnezzar publishes an edict in which he confesses how,
as a punishment for his impious presumption, he was smitten
with insanity; and how, after he had duly given God the
glory, he is restored once more to his former greatness. In
chap. V. Belshazzar king of Babylon and son of Nebuchad-
nezzar makes a great feast, at which the vessels which his
father had taken from the temple at Jerusalem are made use
of as diinking-cups. To punish Belshazzar for tliis he loses
both his kingdom and his life together that very night. In
chap. vi. Darius king of the Medes, and the conqueror and
successor of Belshazzar, in order to punish Daniel for praying
to his own God in defiance of the king's prohibition, causes
him to be cast into a den of lions, where however he does
not sustain the slightest injury. The result of this is that


Darius comes to see his own folly, and issues a decree to the
effect that Daniel's God is to be worshipped throughout the
whole kingdom. It is no less obvious that a hortatory
purpose pervades the last four of those narratives (iii.-vi.) as
well, while, at tlie same time, the contemporary historical
background is also plainly discernible. By the three kiugs
we are in every instance to understand Antiochus Epiphanes
as being the person meant, who, with impious arrogance,
assumed such lofty airs (iv.), who carried off the sacred vessels
from the temple at Jerusalem (v.), who forbade the Jews to
worship their own God (vi.), and commanded them to pay
divine honour to the gods of the Gentiles (iii.). We are
shown how, as a judgment for his misdeeds, he is given over
to destruction, and how, on the other hand, the Jews whom
he persecuted are miraculously delivered. While therefore
all those narratives are meant to stimulate to unfailing sted-
fastness the faithful people whom Antiochus was persecuting,
we are introduced in the second part of the book (vii.-xii.) to
a series of visions in which, from the standpoint of the
Chaldaean period, the future development of the events of the
world is foretold. The whole of the visions agree in tliis,
that the monarchy which they foretell as being the last is the
Greek one, which ultimately resolves itself into the godless
rule of Antiochus Epiphanes, who, though not mentioned by
name, is plainly enough indicated. We have above all in the
last vision (from x. to xii.) a prediction of a highly detailed
character, in which are foretold the history of the kingdoms
of the Ptolemies and the Seleucidae respectively (for it is
these that are meant by the kingdom of the south and the
kingdom of the north), and their manifold relations to one
another. Here the most remarkable thing is that the pre-
diction becomes more and more minute and detailed the
nearer it approaches to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes.
Precisely the history of this monarch is here related with the
utmost minuteness, without his name being once mentioned
(xi. 21 sqq.). It is still the suppression of the Jewish worship.


the desecration of the temple, and the erection of the heathen
altar for sacrifice, as well as the commencement of the
Maccahaean insurrection (xi. 32— 3 5), that are predicted. But
at this point the predictions suddenly stop, and the author
now cherishes the expectation that, immediately after the
struggles connected with the rising in question, the consum-
mation will come and the kingdom of God begin to appear.
Xor is it merely in the eleventh chapter that the predictions
stop at this period, but in no other part of the book does the
horizon of the author ever stretch beyond it, not even in the
visions of the iuur monarchies (ii. and vii.). For the fourth
is not the Eonian Empire, but the Greek monarchy, as any one
who candidly considers the matter will readily admit (the
first being the Babylonian, the second that of the Medes, the
third the Persian, and the fourth the Greek). In presence of
these facts it is admitted by all the expusitors of the present
day — by all, tliat is, who are not hampered by dogmatic pre-
dilections — that our book was composed at the time of the
Maccahaean rising, or, to speak more precisely, between 1G7
and 1G5 B.C., tliat is to say before the re-consecrating of the
temple, for as yet this latter event lies beyond the horizon of
the author. It is only as viewed in the light of this period
that the book can be said to have either sense or meaning.
From beginning to end it is framed with the view of exer-
cising a practical influence precisely in such a time as this.
With its various narratives and re>velations it seeks, on the
one hand, to encourage the hosts of faithful Israelites to
maintain a stedfast adherence to the law, and, on the other,
to console them with the certain prospect of immediate
deliverance. It is even at this very moment — such is the
author's thought — when the distress is at its height, that the
deliverance is also nearest at hand. The days of the Gentile
monarchies are drawing to a close. The last and, at the
same time, the most godless and criminal of them all, is on
the point of being annihilated through the impending miracu-
lous breaking in on the part of God upon tlie current of the


world's history, Avliereupon the sovereignty of the world will
be committed to the " saints of the Most High," the faithful
Israelites, They will inherit the kingdom and possess it for
ever and ever. That is what those who are just now so
sorely oppressed and persecuted are to bear iu mind for their
comfort and encouragement.

The book was composed partly in Hebrew and partly in
Aramaic (Chaldee), the Aramaic portion being that extending
from ii. 4 to vii. 28. And so from this we can see that it was
just tlien that the Aramaic came to be the prevailing dialect
of Palestine, while the Hebrew fell more and more into
desuetude. In the course of two centuries after this, viz. iu
the time of Jesus Christ, we find that'the process, which at
this point is thus beginning, has been already fully completed
(see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 9).

The high estimation in which from the first this book was held by
bt'Heving Israelites is best shown by the fact that it always continued to
retain its place in the canon. Even that somewhat older work, the Wisdom
of Jesus the Son of Sirach, was ultimately excluded from the Hebrew canon,
and that, although in point of form and contents it approximates more
closely to the early Hebrew literature than the Book of Daniel. Obviously
the reason of both those facts is this, that the work of Jesus the son of
Sirach was published under the author's real name, whereas the Book of
Daniel appeared under the name of one of the older authorities. It is in
fact the only literary product of its time that retained a place in the canon,
with the exception of a number of psalms which happened to have been
jireviously embodied in the Psalter. We alreaily find evidence of acquaint-
ance with our book in the oldest of the Sibyls {Orac. Sibyll. iii. 39fJ-400,
only a few decades later than Daniel) ; further iu 1 Mace. iL 59, 60, and
Baruch i. 15-18.

The exegetical and critical literature of the Book of Daniel is enumerated
in De Wette-Schrader's Einleitung in die kanon. und apokr. Biicher d(s
A. T. (1869), p. 485 sq. Kleinert, Ahriss dcr Einlcituiicj zum A. T. (1878),
pp. 59-61. Reu?s, Gesch. der heil. Schrifien Alten Testaments (1881),
§ 461. Graf, art. " Daniel," in Schenkel's BibcUex. i. 564.

Perhaps we may be allowed in j^assing to offer here a small contribution
toward the exposition of chap. ix. 24-27. In that passage the author
endeavours to explain the seventy years of' Jeremiah (Jer. xxv. 11, 12), by
taking them to mean seventy weeks of years (70 x 7) And this number
again he proceeds to break up into 7 + 62 + 1. Then, as the context makes
it well-nigh impossible to doubt, he reckons the first seven weeks of years
(therefore 49 years) as the jicribd that would elapse between the destruc-


tion of Jcntxahm and tlie accession of Cyrus, wliich pretty nearly coincMoa
•with the actual number of years cmbnicerl in that period (588-.">r)7 B.C.).
The subsequent sixty-two weeks of years he reckons, and that with rather
more nicety tlian before, as being tlie period extending from the time of
Cyrus to iiis (the author's) own day : till " an anointed one shall l)e cutoff,"
liy which we have probably to understand the murder of the high priest
Onias III. in the year 171. But the number of years between 537 and 171
is only 3GG, wiiereas 62 weeks of years would be equal to 434. Conse-
quently the author has miscalculated to the extent of 70 years. Some have
supposed that this is impossible, and have therefore tried in various ways
to evade the only interpretation of which the context will permit. But that
such an error as this is actually possible is proved most conclusively by the
circumstance that Josephns, for cxaniple, likewise falls into an error of a
similar kind, as may be seen from the three following passages : (1) Bell.
JiuL vi. 4. 8, where he gives 639 as the number of years that elapsed
between the second year of Cyrus's reign till the destruction of Jerusalem
by Titus (70 a.d.). In that case the second year of Cyrus's reign would
have to be the year 569 B.C. (2) Antt. xx. 10, where he makes out that
there was a period of 414 years between the return from the captivity (in
the first year of Cyrus's reign) and the time of Antiochus V. Eupator
(164-162). (3) Antt. xiii. 11. 1, where he calculates that 481 years
elapsed between the return from the captivity (iu the first year of the reigu
of Cyrus) and the time of Aristobulus (105-104). Consequently according
to (1) the accession of Cyrus must have taken place in the year 570 B.C..
according to (2) somewhere about 578 B.C., and according to (3) iu
586 B.C., whereas in point of fact it took place iu 537 B.C. Josephus
therefore has nnscalcnlated to the extent of from forty to fifty years ton
many. A somewhat nearer approach to the numbers of Daniel is made
by the Jewish' Hellenist Den)etrius, who reckons that 573 years elapsed
between the cai-rying away of the ten tribes into captivity and the time
of Ptolemy lY. (222 B.C.), and so, precisely like Daniel, putting it at
some seventy years too many (see the pa-^sage as given iu Clement of
Alexand. Strom, i. 21. 141 ; for more about Demetrius, see § 33 below).
Therefore, in estimating the length of the period in question at some
seventy years too much, Daniel is obviously following some current view
on the matter. Just at the time now under consideration there was as yet
an absence of the necessary means for determining tlie correct chronology.
In Daniel's case, however, the error is all the less to be wondered at, that
his estimating the length of the period referred to at sixty-two year weeks
was simply a consequence of his interpretation of Jeremiah's prophecy.

2. The Book of Enoch.

Enoch (in common \\\\.\\ Elijah) occupies this singular
position among the Old Testament men of Gorl, that when
removed from the eaith he was carried directly to heaven.


A man of this stamp could not but appear peculiarly well
fitted to serve as a medium through which to communicate to
the world revelations regarding the divine mysteries, seeing
that he had even been deemed worthy of immediate inter-
course with God. Accordingly at a somewhat early period,
probably as far back as the second century before Christ, an
apocalyptic writing appeared purporting to have been com-
posed by Enoch, which work was subsequently issued in an
enlarged and revised form. This Book of Enoch was alreadv
known to the author of the Book of " Jubilees " and of the
" Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," and was afterwards a
great favourite in the Christian Church. As is well known, it
is quoted in the Epistle of Jude (14, 1*5), while many of the
Fathers use it without hesitation as the genuine production of
Enoch, and as containing authentic divine revelations, although
it has never been officially recognised by the Church as
canonical. We still find the Byzantine chronicler, George
Syncellus (about 800 A.D.), quoting two long passages from it
(Syncell. Chron. ed. Dindorf, i. 20-23 and 42-47). But after
that the book disappeared, and was looked upon as lost till, in
the course of last century, the discovery was made that an
Mhiopic version of it was still extant in the Abyssinian Church.
In the year 1773, Bruce the English traveller brought three
manuscripts of it to Europe. But it was not till the year
1821 that the whole work was given to the world through the
English translation of Laurence. A German translation was
issued by Hoffmann which, from chap. i. to Iv. (1833), was
based upon the English version of Laurence, and from
.'.hap. Ivi. to the end (1838) on the Ethiopia version collated
with a new manuscript. The Ethiopic text was published
first by Laurence in 1838, and subsequently by Dillmann in
1851, after having collated it with five manuscripts. Dill-
mann likewise issued (1853) a new German translation, in
which there were material emendations, and on whicli all
disquisitions connected with this book have been based ever
since. It seemed as thoutjh there were reason to hor)e that


more light would be thrown upon this book when a small
fragment of it in Greek (extending from ver. 42 to ver. 40
of chap. Lxxxix.), taken from a Codex Vaticanus (cod. (jr. 1809),
written in tachygraphic characters, was published in facsimile
by ]\Iai {Patrum Nova BiUioth. vol. ii.), and deciphered by
Gildmeister (Zeitschr. der DMG. 1855, pp. 621-624). For,
from what was stated by Mai, one was led to suppose that
there was still far more in .the codex than had yet been pub-
lished. But, alas ! a fresh examination by Gebhardt revealed
the fact that the deciphered fragment was all of the Book of
Enoch that it contained (Merx' Archiv, vol. ii. p. 243).

But in order to be able to form something like a clear idea
of the origin and character of this remarkable book, it will be
necessary to present to the reader a brief outline of its

Chap. i. 1 : Title. Enoch's benediction on the elect and
the righteous. Chaps, i.-v. : Introduction. Enoch rehearses
the fact that he saw a vision in heaven, which was shown him
by the angels who communicated to him the history of all the
future generations of men, telling him that the wicked would
be sentenced to everlasting damnation, while the rifjhteous
would obtain eternal life. Chaps, vi.-xi. contain an account
of the fall of the angels, based upon the sixth chapter of
Genesis, though in a much more elaborate form. God ordains
the kind of punishment to which the fallen angels are to be
condemned, and appoints the mode in which the earth is to be
purged of their evil-doing and wickedness. The angels are
entrusted with the task of executing both those behests. In
chaps, xii.-xvi. Enoch, who mingles among the angels in
heaven, is commissioned by these latter to betake himself to
the earth fur the purpose of announcing to the fallen angelS
the impending judgment (here Enoch resumes the use of the
first person). When he lias fulfilled his commission the fallen
angels prevail upon him to intercede with God in their
l)ehalf. But God refuses to entertain the intercession of
Enoch, who in a new and imucsing vision receives a frcsli


commission to go and announce once more their approaching
destruction. In xvii.-xxxvi. Enoch relates (in the first
person) how he was carried over mountains, water and rivers,
and shown everywhere the secret divine origin of all the
objects and operations of nature. He also tells how he was
shown the ends of the earth, and the place to which the evil
angels were banished ; and the abode of departed spirits, of
the just as well as the unjust ; and the tree of life which is in
store for the elect righteous ; and the place of punishment for
tlie condemned ; and the tree of knowledge of which Adam
and Eve had eaten. Chaps, xxxvii. to Ixxi. record " the
second vision of wisdom which Enoch the son of Jared saw,"
consisting of three allegories. Chaps, xxxviii. to xliv. contain
the first allegory. Enoch sees in a vision the dwellings of
the righteous and the resting-places of the saints. He also
sees the myriads upon myriads who stand before tlie majesty
of the Lord of spirits, and the four archangels Michael,
Raphael, Gabriel, and Phanuel. He is further permitted to
look upon the mysteries of heaven, to see the places where the
winds are kept, and the receptacles for the sun and moon, and
lastly to behold the lightning and the stars of heaven, all of
which have their own special names, and which names they
respectively answer to. Chaps, xlv. to Ivii. contain the second
allegory. Enoch is favoured with information regarding the
" Chosen One," the " Son of man," i.e. regarding the Messiah,
His nature and mission, how He is to judge the world and
establish His kingdom. Chaps. Iviii. to Ixix. contain the third
allegory, treating of the blessedness of the righteous and the
elect ; of the mysteries of the thunder and lightning ; of the
day on which the Chosen One, the Son of man, is to sit in
judgment upon the world. Here several portions are inserted
which interrupt the continuity and plainly show that they are
interpolations by another hand. Chaps. Ixx.-lxxi. contain the
conclusion of the allegories. In chaps. Ixxii.— Ixxxii. we have
" the book concerning the revolutions of the lights of heaven,"
or tJte astronomical hook. ' Here Enoch favours us with all


sorts of astronomical information whiih he himself hsd
obtained from the angel Uriel. Chaps. Ixxxiii. to xc. contain
two visions. («) In Ixxxiii. to Ixxxiv. Enoch sees in a dreadful
vision the destruction (l)y the flood) which is awaiting the
sinful world, and prays God not to annihilate the whole human
family. Qj) In Ixxxv. to xc. we have the vision of the cattle,
sheep, wild beasts and shepherds ; under the symbolism of
which the whole history of Israel is predicted down to the
commencement of the Messianic era. As this historical
vision is the only part of the book which enables us with
anything like approximate certainty to determine the date of
its composition, we will devote more special attention to its
contents at a suljseqnent stage. In chap. xci. we have
Enoch's exhortation to his children to lead a righteous life
(by way of conclusion to what goes befure). Chap. xcii. forms
the introduction to the next section. In xciii. and xciv. 12-17,
Enoch enlightens us "out of the books" regarding the world-
weeks. In the first week Enoch lives, in the second Noah, in

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