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ICHA i;< )i) <;( »( )i)\\ i.\






Author of "Old Kittery and Her Families,"
"History of Durham, N. H.," etc.



rit w:^ 'i^^'^ "1






I. The Crisis

II. New Hampshire Regiments in the Civil War ^5


III. Miscellaneous Organizations

IV. Native Sons of New Hampshire in the Civil War 57

V. Civil Affairs During the Rebellion ''^


VI. After the W ar


VII. Political Affairs till 1884


VIII. Literature


IX Arts and Sciences


X. Jurists

.... 197
XI In the Newspaper World

., 213

XII. Other Prominent Men

XIII. The Churches of the Nineteenth Centur>- 229


XIV. Temperance Reform


XV. The Capital

■ 303

XVI. The Vacation State

XVII. The New Hampshire of the Future

Appendix A-Gleanings from Court Files 333

Appendix B-The Present Constitution of New Hampshire. ... 345


Index of Subjects and Places


index of Names

chapter I

chapter I

Col. Joseph C. Abbott-Secrelary Thomas L, Tullock.

T OOKING back over the past from our present P°i« °J j;'^^'
L in the midst of tl,e European war, the conB.ct -S^^ b«we n
North and South in the early sixties does -' '~™ ^J , ^ l^,",
m^norv as it did then in excited miagmation. At the begmnmg u
rS by both parties to the strife that it would be an affatr
Tf hre° Lnths or so, and sold.ers enlisted for that ^o^ -^ °
Service Before a year had past the nat.on real.zed that G.eek
had met Greek that Anglo-Saxon was in the death struggle wth
Anglo Saxln^nd that neither would .eld till strength was a
gone Then it was called the greatest war that was ever fough ,
fonrfdering the length of the battle line, from V,rg,n,a to Texas,
he numbe^r of troops engaged, the fr.gh.ful losses, and the dtj..-
tln oT the fight. In the northern army there were enro led
.688 5I3 men, of which number a million and a half were m actua^
battTe Those who fell upon the battlefield numbered 56.000. wh.le
3 L mote d,ed of wounds in hospitals and t84 oc» more djed
'disease and perished in rebel prisons mak.ng a ^o^^jj ^^^^
yMo sacrificed their lives to preserve the Unton, Those statistics
r'c^ overwhelmed the imagination. The cost ,n "O-y ran up into
the billions and made the promises to pay of the United States
worth only about a third of their face value.

It was a great war in the imagination of the North. Its

carnage and devastation were realized only where the battles went

on The people of New Hampshire in common with most northern

ttatJead newspaper reports and then tried in fancy .0 picture

Lelenes. It Jas impossible to do so fully. Life went on ,n

he s^e old rounds of gaiety and hustling business. Times were


good; the price of labor went higher ; many got rich in manufactur-
ing munitions and supphes ; the pinch of poverty was not felt ; the
destruction of property was not seen. About the only forcible
reminder that we were engaged in a terrible war came with the
news that some relative or acquaintance had been killed, wounded,
or sent to a southern prison ; yet even then the community scarcely
interrupted its dance and amusement. We were always expecting
and determined to win.

Since then we have read of greater battles, with more powerful
engines of destruction, with sickening heaps of slain and mutilated,
with destruction of cities and vast extent of territory. Three
million lives are sacrificed in a single year. Great armies are
wiped out in a single battle. Beastly atrocities are heralded around
the world, and we say that it is a great and terrible war, greater
numerically, financially, and in casualities than our Civil War.
Imagination fails to paint the present picture along side of the
scenes held in memory. Both are hazy and indistinct to the non-
combatants afar off.

The greatness of an event or series of events is measured by
the outcome. The American Revolution and the Civil War were
great conflicts; the War of 1812 and the Spanish-American War
were small affairs that ought never to have been and that accom-
plished but little. In the former cases the issues involved were the
creation and the preservation of a free nation. The moral victories
gained make those wars to bulk large in history. There was some-
thing worth fighting and dying for ; the gain outbalanced the
sacrifice. Even now the destinies of many nations, the freedom
of the masses, a Christian civilization are being weighed in the
balance, and the war is therefore great ; terrible yet magnificent ;
wicked yet holy ; frightful yet the harbinger of a greater and more
enduring peace. By pains and penalties mankind learn their lessons.
There seems to be no path to progress except through loss and
suffering. We ihave not yet tamed the beasts of greed, selfish
ambition, love of conquest and delight in killing. When will the
nations learn war no more? Not till freedom is the acknowledged
right of all and love sways the counsels of statesmen.

Slaveholders had threatened the war and abolitionists had fore-
told it. Compromise after compromise had been made to avoid it,
the North always yielding something to the demands of the South.


The southerners said they were contending for State Rights ; the
people of the North said they were fighting to preserve the Union.
All the time the real bone of contention was, whether slavery should
be extended or restricted, whether it should be perpetuated or in
some way cease to be tliroughout the nation. It became more and
more apparent that slave states could not exist along side of free
states in peace and harmony ; their peculiar interests were con-
tinually in conflict. It was an economic as well as a moral question.
The dominant race in the South was prosperous because of slavery ;
they thought that their plantations could not be made profitable
without slaves. The North was prosperous through the manufac-
tories by reason of free labor, and skilled workmen could be
obtained only from the ranks of freemen. Manual labor under the
direction of educated brains was an honor in the North ; it was
unknown in the South, where to work with the hands was menial
service. The habit and air of command, to which the whites of
the South were accustomed, aflfronted the free spirit of the North.
Angry words often resounded in the halls of congress, and senators
came to blows and duels. Meanwhile, the Abolitionists, the Free
Soilers, the Liberty Party, the Republicans were becoming more
numerous in the North, whittling down Democratic majorities and
uniting the friends of human liberty.

The triumph of the Republican party, with Lincoln and Ham-
lin at its head, brought the nation to its great crisis. Of three
hundred and three electoral votes they received one hundred and
eighty, while Breckenridge and Lane, the leaders of the southern
party, had seventy-two votes ; Bell and Everett, thirty-nine votes ;
and Douglas and Johnson only twelve votes. Great was the political
excitement at the time of the election. The great debates between
Lincoln and Douglas had set everybody thinking and talking. Men
voted ominously; they foresaw the effects of their ballots. About
the four party tickets clustered the timid and the bold, the compro-
misers and the resolute. All through the Nortli voters were com-
pelled by public opinion to take sides, to fling out their colors. The
Democratic party began to divide into sympathizers with the South
and War-Democrats. The former soon came to be called "Copper-
heads," and some of them endured the hatred and molestation that
had been heartily accorded to the tories in the time of the Revolu-
tion. Then the word Democrat throughout the North became a


term of reproach, since the War-Democrats soon became Repub-
licans, after the fighting began. Nearly all were Republicans who
stood for the Union and human liberty. The moral forces of the
North were at last united. Once more the pulpits spoke out with
prophetic vigor. The abolitionists began to see the fulfillment of
their dreams. Whittier sent forth Massachusetts' challenge to
Virginia. Julia Ward Howe published the Battle-Hymn of the
Republic. The air was full of martial music and songs of Liberty
and Union forever. A great and terrible war had begun, but it
was also a glorious and triumphant war. It was no retrograde
movement toward the dark ages ; it was rather a sweeping advance
toward the light of the millenium. The moral element that entered
so powerfully into the conflict is what united the North and made
ultimate victory sure. The soul of John Brown was marching on.
New Hampshire was ably and loyally represented by its political
leaders. In the United States senate were John P. Hale and Daniel
Clark, supported by other natives of the Granite State, such as
William Pitt Fessenden, Salmon P. Chase, Henry Wilson, James
W. Grimes and Zachariah Chandler. In the lower branch of
congress were Harry Hibbard, George W. Morrison, Aaron H.
Cragin, Mason W. Tappan and Gilman Marston. No State was
more ably represented in congress. In the executive chair of the
State sat Governor Ichabod Goodwin. He was elected in 1859 as
a Republican by a vote of 36,326, about four thousand more than
his Democratic competitor, Asa P. Cate, had. The following year
Governor Goodwin was re-elected by a slightly increased majority
over the same opposing candidate. He was the oldest son of
Samuel and Nancy (Gerrish) Goodwin, born at North Berwick,
Maine, October 10, 1796. With an education received at South
Berwick Academy he entered the counting-house of Samuel Lord
of Portsmouth, who was related by marriage. Soon he was super-
cargo and then master as well of a vessel, and in maritime business
he continued for ten years. In 1832 he established himself as a
merchant in Portsmouth, and business prosperity attended him. He
was president of two railroads for twenty-four years, and also of
the First National Bank. As a Whig he served in the lower branch
of the State legislature six terms between 1838 and 1856, and was
the last candidate of the Whig party for governor receiving only
about two thousand votes. He died in Portsmouth, July 4, 1882.


His youngest daughter, Susan Boardman, married Admiral Dewey.
The position of New Hampsihire as affected by the main pohti-
cal issue before the nation is well set forth in the first message of
Governor Goodwin:

New Hampshire is an integral part of the nation ; one of the original
thirteen of this now multiplied confederacy of independent States. She
adheres, she always has adhered, and she always will adhere to the Union
and the Constitution. She does not stop to calculate their value; for her
that problem is already and forever solved; that question finally adjudicated.
She says, they shall be preserved. I believe I speak the sentiment of the
great mass of her people, when I say that New Hampshire knows no
patriotism that is bounded by State lines or sectional limits. All such
pretended patriotism, whether appearing in New England or in Carolina,
she repudiates us at once factious, and endangering the permanency of
our republic. Whatever State, or section, or party, in this country adopts
the doctrine of nullification, or the scheme of disunion, does by that very
act acknowledge its inherent weakness and the utter hopelessness of its
political aims.

But while New Hampshire cheerfully recognizes the rights of all other
States, she will firmly maintain her own ; while she will never encroach
upon the rights of the South, she will be the last to surrender those of
the North ; while she will never meddle with the domestic institutions of
her sister States, she is bound to prevent the extension of the curse of
slavery, as of any other great political and social evil, over territory now
free, belonging to and under the control of the United States; bound by
the broadest and highest patriotism, by her very attachment to the Consti-
tution and the Union, to prevent it; bound to prevent it by all the power
and influence she has under the Constitution, in controlling the legislation
of Congress and the administration of the federal government.

This part of the governor's message called forth a joint resolu-
tion from the legislature, that is a distinct advance upon anything
previously declared on the subject of slavery by the government
of New Hampshire. They said that the institution of domestic
slavery "violates the first principles of justice; is a fruitful source
of domestic discord and an element of national weakness, trampling
under foot not only the rights of the slave, but endangering the
liberties of freemen ; that it is anti-Republican, at war with the
interests of free labor, upon which the growth, development and
prosperity of our country mainly depends." They then condemn
the decision of the United States supreme court in the Dred Scott
case; "the people of New Hampshire reject and abhor the doctrine
therein contained, that the Constitution authorizes man to hold


property in man." Any action on the part of government or people,
conniving at the horrid and inhuman slave traffic would justly
subject the government and citizens of the United States "to the
reproach and execration of all civilized and Christian people."
The administration of President Buchanan and of his predeces-
sor in office came in for their proper share of disapproval as
"tending to a centralized despotism."

The message of Governor Goodwin in i860 only reiterates in
a few lines the position taken the preceding year, and national
affairs provoked no action by the legislature. But near the end
of his administration came a turn in national events that was
feared, if not expected. On the fourteenth of April, 1861, it being
a Sunday, Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, South Carolina, com-
manded by Major Robert Anderson, surrendered after a bombard-
ment from shore batteries and Fort Moultrie for two days. There
were but seventy men in the fort; fifty cannon were riddling its
walls ; and provisions were exhausted. The news flew throughout
the nation, accompanied by President Lincoln's proclamation, made
on the following day, calling for seventy-five thousand volunteers
to serve three months. The quota asked of New Hampshire was
one regiment of seven hundred and eighty men. At the same time
congress was asked to convene on the fourth day of the following
July. The proclamation shows how little were known the plans and
determination of the southern leaders. It was thought that a mere
handful of raw militia would overawe the secessionists and that
there would be no war. The North responded as the patriots of
the Revolution answered the call of Lexington. In two days after
the proclamation four hundred Pennsylvania troops had marched
to Washington. The next day the sixth Massachusetts' regiment
marched through Baltimore, and again the North was thrilled and
aroused 'by the attack of an armed mob, wherein some on both
sides were slain. In this attack was killed Luther Crawford Ladd,
who was born in Alexandria, New Hampshire, December 22, 1843.
The news received of the fall of Fort Sumter reached New Hamp-
shire while people were engaged in public worship. The next day
mass meetings were held and recruiting offices were opened immedi-
ately. Volunteers poured in from all ranks of society to the number
of over two thousand. The militia system of New Hampshire had
fallen into decay, and nothing remained of it except a few volun-


tary companies and the "Governor's Horse Guards," a regiment
of cavalry organized in i860 more for show than for service, whose
only duty was to dress in gay uniforms and escort the governor
on public occasions. Joseph C. Abbott was then Adjutant-General
and he issued enlistment papers for twenty-eight places, calling for
volunteers between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. They were
uniformed, armed and equipped at the expense of the State, and
their pay was to be the same as of men of corresponding rank in
the army of the United States, eleven dollars per month for privates.
No money had been voted for such an emergency. Banks and
private citizens became surety to the governor to the amount of
$680,000. Of this amount only $100,000 were needed to organize,
equip and dispatch two regiments to Washington. When the legis-
lature convened in June, the expense was readily assumed by the
State, not, however, without opposition on the part of the Demo-
crats led by Harry Bingham. His recorded protest was signed by
ninety-one members of the House.^ They could not, or would not,
see that the pressing emergency admitted no delay and demanded
unusual action. They saw instead, or affected to see, a dangerous
precedent. The Governor and his Council were assuming despotic
power. They were spending the money of the State without due
authorization. They had not given a sufficient account of "the
nature, extent, validity and equity" of expenditures for raising and
equipping troops. The power that belonged constitutionally to the
representatives of the people had been taken from them and sur-
rendered to the executive branch of the government, whose action
was in a measure sealed from the eyes of the people. Who knows
for what purpose the money had been, or will be, expended? Per-
haps the war may be waged for "conquest, subjugation, national
consolidation, and the extinguishment of State sovereignties," to
which the protestants were unalterably opposed. The bill, in their
judgment, contained "loose, irresponsible and extravagant" provi-
sions. The Democratic party had always advocated the maintenance
of the Union and desired still to prevent disruption, but this bill
might mean "the desolation of Southern homes, the overthrow of
Southern institutions, and the destruction of our own race there."
The protest contains many good words and phrases, with a profes-
sion of loyalty and patriotism, but it was a partisan measure, to

1 Journal of the House, 1861, pp. 205-9.



oppose the Republicans, to put obstacles in the way of crushing
the rebellion, and to extend to the South aid and sympathy. The
only conclusion south of Mason and Dixon's line would naturally
be, that the North was divided into opposing factions. No such
protest to Southern action could have been permitted there. The
action of Governor Goodwin was quite in contrast with that of the
governors of Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland and Delaware, who
responded to President Lincoln's call with decided opposition or
evasion and delay.

Between the 17th and the 30th of April the advance guard
was mustered at "Camp Union" in Concord, upon the fair-grounds
of the Merrimack County Agricultural Society. A list of the
recruiting stations, with the men in charge and the number of
enlistments, is of special interest and worthy of perpetual record :

No. of Men

New London

West Lebanon

North Stratford

Niagara Company
Abbott Guards
Cheshire Light Guards
Mechanics' Phalanx
Granite State Guards
Milford Company

Enlisting Officers
E. E. Sturtevant
J. D. Drew
M. W. Tappan
W. O. Sides
G. W. Colbath
J. L. Kelley
L. McL. Barton
A. J. Sargent
L S. M. Gove
W. H. Wyman
W. P. Austin
Joshua Chapman
C. F. Dunbar

E. Weston
W. H. Rowtll
J. H. Thompson
H. C. Handerson

F. Comings

J. N. Patterson
J. O. Greenleaf
S. E. Chase
C. H. Bell
A. S. Edgerly
W. H. D. Cochrane
T. A. Barker
J. N. Bruce
Ichabod Pearl
George Gillis

Whole number








So many volunteers offered themselves that it was thought
best to organize two regiments of seven hundred and eighty officers
and men each. Therefore some of the companies and squads that
came into Concord from various parts of the State were sent to
Portsmouth for the purpose of guarding Fort Constitution, whose
defense was considered of very great importance for the protection
of Portsmouth harbor and the seacoast. Perhaps the reason why
only thirty-seven men are reported from Portsmouth in the list
given above is that the need of all the men they could get was felt
at home. Brigadier-General George Stark, of Nashua, was sent
to take charge of the enlisted men at that city and to organize the
second regiment. The camp at Portsmouth was called "Camp Con-
stitution." Soon orders were received from the War Department
at Washington to organize a second regiment of ten hundred and
forty-six officers and men, enlisted for three years or for the war.
Of the men who had already enlisted for three months, four
hundred and ninety-six at once re-enlisted for three years, or during
the war. They were allowed furloughs of from three to six days,
to enable them to make arrangements for so long an absence from
home. Before the end of May other enlistments were enough to
make up the prescribed number for the second regiment. They
came principally from the southern half of the State. All expected
that there would be no actual fighting, and that they would soon
return to their homes. After a month of drill in Concord the first
regiment took train. May 25, 1861, and proceeded to Washington.

The man who did much to organize the first volunteers was
Joseph C. Abbott. He was the son of Aaron Abbott, whose ances-
tor was among the very first settlers of Concord, and was born
there July 15, 1825. After graduating at Phillips Academy, An-
dover, he studied law at Concord and was admitted to the bar in
1852. For a time he edited the Daily American, of Manchester, and
the Nczv Hampshire Statesman, of Concord. In 1859 he became
one of the editors and proprietors of the Boston Atlas and Bee.
In politics he was affiliated with the Whig and with the American
parties. He served on the commission for adjusting the boundarv'
between New Hampshire and Canada. In 1856 he was appointed
adjutant-general of the State militia and held that office at the
outbreak of the Civil War. He drafted a law which re-organized

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